Park Geun-hye Research Articles

Japan in Asia: Post-Cold-War Diplomacy by Tanaka Akihiko

Reviewed by: Japan in Asia: Post-Cold-War Diplomacy by Tanaka Akihiko James D. J. Brown Japan in Asia: Post-Cold-War Diplomacy. By Tanaka Akihiko. Translated by Jean Connell Hoff. Japan Publishing Industry Foundation for Culture, 2017. 464 pages. Hardcover, no price. The pace of change in Asian regional politics is relentless, with significant developments emerging month to month, not to mention year to year. Given this reality, readers could be forgiven for assuming that Tanaka Akihiko's Japan in Asia, which was first published in Japanese in 2007, is now seriously outdated.1 Even in the English edition, which adds two new chapters, the narrative only takes us as far as the end of 2015, a time when Tsai Ing-wen had yet to take office in Taiwan, Park Geun-hye remained South Korean president, and the prospects of Donald Trump becoming US president still appeared remote. And yet, while this book inevitably cannot cover more recent subjects such as Japan's Free and Open Indo-Pacific vision, the Rohingya crisis in Myanmar, and Trump's historic summit with North Korean leader Kim Jong-un in June 2018, it does nonetheless have lasting value. Specifically, by surveying Japan's relations with East Asia from the end of the Cold War until just several years ago, this text serves as a useful guide to the recent history of the region's political problems and reminds readers that what may appear a new development is often just the latest turn in a long-revolving diplomatic cycle. [End Page 140] Tanaka, who served as president of the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) from 2012–2015, begins the book in an upbeat fashion, writing in the preface that "Asia is becoming one" and that "'Asia,' which includes 'East Asia,' is headed toward integration" (p. xi). Elsewhere, he welcomes the spread of globalization and democratization and celebrates the enduring peace that now prevails in the region. Given recent fears about conflict on the Korean Peninsula and the revival of nationalism worldwide, these passages make the book seem like a relic from the 1990s. However, these themes do not dominate the text, which focuses not on big ideas but on the task of providing a detailed summary of the defining events of post–Cold War Asian politics and the role that Japan has played in them. Chapter 1 establishes the historical context by describing Asia before the end of the Cold War. It includes a helpful reminder of the difference between the bipolar confrontation that characterized Europe and the complex strategic interactions that played out in Asia between the United States, China, and the Soviet Union. Tanaka also highlights the fact that "most countries that belonged to the American camp were not all that liberal or democratic, nor were the countries in the Soviet camp that professed to be socialist" true in all respects to "Soviet-style socialism" (p. 2). Additionally, this chapter provides a short introduction to the Cambodian civil war, in which Japan found itself "in the utterly incomprehensible position of continuing to support the Khmer Rouge, who had committed mass atrocities" (p. 6). Similar summaries are given of the democracy movements in the Philippines, South Korea, Taiwan, and Burma (Myanmar). With the scene thus set, chapter 2 concentrates on Northeast Asia at the end of the Cold War, giving most of its attention to Japan's response to the Tiananmen Square incident of June 1989. Tanaka highlights the Japanese government's initial reluctance to take action following the Chinese authorities' bloody suppression of the student protests. In particular, Prime Minister Uno Sōsuke is quoted as telling the Diet, "The imposition of sanctions would be discourteous to our neighbor. … I will not make any protest" (p. 38). Moreover, even when international pressure did cause Tokyo to introduce some punitive measures, Japan's priority remained to prevent the diplomatic isolation of China. Students of more recent Japanese foreign policy may note a comparison with the Abe administration's soft stance toward Russia following the annexation of Crimea in 2014. Chapter 3 turns from Northeast Asia to Southeast Asia. Its main contribution is to describe how the Cambodian peace process served as a...

A Meta-analysis of the Articles in Journals Related to TV Outsourcing Production Policy: Focused on the Treatise Published in Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye Governments

A Meta-analysis of the Articles in Journals Related to TV Outsourcing Production Policy: Focused on the Treatise Published in Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye Governments

Comparative Analysis on the Policy Formulation of the College Admission System after 2008 - Focusing on the Evaluation of Democracy and Justification -

