Parliamentary Elections Research Articles

Paradox of optimism: opposition coordination against autocratic incumbents in Turkey’s 2019 and 2023 elections

ABSTRACT In the 2019 local and 2023 general elections, Turkey’s opposition parties joined forces in pursuit of a common objective: to oust autocratic incumbents and democratize the political system. While they achieved noteworthy successes in 2019, replicating these gains in the 2023 presidential and parliamentary elections proved elusive. This study reveals that coordinating opposition efforts becomes more challenging during general elections, particularly when a charismatic presidential candidate, capable of fostering synergy among opposition factions and voters, is absent. Additionally, when opposition parties span the ideological spectrum, crafting a unified campaign around a shared manifesto becomes more intricate. The resulting atmosphere of uncertainty is exacerbated further in the absence of decisive leadership. Most importantly, the research highlights a paradox: as optimism for electoral victory grows, parties become more inclined to form alliances but less willing to nominate a strong leader, due to concerns about power-sharing overshadowing electoral success. This paradox diminishes the chances of opposition victory.

The role of popular music in Montenegro’s national propaganda: from referendum to the “Litije” movement (2006–20)

ABSTRACT This article explores the uses of popular music as a propaganda tool during political events in Montenegro’s recent past. The ruling Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) employed music as part of their propaganda campaign during the 2006 referendum to gain support for Montenegro’s independence. Patriotic songs, disseminated through state-controlled media and paid advertisements, celebrated a modern, multicultural, independent Montenegrin state. However, after the referendum, important political issues remained unresolved (especially the role of the Serbian Orthodox Church and Serbian–Montenegrin relations in general). Tensions over these culminated after the adoption of the Law on Freedom of Religion at the very end of 2019, which triggered protests throughout Montenegro known as the “Litije.” In 2020, with the ample assistance of the Serbian Orthodox Church, the opposition won the parliamentary elections that ended the rule of the DPS. The propaganda that surrounded the Litije movement relied on music as an essential medium. This time, it conveyed messages calling for a stronger role of the Serbian Orthodox Church in Montenegro and closer political ties with Serbia. By analyzing both periods’ most influential popular songs, the author highlights the intricate interplay between music, popular culture, national narratives, and the ever-evolving political climate in Montenegro.

How Does Primary Election Manipulation Affect the Selection of Women Candidates? Evidence from Malawi

How does manipulation of primary elections affect the selection of women candidates for parliament? The underrepresentation of women in politics is a well-researched global phenomenon. However, as most work focuses on general elections, we overlook the disadvantages that women face in the selection process. Specifically, primary elections often provide ample room for manipulation. We argue that manipulation skews electoral contests in favor of candidates with material and inter-personal resources, who are more likely to be men. We collect unique data via on-the-ground observation of 119 primary election rounds (featuring 316 aspirants) in Malawi’s 2019 parliamentary election and interview candidates to shed light on hitherto uninvestigated internal party primaries. We show that while women running in free and fair primaries were more likely to win nominations than men, their chances were substantially reduced where primaries were flawed. The quantitative findings are corroborated by qualitative accounts of the gendered effect of primary-day manipulation in party primaries. The results have implications for debates on descriptive representation, electoral integrity, and political parties.

Bangladesh in 2022 and 2023

Following the semicentennial celebrations and a global pandemic, Bangladesh seemed well on track to achieve the promises of furthering both democracy and development. But while development was visible in the completion of spectacular infrastructural projects, democracy continued to suffer, as the government plans to host the 12th parliamentary elections without the participation of the main opposition party. The war in Ukraine and a depleting foreign exchange reserve severely affected the country’s economic profile, while a dengue outbreak once more revealed the inadequacies of its public health system.

Mucciaroni의 모형을 활용한 교육감의 위상 변동 연구: 서울시 교육감을 중심으로

In this study, using Mucchiaroni's (1995) Interest Group Standing Changes Model, the changes in the superintendent's status after the straight line system were analyzed, focusing on the issue context and institutional context.
 The superintendent's fortunes was acquired over a long period of time through a process of rise and maintenance. In addition, while the issue context was both hospitable and unhospitable, the institutional context remained relatively hospitable. Both the institutional and issue contexts centered on efforts to curtail the superintendent's interests.
 In the institutional context, the lack of capacity of policymakers was found to be favorable to the position of superintendents, and the different timing of presidential, parliamentary, and superintendent elections was found to be favorable. It was also found that the fact that the institutional context could affect the superintendent's fortunes was related to the attention of new alternatives, that the relative importance of the institutional context should be noted, and that discussions on the target population's own fortune change were necessary.

