Particle Ne Research Articles

Динамические изменения в русской грамматике

The article is devoted to the evolutionary processes in Russian grammar at the end of the 20th century and at present. Article deals with 1) the cases of gradual change of noun case forms: kupit’ khleba I moloka – kupit’ khleb I moloko, dogovory - dogovora; 2) with cardinal numbers case forms changes: dvukhsot - dvukhsta; 3) with a sharp increase in the trend towards immutability of new borrowings; 4) with substitution of a particle NI for a particle NE in subordinate clause, and at least, 5) with the influence of feminism on the restructuring of professional names: rezhissior - rezhissiorka.

Fragment questions in Chinese: At the syntax-pragmatics interface

AbstractFragment questions (henceforth FQs) in Mandarin Chinese usually end up with the particlene. In the literature (e.g. Wei 2013, 2016, 2018), Chineseneis construed as functioning similarly to Koeran particle-yoand Chinese FQs are analyzed as a fronting-ellipsis phenomenon. Within the framework of Dynamic Syntax (Kempson et al. 2001; Cann et al. 2005), a parsing-based account of Chinese FQs is proposed, showing that (i)nein Chinese FQs will trigger the REGENERATION process to re-use a macro of actions stored in the previous context; (ii) Semantically, Chinese FQs are often employed as queries about another relatively separate event in connection with the previous one; pragmatically, FQs shows speakers’ interest towards additional information.

Negation in the dialects of Vratnica and Skopska Crna Gora - a comparison with the dialect of Gornja Morava -

The vernacular of Vratnica and that of Skopska Crna Gora have distinctive syntactic features defined by their being partly a continuation of the Western Macedonian dialect group, and partly of the dialects of Prizren and Juzna Morava within the Serbian dialect continuum. This is confirmed by our comparison of instances found in the villages of Klokot and Binac, within the region of Vitina, as well as a restricted number of instances from Sirinicka Zupa and Presevo. In this paper we analyze the linearization of the particle ne: a) its position in predicates with complex verb phrases, and b) the expression of the prohibitive. The utterances with a surface indicator of negation of the linguistic message, i.e., grammatical negation, are in the focus of this research. The comparison of these dialects shows that the dialect continuum abounds with data on the extent of the Balkan infl uence, but also on the continuation of the Slavic linguistic features.

Сравнение на прозодичните особености на клитичния комплекс в съобщителни и въпросителни изречения в българския език / A Comparison of the Prosodic Features of the Clitic Cluster in Bulgarian Declarative and Interrogative Sentences

This article provides a comparison between some cases of the realization of the cli-tic cluster (the short forms of the personal pronouns in the accusative and the dative case and the forms of the verb ‘to be’ in copulative sentences and sentences where ‘to be’ is used as an auxiliary verb) in wh-questions and declarative sentences. The main goal is to study the prosodic and intonational features of these sentences from a clitic cluster’s perspective. In order to achieve this, the author uses comparison and analysis of the structures and their tonic graphs. The study focuses on examples of double realization of interrogative markers (with the addition of the question particle li) in relation to the prosodic organization. Cases of negation (with the addition of the negation particle ne) are touched upon in brief. Keywords: prosody, intonation, prosodic organization, wh-questions, clitics, clitic clusters, negation

„Da war ich sofort high gewesen, ne. Wein getankt, woll.” – Eine exemplarische Analyse des Dortmunder Regiolekts unter besonderer Berücksichtigung von Rückversicherungspartikeln

Da war ich sofort high gewesen, ne. Wein getankt, woll: An empirically based analysis of the Dortmund area’s regiolect with particular regard to reassurance particlesThis study deals with the German particles ne and woll in the spoken language of the Ruhr district. There are some possibilities in terms of the usage of what we call reassurance particles at the end of somebody’s utterances. In the regiolect of the Ruhr area, the usage of ne is very common, but there are also eastern territories where woll is used as well. We are examining if the usage depends on different sub-regiolects in terms of diatopic variations, and/or it also depends on situational aspects such as different registers or situational speech.