본 연구는 노무현, 이명박, 박근혜, 문재인 정부의 대입정책 형성과정을 민주성과 정당성의 측면에서 비교분석하여 대입정책 형성과정의 종합적인 특징을 도출하였다. ‘정책 참여자의 대표성과 포괄성’, ‘정책 논의과정의 소통성과 숙의성’, ‘국민의 정책 수용성’이라는 세 가지 평가항목에 따라 연구한 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 대입정책 참여자의 대표성과 포괄성은 대입제도 개선을 위한 별도의 전문기구를 구성하여야 확보될 수 있다. 둘째, 각 정부의 정치적인 성향과 상관없이 최근 들어 대입정책 논의과정에서 전 국민적 소통과 숙의 과정을 더욱 중요시 여기고 있다. 셋째, 대입정책 형성과정의 민주성이 국민의 정책 수용성을 반드시 보장하는 것은 아니다. 분석 결과를 바탕으로, ‘국민참여 정책숙려제’내실화, 대입정책 전문기구의 위상 제고 및 책무성 강조, 대입 3년 예고제 재정비, 학생의 대입정책 참여 법적 보장, 공익 실현 강조 등을 제언하였다.This study focused on the comparative analysis of the Roh Moo-hyun, Lee Myung-bak, Park Geun-hye, Moon Jae-in government s college admission policy formulation. Also, through the evaluation process of democracy and justification, it derived comprehensive features of the policy formulation of the college admission system. The results of the study are as follows. First, the representation of college admission policy participants can be secured only by forming a separate policy specialized agency. Second, the process of public communication and deliberation has become more important in the process of discussing college admission policy, regardless of the political tendency of each government. Third, the democratic nature of the process of forming a college admission policy does not necessarily guarantee public acceptance of the policy. Based on the analysis results, this study propose as follows. First, the public participation policy deliberation system should be substantialized. Second, the accountability of the college admission policy specialized agency should be emphasized. Third, the system that notice the college admission system three years early should be revamped. Fourth, participation of students in policy making should be legally guaranteed. Fifth, a democratic sense of citizenship that seeks to pursue public interests must be raised.

박근혜 정부의 치안정책 및 범죄추세 분석에 관한 연구

박근혜 정부의 치안정책 및 범죄추세 분석에 관한 연구

국정 역사교과서의 박정희 신화 만들기

Moon Jae-In government changed the publishing systems of the national history textbooks from a combined system of state authorization and verification to a sole verification system. The new government also destroyed the state national history textbooks already distributed to schools. It ended ex-president Park Geun-Hye’s attempt to introduce the state monopolization of publication of national history textbooks. However, the historical perspectives and historical images contained in the state national history textbooks have not been totally perished yet. The debates about how to teach the achievements and limits in the Era of Park Chung Hee just began.BR This paper aimed to reveal the deceptive narrative tactics adopted in the state national history textbooks to mythologize Park Chung Hee. Using the “White Papers of the Committee on Truth Investigation of the State National History Textbooks,” published in May 2018, the “Report of 2017 on the Compilation Principles of the State National History Textbooks and Analysis of Its Descriptions,” the official documents, and the drafts of the history textbooks(the original drafts, the examined drafts, the galley proof for school teachers, and the final version) I examined as a member of the committee, I found and explained the relations between the state nationalization policy of the national history textbooks and mythologization of Park Chung Hee in the first chapter. In the second chapter, I examined the various narrative tactics and manipulations of the history used in the discarded national history textbooks. What I noticed first is the tactical misleading arrangement of the chapters and sub-chapters and deceptive naming of the titles of the chapters and sub-chapters. The second disinforming tactic used in the discarded textbooks is ‘a crude theory of the merits and demerits in which the merits hide demerits’ and a binomial confrontational narrative frame of ‘the industrializing force vs. the democratizing force.’ Lastly, I found and presented the examples of distortion of the historical facts and manipulation of the facts in the state national history textbooks.

Imagens e sons da Coreia: as trilhas de paisagens imaginadas

The article focuses the relationship between state agencies, entertainment companies, and industrial conglomerates in promoting South Korea’s images as a country that combines modernity and tradition. Between the re-democratization in the late 1980s and the mandate of Park Geun-Hye, started in 2013 and finished in 2017, after the impeachment process, the country invested in positioning itself as adjusted to the conditions of globalization with projects that stimulated cultural production, tourism, and accomplishment of sports mega-events. The proposal is to analyze the construction of imagined landscapes about South Korea as a way of understanding the new geography of transnational spaces. Keywords: globalization, cultural industries, Nation-State.