Decyzje i motywy udziału w wyborach parlamentarnych 15 października 2023 roku młodych kobiet – kandydatek na nauczycielki

In this article we present the results of the author’s research, conducted immediately after the parliamentary elections of October 15, 2023. The purpose of the research was to identify the electoral activity of people who are studying preschool and early childhood education, and preparing for the teaching profession. We consider their activities as a priority in developing pro-social attitudes of their charges. The study used the method of diagnostic survey. For the analysis presented here, we used the part on the questions of participation of female respondents in elections and sociodemographic characteristics of the respondents. The survey was conducted among 265 female students aged 18 to 26 (the average age was 21.4), in the teaching faculty in all five years. The study notes significant differences in the election declarations of respondents, compared to the general population of Poles with active voting rights. For the most part, respondents have made a choice of different ideas represented by specific electoral committees than the electorate of their parents, or people from the local environment. The voter turnout and the choices of the respondents give hope for an appreciation of democratic values and the laying of the foundation for building a civil society.

농촌 과대대표의 헌법적 문제점

A lawmaker's realistic goal is to get elected, and to get elected, they need the votes of their constituents. However, if one person's vote is worth two votes, then that group becomes very attractive to politicians. The value of a rural vote is often twice as high as that of an urban vote. Rural areas are overrepresented in parliamentary elections. If there are 2.2 million farmers, that's 4.4 million votes for politicians.
 The problem of rural overrepresentation has been reduced since the 1987 system, when the difference in the value of the vote was nearly six times that of urban areas, but the privileges accumulated over 37 years have been further consolidated by the introduction of several systems through legislative amendments.
 Agricultural insurance, which aims to maximize losses from natural disasters and reduce the risk of growing weather-affected agricultural products to zero, has been subsidized by taxpayers' money to de-risk farmers, while high-tariff imports distort the market by making them uncompetitive and discouraging the urban poor from choosing cheaper imports. The direct payment system also disincentivizes farmers from engaging in “other industries” other than agriculture. If farmers are paid a certain amount of cash in taxpayer dollars just to farm, there is no incentive to try and be selected for other industries or to improve the productivity of the farming they are doing. Farmers get 9% of their insurance premiums subsidized by taxes, they get subsidized by taxes even if the price of their produce falls, they get a direct cash payment for doing their own farming, and they get to sell their produce at 7 times the price of imports, forcing the rural and urban poor to pay higher prices for their produce. Politicians provide low-risk, stable returns to rural farmers and politicians give them special favors. Taxpayers' money buys their tickets.
 As a result, urban and rural people are forced to eat the most expensive milk, bread, rice, eggs, and beef in the world. They are forced to pay high prices for our agricultural products, which are heavily subsidized by taxpayers' money and have lost their competitiveness, and they are unable to eat quality agricultural products from other countries at low prices. It is time to pursue strict urban-rural ‘vote equality’ and reform the system so that the majority of the people are not sacrificed for the benefit of a special group. The Korean Constitution does not allow for special classes, and farmers and fishermen should not be a special class under the Constitution.

Political transformations in Poland: will a change of government lead to a change of course?

