Paris Manuscript Research Articles

Mise au jour d’un nouveau visage du Vivat rex de Jean Gerson. Une nouvelle édition critique du texte devient-elle nécessaire ?

The confrontation of the manuscript Paris, BnF, fr. 926 with the Glorieux’s edition of the sermon Vivat rex written by Jean Gerson could reveal some misreading of the modern editor. The variants from the French 926 (checked on all the extant manuscripts) bring particularly to light a new “face” of the text, probably closer of the author’s words and of the Gerson’s predication. This new assessment of the textual tradition leads to think that a new critical edition is unavoidable to give an accurate access to one of the more important political texts of the Fifteenth-Century.

Vera loqui liceat. Eine ungedruckte Satire gegen die ungastlichen Zisterzienser von Pipewell

The late thirteenth-century manuscript Paris, Bibliotheque nationale de France, Ms. lat. 11867 (and the membrum disiectum in Ms. lat. 9376, fol.61r-72v) is famous for its large collection of Latin poems and letters, e. g. the poems of Alexander Neckam and the so-called Campanian letter collection. Among the still unpublished items the manuscript preserves an anonymous satire in 28 goliardic stanzas directed against the inhospital Cistercians of Pipewellin Nottinghampshire (P fol. 102vb-103ra, Inc. Vera loqui liceat: quisquis es, asculta, WIC 20145). In its first part (st. 7-19) the author gathers the accusations commonly proffered against the Cistercians, whereas in the second part (st. 20-28) he describes how he went to Pipewell to discharge a friend’s debts. There he expected to be served a meal better than that ordinarily prescribed by the Rule, given the fact that he had arrived on the very day of the abbot’s return from the annual general chapter of the Cistercians; but he received only cabbage, coarse...

Od litanii Gertrudy do litanii Nawojki

W jedenastowiecznym Kodeksie Gertrudy, córki Mieszka II, znajduje się dziesięć modlitw o budowie litanii. Artykuł podejmuje analizę dwu z nich: „Ut me miseram famulam Tuam Gertrudam custodire digneris…” i „Ave Maria gratia plena dominus tecum…”. Stylistyczne cechy pierwszej wskazują, że tekst miał być zaakceptowany przez księżną jako jej modlitwa prywatna, sformułowana z jej punktu widzenia i – być może – zawierająca cytaty z jej własnych wypowiedzi. Dlatego Gertruda może być uważana za autorkę, mimo że sam akt sporządzenia tekstu przypadł komu innemu. Druga litania przypomina tekst wydany przez G. G. Meerssemana z dwunastowiecznego manuskryptu przechowywanego w Paryżu. Mogła ona być podstawą dla późniejszej kopii zachodniej lub oba przekazy pochodziły (bezpośrednio lub pośrednio) z tego samego źródła. Niektóre zdania z obu wersji powtarzają się w XV-wiecznej modlitwie „Zdrowa bądź Maryja, miłości pełna…” z Modlitewnika Nawojki napisanej po polsku.

The Konikovo Gospel: Konikovsko evangelie (review)