Word Order in Slovene Dialectal Discourse

There has been little discussion of word order in Slovene to date, even though the first extensive study of clitics and their position in a sentence in Slovene by Matija Murko was published already in 1891–1892. The majority of articles in Slovenian linguistics on word order in the past were based on an analysis of word order in literary texts. Only in the past fifteen years have there been discussions of word order in spoken discourse. This paper discusses on the differences in fixed word order between Slovene dialectal discourse and Standard Slovene written discourse and word order characteristics of the Slovenian dialectal discourse focusing on only selected sentence elements that are subject to fixed word order rules. The analysis of texts from all Slovene dialect groups has shown that three groups of word order features can be distinguished in a study of word order in Slovene dialectal discourse. The first group of features, such as, for example, the initial position of clitics in an utterance, is characteristic of texts from all dialect groups, and is therefore a general word order feature of Slovene dialectal discourse. The second group includes word order characteristics that are found only in the texts of certain dialect groups, for example the separated position of the particle ne and the verb in Littoral dialects and the position of the past participle of the verb biti ‘to be’ at the end of the utterance in Pannonian dialects; these characteristics can be considered as specific features of particular Slovene dialectal discourses. The third group of characteristics is made up of those that can be found in all texts but nevertheless differ in the frequency of their use, for example, the position of the adjective premodifier in agreement with the noun and noun/ prepositional phrase modifiers in a noun phrase as well as the position of the verb (past participle or infinitive) at the end of the utterance. The frequency of use in these cases is the criterion that shows whether the word order characteristic is well established and can thus be understood as an established word order variant in the dialect or rather a dialectal word order rule, or is sporadic and as such the result of a basic pattern in spoken language, i.e. short planning time, which does not allow for the deliberate structuring of utterances.

La langue du doublage québécois : un français parlé « sous bonne surveillance »

The dubbing of foreign films in Quebec has, in recent decades, received attention in translation studies. Screen characters appear to speak a French that is quite different from current Quebec French with little account for linguistic variation. However, most studies were based on few examples, rendering them potentially anecdotal, and their observations somewhat contradictory. Often, the examples themselves were not further investigated with respect to correlation with the formality of the situation. We measured, in 10 films dubbed in France and Quebec, four linguistic elements explicitly associated with a higher degree of formality: maintenance of the consonant [l] of personal pronouns il and ils and impersonal il, maintenance the final consonant clusters, use of variable liaisons and of the particle ne of the discontinuous negation. This study provided a quantified picture of the phenomenon and verified that the language in Quebec dubbing is exemplary of a high degree of formality.

LINEと口頭会話における終助詞「ね」の使用の特徴:―台湾人中級日本語学習者を対象に―

LINEと口頭会話における終助詞「ね」の使用の特徴:―台湾人中級日本語学習者を対象に―

Particle ne in the development of interactional positioning in L2 Japanese

The use of the sentence-final particle ne by a group of ten learners of Japanese is investigated longitudinally over a period spanning two years: before, during, immediately after and six-months after return from a year of study in Japan (SA). Quantitative observation reveals two patterns of use, that is, ‘prolific' and ‘exiguous' styles. Learners in the prolific group display frequent use from before the start of SA, and a subsequent plateau; the others use ne more rarely until after the SA, when the two groups' patterns start converging. In line with previous research, we argue that a certain level of lexical and grammatical competence (which we posit to be at least higher intermediate level) is a precondition for the use of ne, but against previous research, we suggest that the amount of naturalistic exposure in an immersion context is not necessarily a decisive factor in its development. Qualitative analysis of the conversational-analytical structuring of interactional meanings shows that regardless of the amount of particle use, both groups are able to deploy ne as a marker of interactional alignment in formulaic and non-formulaic tokens. Interestingly, developments can be observed also in the six months after SA, in which all learners increase proportion and/or range of uses of ne.