Obama’s Pivot to Asia and Its Failed Japan-South Korea Historical Reconciliation

Since the 1980s, Japan’s war memory has strained its relations with South Korea and China, to a less degree, the USA. Two of the thorniest issues are the comfort women and the US atomic bombing of Japan. Before the Obama administration announced its policy pivot to Asia in 2011, both Japanese and American leaders were reluctant to make amends for the past acts of their countries. However, in 2015, the Japanese conservative Prime Minister Abe reached an agreement with South Korea that “finally and irreversibly” resolved the comfort women issue, thus achieving a historic reconciliation between the two countries. In 2016, then President Obama visited Hiroshima to commemorate the atomic bomb victims. Then, in December 2016, the comfort women issue resurfaced in Japan and South Korea relations, indicating a failure of the reconciliation. Why did the USA change its policy on historical issues involving Japan? Why did Abe and the South Korean President Park Geun-hye settle the comfort women issue? Why did Obama visit Hiroshima? Why did the reconciliation fail? In this article, I propose a rational choice theory to answer these questions. Applying the proposed theory and relying on available evidence, I argue that the settlement of the comfort women issue and Obama’s visit to Hiroshima are important components of Obama’s pivot to Asia to balance China’s rise. The reconciliation failed mainly because it did not resolve the historical justice issue promoted by the human rights norms. I discuss some implications for reconciliation in Northeast Asia.

Comparative Analysis of the Framing of Childcare Policy by Korean Governments with Different Ideologies

Childcare policies have special significance in the Republic of Korea, due to population aging and low birthrates. This study identified policy differences between governments with different ideologies and derived relevant policy implications. We analyzed the childcare policy framings of the conservative Park Geun-Hye administration and the progressive Moon Jae-In administration through validated media articles. We confirmed that the policies of both administrations are not different from each other: both employ negative problem-diagnostic framing. The media regard their policies as similar: both have strong state-led characteristics. Some differences exist: conservative media criticize childcare funding and progressive media support its principles. The progressive administration employed temporal framing and emphasized benefits to recipients, while the conservative administration did not employ temporal framing and emphasized political intentions. Further, the progressive administration had denser connections with policy performers and emphasized the private sector’s active involvement. The paper concludes with recommendations for more effective policy processes.

Candlelight for Our Country’s Right Name: 
 A Confucian Interpretation of South Korea’s Candlelight Revolution

The candlelight protest that took place in South Korea from October 2016 to March 2017 was a landmark political event, not least because it ultimately led to the impeachment of President Park Geun-hye. Arguably, its more historically important meaning lies in the fact that it marks the first nation-wide political struggle since the June Uprising of 1987, where civil society won an unequivocal victory over a regime that was found to be corrupt, unjust, and undemocratic, making it the most orderly, civil, and peaceful political revolution in modern Korean history. Despite a plethora of literature investigating the cause of what is now called “the Candlelight Revolution” and its implications for Korean democracy, less attention has been paid to the cultural motivation and moral discourse that galvanized Korean civil society. This paper captures the Korean civil society which resulted in the Candlelight Revolution in terms of Confucian democratic civil society, distinct from both liberal pluralist civil society and Confucian meritocratic civil society, and argues that Confucian democratic civil society can provide a useful conceptual tool by which to not only philosophically construct a vision of civil society that is culturally relevant and politically practicable but also to critically evaluate the politics of civil society in the East Asian context.

Social Media and Rigid Beliefs: Evidence from Impeachment of the President

Controversial news with little to no factual support has been proliferating in recent years. Such news has spread widely via social media, where individuals can easily create and distribute news. Using the news and events surrounding the impeachment of the former South Korean president Park Geun-hye, I examine (1) the relationship between social media use and beliefs in controversial news and (2) the relationship between protest participation and rigid beliefs based on social media use. The results indicate that individuals who use social media as their primary source of news are significantly more rigid in their beliefs in controversial news. Further, those who strongly believe in controversial news and are more consistent or extreme in their ideological views are more likely to participate in (more) protests. Moreover, this pattern is significantly stronger for those who primarily get their news from social media. Protests can have real-world impacts on public opinion and the policy-making process. Furthermore, a relatively small number of people can effectively mobilize political protests. Though protest participation is an individual choice, it is influenced by others and initially coordinated by a small number of people. The findings of this paper suggest that social media may allow a small group of people, potentially with more polarized and rigid beliefs, to have a disproportionately large impact on public opinion and policy-making in modern democracies.

DIALOGISMO E VALORAÇÃO

Em 2017 houve, na conjuntura política da Coreia do Sul, o impeachment da presidente Park Geun-hye. Esse contexto serviu de tema para as produções elegidas aqui como objeto de análise: enunciados escritos por alunos sul-coreanos aprendentes de língua portuguesa. A metodologia utilizada fundamenta-se na perspectiva sócio-histórica. Tomando como referência a teoria do dialogismo de Mikhail Bakhtin, o foco desta investigação é o enunciado concreto, em sua dimensão extraverbal, no intuito de compreender as valorações positivas acerca desse tema presentes nos textos. A análise das produções demonstra que os sujeitos integrantes desta pesquisa apresentam uma opinião favorável ao impeachment e que seus enunciados são construídos no estabelecimento de relações dialógicas com as vozes presentes nas esferas da sociedade coreana.