The Konikovo Gospel: Konikovsko evangelie (Bibl. Patr. Alex. 268). Jouko Lindstedt, Ljudmil Spasov, and Juhani Nuorluoto, eds. Helsinki: Societas Scientiarum Fennica, 2008. 439 pp., 82 pp. color plates. [Commentationes Humanarum Litterarum, 125.] Since its recent discovery in Patriarchal Library in Alexandria in 2003, Konikovo Gospel (henceforth KG) has been object of intensive study by a team of Finnish and Macedonian scholars (headed respectively by Jouko Lindstedt and Ljudmil Spasov and joined by American Balkanist Victor Friedman). Although KG's history and potential significance were made known to scholarly world by Lindstedt (2006), little of this collective research has been published. The book under review (henceforth KG-2008) now presents not only full Greek and Macedonian texts of KG in a variety of useful formats, but also findings of research teams, which pertain to a range of subjects, including authorship, function, graphemics, phonology, morphology, lexicon, and dialect features of this intriguing document, as well as its cultural-historical significance. Although KG is written in Greek script and one of its authors refers to language of translation as Bulgarian, it is in fact the oldest known text of greater scope that directly reflects living Slavic dialects of what is today Greek Macedonia (Introduction, p. 9) and also oldest known Gospel translation in what we would today term Modern Macedonian. As suck it is a document of considerable importance for history of Macedonian language. KG-2008 will prove to be a valuable resource not only for specialists working in latter field, but also for those with an interest in Balkan Slavic dialectology, Greco-Macedonian translation, rendering of Balkan Slavic through Greek orthography, and production of both Greek and Slavic vernacular Gospels in Balkans. (1) In composition, KG-2008 is a somewhat heterogeneous anthology rather than a centrally coordinated monograph. This has led to some duplication of descriptive effort and inclusion of some topics peripheral to KG itself, particularly in chapter 5 (Study of Macedonian Text). In addition, despite undeniable contributions which KG-2008 makes to our knowledge, level of scholarship in some sections of chapter 5 is at times uneven. One chiefly regrets that, with exception primarily of Lindstedt (Introduction and sec. 5.9, especially pp. 396-97), authors make comparatively little reference to a previous landmark in this field, published edition of Paris manuscript of Kulakia Gospel (Mazon and Vaillant 1938), which includes a detailed and valuable linguistic commentary by Vaillant (pp. 16-250). Closer study of latter would have been all more beneficial inasmuch as KG and Kulakia Gospel share fundamental similarities in language, provenance, date of origin, script, and content (the Kulakia Gospel includes all but one of lections found in KG, in addition to many others). Due to complexity of KG as a historical document, I summarize certain key facts and findings which are presented chiefly in chapter 3 (by Lindstedt and Wahlstrom) and sec. 5.9 (by Lindstedt). First, KG is a late 18th-early 19th centuries bilingual manuscript of 39 folia, which consists of a vernacular Greek Gospel aprakos lectionary rendered in facing columns into a local Macedonian idiom of Lower Vardar region (spoken to northwest of Solun/Thessaloniki) by an anonymous translator who used Greek script (see ch. 3 and sec. 5.9). Second, KG contains a number of interlinear and marginal emendations written in a second hang which can be identified with that of Pavel Bozigropski (ca. 1800-71, henceforth PB), a widely traveled ecclesiastical activist (see sec. 5.10) and native of Lower Vardar village of Konikovo (Greek Dytiko) (called Konikvo, in extant pronunciation of Macedonian speakers in nearby village of Griva; see Introduction, p. …

De Caen à Gand : le voyage du manuscrit Paris, Bibl. nat. de France, Rothschild 2855

The manuscript Paris, BnF, Rothschild 2855 [IV.9.14] brings together in its original, early sixteenth-century binding a heterogeneous content. It presents the particularity of not having been copied at a single time, but progressively, and according to the whims of the different owners. The contents belong to very different literary or historical genres: after the Cent cinq rondeaux d’amour - the only text that was transcribed at first - come a diary or daybook, the copy of two pieces concerning a judicial duel on 10 July 1547 between La Châtaigneraie and Jarnac, long extracts from the Livre du héraut Navarre, a genealogy of the Kervinck family, lords of Reymersdael and Lodicq, until 1663, and the names and heraldic arms of the families related to Jan De Beer, first bourgmestre of Bruges. It is thus the history of four families - the Duval of Caen, the Des Hayes dit d’Espinay, a family of Norman origin, the Kervinck de Reymersdael in Ghent, and the De Beer in Bruges - that are clarified by the ms. Paris, BnF, Rothschild 2855. Knowledge of its whereabouts are lost for nearly two hundred years before it reappears in the hands of the famous nineteenth-century bibliophiles Jean De Meyer in Ghent, then James de Rothschild in Paris.

Remarques sur la diffusion et les origines des Graeca collecta ex Hieronymo

This article reconsiders the Graeca collecta ex Hieronymo, an unpublished collection of anonymous glosses partially preserved in the manuscript Paris, BnF, latin 3088 (ninth century); some elements have been noted, in their proper place, in the margins of an lectionary of the twelfth century (Paris, BnF, latin 1180). The study of the sources of the glosser lead to manuscript Laon, BM, 444, or at least to several of the pieces in it, which allows us to situate the Carolingian copy close to the composition of the glosses. The second witness has its source, directly or not, in the first manuscript. As the order of the glossed texts points to a known type of lectionary, one can localise the lost glosses, some of which are preserved in the more recent manuscript. An edition of the Graeca collecta ex Hieronymo is given of the two witnesses in a tradition that appears to be unique.

Saint Daniel of Sketis: A Group of Hagiographic Texts Edited with Introduction, Translation, and Commentary. By BRITT DAHLMAN.