PENGGUNAAN PARTIKEL ILOKUSI NE DAN YO DALAM TUTURAN BAHASA JEPANG

(Title: Use of Illocutionary Particle in Japanese Language). The purpose of this study is to explain the use of illocutionary particles ne and yo, the pragmatic meaning generated from a speech and how the influence of the existence of each of these particles in a speech. Because ne and yo are pragmatic rather than semantic and this nature only occurs in verbal interactions, this article takes data from data sources, such as Japanese dramas and Japanese short stories. The data was collected using the observation method through recording and note-taking techniques, and then analyzed using contextual method.From the results of data analysis it was found that ne particles are used when a) request confirmation or ensure information, b) request or seek agreement, c) soften speech, and d) marking the feelings felt by the speaker. While yo particles are used when : a) confirming the question to get a response or reason, b) marking that information (statement) is something new for the listerner, c) emphasizing or affirming a matter/action intended by the speaker in his speech, d) marking speech means encouraging, e) marking utterances that contain expressions of the feeling of the speaker, and f) marking the urge to take action.

Polyfunction derived from fillers: The case of làmò in Longxi Qiang

This paper focuses on the multifunctionality of làmò derived from filler in language use in Longxi Qiang, a Tibeto-Burman language. The results show that filler, focus marker and discourse marker are distinctive functions of làmò with different syntactic and discourse features. From the perspective of ostensive-inferential communication, the linguistic item làmò may generate implicature. Collocations composed of làmò present the same polyfunctionality. This paper also examines the similarities between làmò in Longxi Qiang and the sentence-intermediate particle ne in Mandarin Chinese.

When (not) to claim epistemic independence

The goal of this article is to demonstrate that the Japanese final particles ne and yone are systematically used to adopt different epistemic stances and thereby achieve different interactional consequences. Using conversation analysis, the article analyses the particles used in two specific sequential environments: (1) responses to informing and (2) first and second assessments. It is demonstrated that yone is used to claim that the speaker has arrived at the view independently prior to the ongoing conversation (epistemic independence) as well as knows or has experienced the referent first-hand (independent access) while ne is used to claim independent access but not epistemic independence. This analysis allows us to identify interactional contexts in which it is appropriate for participants to claim epistemic independence with the use of the particle yone and when it is not.

On the Use of the Final Particles Ne and Yo in the High School Textbooks of Japanese I and II, Revised in 2007

On the Use of the Final Particles Ne and Yo in the High School Textbooks of Japanese I and II, Revised in 2007

Fragment questions in Mandarin Chinese

AbstractThis paper argues that fragment question (FQ) in Mandarin Chinese is derived from topic movement and TP deletion, contributing to the growing body of evidence that sentence fragments are syntactically full clauses (Merchant 2004). Structurally, an FQ consists of a topic-like constituent followed by a particlene, which functions as a topic marker and as a constituent question particle simultaneously. The fragment is argued to move to the SpecTopP rather than SpecFocP (Wei 2013), because FQ exhibits topic properties and respects island effects such as the complex NP island and the adjunct island. However, it is insensitive to islands such as the sentential subject island and left branch condition. We propose that the absence of island effect can be attributed to the pied-piping of the entire topic-like island to the SpecTopP. In addition, the proposed analysis not only captures the ineligible FQs caused by intervention effect within the passive structures but also the eligible FQs induced by preposition drop in the language.