The article examines the consequences of the change of the Polish government, headed by the right-wing Euro-skeptical Law and Justice party, which has led this country since October 2015. The article presents an analysis of the results of the parliamentary elections in Poland, held on October 15, 2023, in which the PiS won a formal victory, which, however failed to form a majority coalition. As a result, the ruling alliance, which received the right to form a government, was made up of the pre-election association of the parties Civic Coalition, which included the Civic Platform parties led by former Prime Minister Donald Tusk, Modern, the Greens and the Polish Initiative, the Third Way association, which included the parties Poland 2050, the Polish People's Party, the Center for Poland, and the Union the European Democrats, as well as the union of the Left, consisting of the parties New Left and Left together. The assessment of the activities of the leading Polish political parties over the previous four years is given, the main provisions of the election platforms of the main parties and coalitions that were elected to parliament following these elections are analyzed. To identify the dynamics of changes in the political situation in Poland, a comparative analysis of the results of the leading political parties of this country in the elections of 2019 and 2023 was carried out, as well as their main characteristics. The key differences in the approaches of the country's leading parties to the IpR and the Civic Platform on domestic and foreign policy issues, including their attitude to Russia's special military operation in Ukraine, are analyzed. The process of forming a new Polish government and the influence of the country's President Andrzej Duda on it is considered.

EXAMINATION OF CONSTITUTIONALIST MOVEMENTS AND CONSTITUTIONS IN TERMS OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF DEMOCRACY IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE

Constitutionalism involves curbing state power, protecting fundamental rights, and defending citizens' rights against the state. Aligned with democratic theory, it's grounded in the concept of human dignity, advocating for the autonomy and participation of vulnerable individuals in community governance. Democratic theory emphasizes the crucial right of citizens to influence the selection of lawmakers in a free society. Constitutionalism insists on honoring human dignity and values, affirming citizens' right to democratic participation while ensuring clear constraints on their governments, even when in line with the majority's preferences. Originating with the Magna Carta in 1215, constitutionalism reached Ottoman lands about six centuries later. Ottoman constitutional movements, commencing with the 1808 Sened-i Ittifak and progressing through the 1839 Tanzimat Edict, the 1856 Islahat (Reform) Edict, and the 1876 Constitution, were influenced by both internal and external factors. These movements, despite lacking public demand, played a pivotal role in introducing democratic values and institutions in Ottoman history, including the country's first parliamentary election.

Национальное объединение на выборах во Франции

The presidential and then parliamentary elections held in France in 2022 first demonstrated a significant increase in support for the far-right National Association. Both in the presidential and parliamentary elections, this association received the highest results in the entire history of its existence. Extreme right-wing views for a long time left the National Association on the sidelines of the political system, led to its forced isolation. But significant successes in the last elections, the growth of its popularity among voters lead to the transformation of the National Association from an out-of-system party into one of the significant subjects of the political system of modern France, and its competitors will increasingly have to reckon with this.

Should We Increase Young People’s Voting Power?

AbstractThis paper argues that democratic collectives have reason to increase the voting power of their younger members. It first presents an intuitive case for weighted voting in general, before drawing support from a prominent principle of democratic inclusion – the all-affected principle. On a plausible understanding of that principle, a decision may affect people to varying degrees, and this variation should be reflected in the strength of their say. The paper then argues that exposure time to a decision’s effects is typically a good proxy for tracking such variation, such that collectives have reason to gradually reduce their members’ voting power as they grow older. This holds, for example, in the ordinary parliamentary elections in representative democracies. It is then argued that we may build a similar case for age-weighting on a plausible version of the all-affected principle’s main rival, the all-subjected principle. The paper ends by addressing various objections. It argues that none of them undermine the case for age-weighting, and that some might even support age-weighting over its non-weighted (‘one person, one vote’) alternative.

Social Justice and the Old-Age Pension System in the Slovak Republic

The aim of the contribution is to examine how eligible voters in the 2020 parliamentary election perceive social justice in relation to the old-age pension system in the Slovak Republic. The sub-objective is to analyse possible significant differences in the perception of social justice among eligible voters in the 2020 parliamentary election in relation to the old-age pension system in terms of their political orientation. 701 respondents (349 women and 352 men) responded to questions asking about their political orientation as eligible voters in the parliamentary election in Slovakia in 2020 and the degree of perceived social justice in relation to the old-age pension system of the Slovak Republic. The results showed the fair distribution of deposits and returns is important for the respondents’ perception of social justice in relation to the old-age pension system of the Slovak Republic. The analyses showed that respondents with different political orientations had different opinions on the extent to which the calculation of the old-age pension should depend on the amount of income.