This is a new edition of stories about Daniel of Scetis which were first published by Léon Clugnet in 1900. Clugnet's edition was based mainly on the manuscript Paris Coisl. 283, where a sequence of stories about Daniel forms part of the anonymous series of Apophthegmata Patrum. Dahlman has made a new and thorough study of nearly all of the manuscripts which contain stories about Daniel, and this edition is based on texts of a different type. In his Recherches sur la tradition grecque des Apophthegmata Patrum (Subsidia Hagiographica, 36; Brussels, 1962; 2nd edn. 1984), pp. 212–13, J.-C. Guy identified among the forms of the Apophthegmata Patrum a ‘collection alphabético-anonyme derivée du type systématique’ and described two manuscripts which contain it, Scorialiensis R.II.1 and Paris BNF gr. 919. These also include, at the beginning, an independent dossier about various monks, including Daniel, which Dahlman calls the ‘Scor./Par. collection’. Dahlman has also used two further manuscripts of the same derived collection of Apophthegmata, Moscow gr. 345 and Vat. gr. 858 (which are not, so far as I can tell, mentioned by Guy), in which the Scor./Par. collection is incorporated into the alphabetical series. When their witness is combined, these four manuscripts yield the eight stories which Dahlman believes can be properly identified as belonging to this Daniel (a sixth-century Abba) rather than to others of the same name. (Clugnet's edition included two episodes having no clear connection with him.)

The Distaff Gospels: A First Modern English Edition of Les Évangiles des Quenouilles (review)

Reviewed by: The Distaff Gospels: A First Modern English Edition of Les Évangiles des Quenouilles Susan Small (bio) Madeleine Jeay and Kathleen Garay, translators and editors. The Distaff Gospels: A First Modern English Edition of Les Évangiles des Quenouilles. Broadview. 2006. 325. $18.95 A welcome companion piece to Madeleine Jeay’s 1985 edition of the late-fifteenth-century Les Évangiles des Quenouilles, this first modern English edition, by Jeay and McMaster colleague Kathleen Garay, is also an important contribution to our corpus of medieval texts in translation. Included in this edition are translations of two manuscripts: the Paris Manuscript: BnF fr. 2151 (attributed to Fouquart de Cambray, Anthoine du Val, and Jean d’Arras, called Caron) and the anonymous Chantilly Manuscript: Musée Condé 654, as well as a list of translations of names in the texts, an extensive introduction, a note on the text, illustrations, six appendices, a select bibliography, and an index. The ‘distaff’ of the title is the rod – or ‘staff’ – from which yarn is wound onto a spindle. In figurative terms, it is the mechanism by which the thread of the oral narrative – a collection of folk wisdom (or ‘gospels’) told by a group of peasant women (the evangelists of the title) – is spun into a written text by the male narrator, an unidentified cleric. The systematic displacement operated by this framing device (literal to figurative, oral to written, female to male, craft to art, personal to public, occult to open) also serves, as Jeay and Garay observe, both to situate The Distaff Gospels in a narrative tradition and to distance them from it. It is this narrative irony – what Peter Haidu has termed the ‘aesthetic distance’ of medieval narrative – manifested here as parody, mimicry, and an ambiguous anti-feminism, that makes of what would otherwise be a collective cultural artifact (albeit a very productive one) a piece of lively (and sometimes raucous) social commentary. The narrator and the women engage in deep play, a medieval literary cock and hen fight. As Jeay and Garay put it, using a term borrowed from Laura Doyle Gates, the clash of the sharp and singular male pen and the ‘active and multiple [female] distaves’ – with, I might add, a good measure of scabrous content thrown into the mix – concretizes the workings of the ‘“active and multiple” text itself.’ Jeay and Garay’s translation is very much in keeping with both the playfulness and the subtlety of this practice. The deftness of their linguistic touch activates the multiple meanings, the ambiguities, the semantic possibilities of the text, and their extremely useful footnotes leave it open to further exploration. In fact, my only quibbles with the translation and its ancillary material are grammatical, not semantic: a misuse of the subjunctive (‘remains’ for ‘remain’), a certain imprecision (‘the distaff side’ given as the English equivalent of ‘tomber en quenouille,’ for example), and the truly unfortunate confusion of direct and indirect [End Page 232] discourse, which mars the ending of what is, in all other respects, a remarkable and carefully-crafted introduction. The appendices – selections, in English, from The Decameron, The Romance of the Rose, The Fifteen Joys of Marriage, François Villon’s Testament, Christine de Pizan’s Ballad 26 and The Book of the Three Virtues, and On the Properties of Things by Bartholomew the Englishman – are delightful additions to the body of the text. The translations themselves (all either done or adapted by Jeay and Garay) are charming, viz. this, from Villon: ‘And the thighs, / Are thighs no more, but thighlets, / Flecked with spots, like sausages.’ Each text is clearly referenced and is introduced in terms of its relevance to The Distaff Gospels, be that structural (The Decameron), thematic (The Romance of the Rose), moralistic (The Fifteen Joys of Marriage), stylistic (Testament), or scientific (On the Properties of Things). These introductions are very useful, as is the inclusion of the texts themselves, although the length of some of the selections tends to promote a reading of the texts as texts and to diminish their illustrative function. In other words, one tends to get involved in the texts themselves and to forget that one is reading them in terms of...