Statistical fluctuations in cooperative cyclotron radiation

Shot noise is the cause of statistical fluctuations in cooperative cyclotron radiation generated by an ensemble of electrons oscillating in magnetic field. Autophasing time – the time required for the cooperative cyclotron radiation power to peak – is the critical parameter characterizing the dynamics of electron-oscillators interacting via the radiation field.It is shown that premodulation of charged particles leads to a considerable narrowing of the autophasing time distribution function for which the analytic expression is obtained. When the number of particles Ne exceeds a certain value that depends on the degree to which the particles have been premodulated, the relative root-mean-square deviation (RMSD) of the autophasing time δT changes from a logarithmic dependence on Ne (δT∼1∕lnNe) to square-root (δT∼1∕Ne).A slight energy spread (∼4%) results in a twofold drop of the maximum attainable power of cooperative cyclotron radiation.

Registering the receipt of information with a modulated stance: A study of ne-marked other-repetitions in Japanese talk-in-interaction

One thing people typically do in a responsive utterance is to display receipt of information given in a prior utterance, and among the various formats for displaying receipt is repetition of (part of) a prior utterance, which is called other-repetition. In this paper, we focus on one linguistic resource in Japanese for modulating the stance displayed through other-repetition. That is, addition of the pragmatic particle ne, a marker of shared information between the speaker and the hearer, at the end of a repeated item. Using the framework of Interactional Linguistics, we investigate the interactional characteristics of ne-marked other-repetitions in Japanese conversation through comparison with other-repetitions that have no particle. Based on an examination of naturally occurring conversation, we argue that while other-repetition with no particle indicates that the speaker has received something he or she did not recognized, other-repetition with ne indexes that the speaker already has some knowledge regarding the repeated item. Thus, when used as a third-position response following an adjacency pair (Schegloff, 2007), other-repetition with ne can indicate that the information provided in the prior turn is nothing new or unexpected. In addition, when used as a second-position response, ne-added other-repetition can express that the repeated item is something that he or she already knows and that he or she has a shared understanding with the prior speaker.

相互行為における協調の問題 : 相互行為助詞「ね」が明示するもの( 相互行為における言語使用:会話データを用いた研究)

相互行為における協調の問題 : 相互行為助詞「ね」が明示するもの( 相互行為における言語使用:会話データを用いた研究)

Response with Particle ne in Japanese and Its Relation to wakimae as a Cultural Context: A Discourse Analysis on Culture in Conversation

Response with Particle ne in Japanese and Its Relation to wakimae as a Cultural Context: A Discourse Analysis on Culture in Conversation

Why Chinese SFPs are neither optional nor disjunctors

In a recent paper, Biberauer et al. (2014b) claim that the Chinese sentence-final particles (SFPs) ne and ma only “double” the information encoded elsewhere in the sentence and are to be analyzed as “acategorial” conjunctions. This contrasts with the current analysis of, e.g. ma as an interrogative force head. The present article provides evidence in favour of the SFPs ma and ne as C-elements and challenges some of the preconceived ideas commonly encountered in the literature. Within the head-final split CP proposed for Chinese ‘Low C<Force<Attitude’, ma instantiates a Force head, whereas ne realizes the discourse-related AttitudeP, not a wh-question typing particle (paceLisa L.-S. Cheng's, 1991). Furthermore, evidence is provided to show that the surface sentence-final position of SFPs in Chinese must be taken at face value.

Old English Negators as Equivalents of a Clause

In this article an attempt is made to find out how Old English (OE) negators vary in responses to polar questions and in polar-alternative questions, and how the negators function as reaction signals to express denial and refusal in OE prose. The corpus consists of all the occurrences of the negators na, nateshwon, nese and nic in the prose texts and glosses of the Dictionary of Old English Web Corpus (DOEC), supplemented with a select sample of occurrences of the particle ne. The data are analysed both qualitatively and quantitatively. Despite the low number of occurrences of the five negators in polar answers, polar-alternative questions and as reaction signals, my study shows certain patterns in which the negators occur in the material. The results indicate that the negators are not intersubstitutable. Variation among the negators is mainly due to the immediate, syntactic environment in which the negator occurs. In addition, the variation is diatopic and genre-based rather than diachronic. The majority of the examples come from Latin-based texts.