Temporal Fairness in Multiwinner Voting

Multiwinner voting captures a wide variety of settings, from parliamentary elections in democratic systems to product placement in online shopping platforms. There is a large body of work dealing with axiomatic characterizations, computational complexity, and algorithmic analysis of multiwinner voting rules. Although many challenges remain, significant progress has been made in showing existence of fair and representative outcomes as well as efficient algorithmic solutions for many commonly studied settings. However, much of this work focuses on single-shot elections, even though in numerous real-world settings elections are held periodically and repeatedly. Hence, it is imperative to extend the study of multiwinner voting to temporal settings. Recently, there have been several efforts to address this challenge. However, these works are difficult to compare, as they model multi-period voting in very different ways. We propose a unified framework for studying temporal fairness in this domain, drawing connections with various existing bodies of work, and consolidating them within a general framework. We also identify gaps in existing literature, outline multiple opportunities for future work, and put forward a vision for the future of multiwinner voting in temporal settings.

Evolution and perspectives in the development of a system for physical education and sports in Bulgaria

The choice of topic for this study was primarily due to the consistent changes in the management of physical culture and sports after the parliamentary elections in 2013 in the Republic of Bulgaria.
 The publication examines the historical dynamics of the physical education and sports system from its creation to the present day. The main periods and events that characterize them are also marked:
 
 The creation in 1923 of BOK (Bulgarian Olympic Committee) and BNSF (Bulgarian National Sports Federation);
 1931, creation of the first law on sports in Bulgaria;
 Creation of VKFS (Supreme Committee for Physical Culture and Sports), 1949;
 Closing of the VKFS and the creation of the BSFS (Bulgarian Union for Physical Culture and Sports), 1958;
 Changes in system management from 1992 to
 
 A special place in the article is devoted to the reasons for the inadequacies in the system for physical education and sports (SFES), as well as the possible approaches to overcome them.

The Public Budget’ Coverage of the Electoral Campaigns and Elections (2017-2024) and the Prevention of the Abuse of State Resources for Free and Fair Elections in Albania

This paper aims to analyze the use of public budgets to finance the electoral process, including electoral campaigns and elections of the political parties, candidates and other electoral subjects. The focus in this paper is in organizing free and fair elections, by preventing the abuse of the state resources, considered as one of the main deficiencies of the new democracies, including Albania from the year 1991- onward. The abuse of state resources, as an important feature of political finance, focuses on the problems resulting from the undue influence of the incumbent political party that wants to stay in power as long as possible. It is related with the funds or other resources, gained by political parties and candidates that benefit the incumbent party, and it results in undue influence of the later, and prevents other political parties and candidates from having a fair electoral contest. The main research question of this paper is: what are the programs and activities that are funded by the public (national) budgets related with the parliamentary and local elections and what are the financing’ regulations and their effects? Also, does the government create a fair starting point for all of the political parties and candidates, as a mean to preventing the abuse of state resources? As a result, this paper will study the approved budgets and the differences that arise from year 2017- until now, and it will analyze the total spending or expenditures for the elections, given to CEC and to the electoral subjects. The methodology used here is the combination of qualitative methods, and by using primary and secondary sources of information from different international and national relevant institutions and the analysis of the public budgets, for the budgetary years of 2017-2024.
 
 Received: 12 February 2024 / Accepted: 17 March 2024 / Published: 23 March 2024

Factors Affecting the Rise of the Muslim Brotherhood in the Parliamentary Elections in Kuwait 2023

Abstract This article seeks to shed light on the rise of the Muslim Brotherhood in the Kuwaiti parliamentary elections of 2023. It identifies a number of structural factors behind the increase in the number of Muslim Brotherhood deputies: the weak coordination of the Salafist movement; the return of Sheikh Ahmed Al-Fahd Al-Sabah to the government; and Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s victory in the 2023 Turkish presidential elections. The article is based on fieldwork collecting data from primary sources, including the official electoral data issued by the Ministry of the Interior and the Kuwait News Agency, in addition to meetings with political candidates and activists in Kuwait. It concludes that the dominance of conservatives in the Kuwaiti parliament has played an important role in the composition of the Kuwaiti government, which is dominated by the Muslim Brotherhood. This will determine the nature of the future relationship between parliament and government.