Making Integrity Institutions Work in South Korea

This article deals with the scandals that engulfed South Korea’s president, Park Geun-hye, in 2016–17 and the role of popular protest in how she, her confidante, and associated officials and business leaders were pursued, prosecuted, and jailed. The South Korean experience is located in a framework of integrity institutions and the 1986 exemplar of “people power” in the Philippines.

현대] ‘현재’와 조우하는 한국 현대사, 그 새로운 방향들 : 2016~2017년도 한국현대사 연구 동향

This paper overviews recent studies on the post-1945 history of Korea in the past two years (2016~2017). Over 280 articles were written about post- 1945 Korean history, which were tightly related to contemporary Korean socio-cultural and political issues. Most of all, there were many studies done on Park Chung Hee period that was somewhat thwarted in the years of his daughter, Park Geun-hye

The Political Transformation of Golf in Modern South Korea

Since golf was introduced to South Korea in the early 1900s, it has been strongly influenced by the politics that reflects socio-political contexts. Therefore, it is important to explore the political influences of golf on the context of its socio-political transformation. In this study, we explored how social and political backgrounds under each of the political administrations have affected the development of golf in South Korea. For this purpose, we utilized the socio-historical approach through document analysis to summarize the golf-related policy stances of nine presidential administrations from the Syngman Rhee government (1948–1960) to Park Geun-hye government (2013–2017). As a result, the Syngman Rhee administration pursued the construction of golf courses to bolster national security. The military regimes of Park Chung-hee and Chun Doo-hwan constructed golf courses as a means of cementing support among military circles to establish political legitimacy, and also as a means of diplomacy. The Roh Tae-woo administration initiated a construction boom in golf courses to promote sports for all. The Kim Young-sam administration announced a ‘no golf’ stance, while Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun-both of whom had roots in the opposition-strove to encourage golf as a means of embracing their conservative counterparts while also diluting their progressive and contrarian image. Lee Myung-bak included golf among the core strategic tourist industries, while his successor, Park Geun-hye, first prohibited public officers from playing golf before pivoting to a supportive stance later on in her administration.

Similarities and Differences in the Realization Elements between “Gookpung81” and “Candlelight Protests for Park Geun-hye’s Resignation”

Similarities and Differences in the Realization Elements between “Gookpung81” and “Candlelight Protests for Park Geun-hye’s Resignation”

Exploratory Approach to Collaboration Strategy for Wicked Problem Solving: Focusing on Collaboration Cases of Park Geun-Hye Administration’s Government 3.0

Exploratory Approach to Collaboration Strategy for Wicked Problem Solving: Focusing on Collaboration Cases of Park Geun-Hye Administration’s Government 3.0

Analysis of Description for Joseon Dynasty Era of Government-published History Textbooks Under Park Geun-hye Administration

Analysis of Description for Joseon Dynasty Era of Government-published History Textbooks Under Park Geun-hye Administration

Policy Value in University Admissions Policy: Focused on Roh Moo-Hyun, Lee Myung-Bak and Park Geun-Hye Administration