The Institution of the Prefecture in Romania (1864– 1892): Between Social Relations of Patronage and Political Networks

Historical research on the institution of the prefecture in Romania (United Principalities) in the 19th century, as a fundamental institution of modern state administration, involves several levels of analysis, combining institutional, political and social history. Our paper will focus on several aspects, in relation to a number of historical features specific to the Romanian case. These features stem from the implementation of a Western-origin institutional model in Romania, after the union of the Principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia, until the end of the 19th century. During this period, a maturation of the modern administration can be observed, both legislatively and functionally. In addition to the legislative framework of this period (the communal law of April 1864, amended in March 1872 and March 1883, the law on county councils of April 1864 and the law on the organization of administrative authorities of November 1892), other factors are also noteworthy, which made the prefect in Romania not only a government agent at the local level, but also a county administrator: the patronage relations of the Romanian elite – a legacy of the Old Regime, and the gradual consolidation of the power networks of the governing political parties, both of which had a relevant impact on the selection process of local officials and the conduct of parliamentary elections. Keywords: Institutional history, administrative reform, ispravnik, prefect

Time to death explains the chronological decline of voter turnout among the older population

Age is possibly the strongest known individual-level socio-demographic determinant of participation in elections. Despite its substantial influence in shaping electoral outcomes, evidence-based understanding of the steep decline in turnout at older ages is scarce. We suggest that time-related proximity to death and the associated decline in cognitive and physical functioning may explain this relationship. With full population data on the participation of the 65+ year-old electorate in the 1999 parliamentary elections in Finland linked to a more than 21-year mortality follow-up, we demonstrate that the remaining lifetime is a more powerful predictor of voting than age, often by an order of magnitude. These results offer a novel theoretical principle into understanding the fundamental age-related decline in electoral participation at older ages: It is not the time from the cradle, but the time to the grave, that counts more.

Populist Jurisprudence? Examining Selected Case Law of the Polish Constitutional Court After 2016

Since the parliamentary elections in 2015 and the subsequent change in the personal composition of the Polish Constitutional Court, this institution is in crisis. The Court, once one of the main guardians of the rule of law and a model for the constitutional judiciary in the region of Central and Eastern Europe, is criticized. Judges are accused of lack of proper appointment and party subordination. Court activities are perceived as part of illiberal democracy and populist constitutionalism, that is, introducing majority rule by “switching off” the checks and balances mechanisms by democratically elected parties and groups. However, what is often overlooked in this type of analysis is the more internal perspective of jurisprudence and legal reasoning. What kind of decisions does the “populist” constitutional court issue? How does it justify its decisions? The paper will discuss three cases of the Polish Constitutional Court. The first case is from 2017 and concerns the right of assembly in connection with the introduction of a special category of “cyclical assemblies”. The second, of 2019, is the so-called “printer case”, which concerned the possibility of refusing to provide a service for reasons of conscience (a refusal to print a poster because of opposition to “LGBT promotion”). The third case is the controversial ruling narrowing access to abortion from 2020. The aim of the analysis is to answer the question of whether the current jurisprudence of the Court is the breaking or continuation of the previously dominant liberal constitutionalism. I will be particularly interested in whether these decisions introduce any changes at the level of possible rights holders (legal subjects), the introduction of a new or changed scope of existing rights, and new ways of resolving conflicts between rights.

The Role of Social Media Platforms in Forecasting Elections: A Comparison of Twitter and Facebook

Prior literature shows that social media could be used to forecast political elections. Most studies have focused on a single social media platform, and few studies have explored the use of social media data across multiple platforms to make election predictions. Though candidates’ personal attributes have also been suggested as critical factors affecting election results, there has been little research into the interacting effect of social media and candidate attributes in predicting elections. To address the research gap, this paper investigates the role of two different social media platforms, Twitter and Facebook, in forecasting the 2019 Finnish parliamentary elections, and how candidates’ political experience moderates the role of the two platforms in predicting elections. The findings show that both the number of Facebook likes and the number of Twitter followers are associated with the election outcome positively. Political experience of candidates moderates the association between the number of Facebook likes and election outcomes as well as the association between the number of Twitter followers and election outcomes. This research adds to the discussion on how social media can predict election results. It considers both different social media platforms and the roles of the candidate attributes.