본 연구의 목적은 정책가치 이론을 토대로 노무현·이명박·박근혜 정부의 대학입학정책에서 추구된 정 책가치와 약화된 정책가치에 대해 분석하고, 이를 바탕으로 통시적 관점에서 우리나라 대학입학정책에서 추구되어온 정책가치와 정책가치 간 상충관계에서 드러난 특징을 분석하는 것이다. 이를 위해 문헌 연구 의 방법을 사용하였으며, 선행 연구 검토를 통해 평가의 공정성, 대학교육 기회 제공의 형평성, 대학의 입 시 운영 자율성, 평가 도구의 변별성, 고등학교 교육과의 연계성, 평가 내용의 타당성 등 우리나라 대학입 학정책의 여섯 가지 주요 정책가치를 도출하였고, 이를 기준으로 각 행정부의 대학입학정책의 정책목표 와 정책수단을 검토하여 추구된 정책가치와 약화된 정책가치를 분석하였다. 분석 결과, 노무현 정부에서 는 고등학교 교육과의 연계성, 대학교육 기회 제공의 형평성, 평가 내용의 타당성 정책가치가 추구되었 고, 평가 도구의 변별성, 대학의 입시 운영 자율성 정책가치가 약화되었다. 이명박 정부에서는 대학의 입 시 운영 자율성, 평가 내용의 타당성 정책가치가 추구되었으며, 평가 도구의 변별성 정책가치도 암묵적으 로 추구된 한편, 고등학교 교육과의 연계성, 평가의 공정성 정책가치가 약화되었다. 박근혜 정부에서는 고등학교 교육과의 연계성, 평가 내용의 타당성, 대학교육 기회 제공의 형평성 정책가치가 추구되었고, 평가 도구의 변별성, 평가의 공정성 정책가치가 약화되었다. 통시적 분석의 결과, 대학입학정책의 교육적 기능 관련 정책가치들이 강조되어 추구되어 왔고, 고등학교 교육과의 연계성 정책가치와 평가 도구의 변 별성 정책가치 간에 상충관계가 존재했으며, 이 정책가치들은 세 정부를 거치는 사이 순환되는 모습이 나타났다.The purpose of this study is to analyze the pursued and the weakened policy values in university admissions policies of Roh Moo-Hyun, Lee Myung-Bak and Park Geun-Hye administrations based on policy value theory. Diachronic analysis on characteristics of pursued policy values and policy value conflict is followed. For the research, literature review method was used. Through reviewing prior research, major policy values in university admissions policy are identified. Based on the identified values, policy goals and means are reviewed and policy values in university admissions policy of each administration are analyzed. The results show that, in the Roh Moo-Hyun administration, the relevance to high school education, the equity of providing university education opportunities, and the validity of evaluation were pursued while the differentiation of the assessment tools and the autonomy of universities on admissions process were weakened. In the Lee Myung-Bak administration, the autonomy of universities on admissions process and the validity of evaluation were pursued, and the differentiation of the assessment tools was implicitly pursued while the relevance to high school education and the fairness of the evaluation were weakened. In the Park Geun-Hye government, the relevance to high school education, the validity of evaluation, and the equity of providing university education opportunities were pursued while the differentiation of the assessment tools and the fairness of the evaluation were weakened. Diachronic analysis shows that the policy values related to the educational function of university admissions policy have been mainly pursued. Policy value conflict between the relevance to high school education and the differentiation of the assessment tools exists and these policy values show cycling act throughout the three administrations.

Comparing Media Perceptions of the Presidential Impeachment Crises and Communication Strategies- The Cases of South Korean Presidents Roh Moo-hyun and Park Geun-hye -

이 연구는 대통령 탄핵 위기와 이에 대한 대통령측의 대응 커뮤니케이션 전략에 대해 언론은 어떻게 인식하고 있는지를 분석한 것이다. 이를 위해 2004년 노무현 대통령과 2016년 박근혜 대통령의 탄핵 관련 언론 보도를 비교 분석하였다. 분석 기간은 두 대통령 공히 국회의 탄핵소추 의결 1개월 전부터 헌법재판소 결정 후 1개월까지로 잡아 위기 전, 위기 중, 위기 후 등 3단계를 설정하였다. 분석대상 매체는 조선, 동아, 한겨레, 경향 등 4개 매체를 선정했다. 주요 분석결과를 살펴보면, 두 대통령에 대한 보도 논조에서 박근혜 대통령은 노무현 대통령에 비해 부정적 논조의 기사 비율이 높게 나타났 다. 둘째, 박근혜 대통령의 경우 노무현 대통령 보다 탄핵상황에 대한 책임의식과 위기의식이 낮은 것으로 나타났다. 관련 이론적, 실무적 함의, 연구의 함의를 제시하였다.

Korea's blacklist scandal: governmentality, culture, and creativity

ABSTRACTThis essay focuses on the relationship between culture and governance, exploring how the practice of government has invoked conflicts and crises in the Korean culture industries. The Park Geun-Hye regime used culture as a central engine to boost Korea's national economy by adopting the new slogan, ‘Creative Korea’, to embody the country's national values within the international community. However, the regime's constant emphasis on creative economies came under attack when it was discovered that the Ministry of Culture and Tourism abused its authority by censuring 9,473 artists who were critical of the regime. Through an analysis of journalistic interviews with artists, critics and cultural practitioners, this paper examines how the relationships of governmentality, culture and creativity have been negotiated in the process of regime change. In addition, this paper explores how the Korean Wave phenomenon – the transnational expansion of Korean popular culture – during the past two decades has reshaped the society's perception of the governor–governed relationship within the cultural sphere.