Marginalia et histoire du texte : l'exemple du manuscrit Paris, BNF, latin 16579

The study of the marginalia in the translation of the Timaeus by Calcidius in the manuscript Paris, BNF, latin 16579 allows us to refine the filiations established by the editor of the text, J.-H. Waszink. It also informs us about the origin of the principal groups of glosses and, concurrently, about the interests of the man who conceived this manuscript.

Le manuscrit Paris, BnF, fr. 571 et la bibliothèque du comte de Hainaut-Hollande.

<titre>The manuscript Paris, BnF, fr. 571 and the library of the Count of Hainaut-Holland. Towards an Anglo-Hainaut alliance </titre> This contribution aims to study the ms BnF, fr. 571, in the light of our knowledge of the literary culture of the court of Hainaut-Holland at the time this collection of texts was assembled. The original content of the compilation – known from a table of contents at the front of the volume – will first be compared to the inventory of books William I had towards the middle of the 1320s. This evaluation will include references brought by other sources, both documentary and literary. A remarkable case that deserves greater attention is that of intertextual references to the Roman de Fauvain by Raoul le Petit – a story told in “comic strip” mode, included at the end of ms BnF, fr 571 – in the work of Jean de Condé and Jean de le Mote.

La tradition lyonnaise d’Eucher de Lyon et le manuscrit Paris, BNF, lat. 9550

The manuscript Paris, BNF, lat. 9550, which contains two hermeneutical treatises by Eucher, is the only pre-Carolingian witness to the Passion of Saint Maurice and the Theban Legion written between 432 and 449 by the bishop of Lyon. This study reconstructs the main stages in the history of this manuscript, which is written in uncials and dated by E. A. Lowe to the sixth to seventh century. Its Lyonnaise origin may be demonstrated by the convergence of several factors that point directly to the episcopal archives at Lyon at the time of Bishop Aetherius and Gregory the Great. But the manuscript seems to have been copied for the abbey of Saint Oyend, which in the seventh and eighth centuries fell under the authority of the diocese of Lyon. Brought to Lyon at the request of Leidrad, who used the treatises of his distant predecessor for initiating the clergy to the reading of the Bible, the manuscript was used a number of times by Florus, whose many corrections and annotations are recognisable especially for the text of the Passion. At the end of the ninth century the manuscript was returned to Saint Oyend by Mannon. Here, during the eleventh to twelfth century, the last folios, which were originally blank but laden with notes over the years, were cleaned and received extraneous texts, notably on the sacraments. Thereafter the manuscript was used only for this latter part and bears the title De sacramentis et aliis in the inventory of 1491. The Jesuit Pierre-François Chifflet had the pleasure of discovering it in situ around 1660 and the manuscript by luck escaped the fire of 1799, five years before its entry into the Bibliothèque nationale.

Arnaldi de Villanova, Opera medica omnia, vol. XVII: Abū l-Ṣalt al-Dani, Umayya b. ‘Abd al-‘Aziz, Translatio libri Albuzale De medicinis simplicibus, ed. J Martínez Gázquez and M R McVaugh; Abū l-Ṣalt al-Dani, Umayya b. ‘Abd al-‘Aziz, Abū-l-Ṣalt Umayya, Kitāb al-Adwiya al-mufrada, ed. A Labarta; Abū l-Ṣalt al-Dani, Umayya b. ‘Abd al-‘Aziz, Llibre d'Albumesar de Simples medecines, ed. L Cifuentes Barcelona,

The Opera medica omnia of Arnau de Vilanova is an outstanding monument to the study of medieval medicine over the last quarter century. Nothing else has done as much to illuminate the nature of western scholastic medicine, achieved through the old-fashioned virtues of scholarly textual editing. The latest addition to the series of volumes is a translation by Arnau into Latin from the Arabic of Abū-l-Ṣalt's Arabic text on simple medicines. It is the first to be published since the death in 2000 of Luis Garcia-Ballester, who was effectively founder of the series, and saw to its continuation. Fittingly, this volume is dedicated to his memory. The editorial board of the series has now been reconstituted, bringing on board Jon Arrizabalaga, Pedro Gil-Sotres and Fernando Salmon, and the advisory board too has been supplemented with distinguished scholars. The first volume produced under this new leadership is a peculiarly challenging project, as its editors admit. Since neither the translation nor the original Arabic had ever been published, it was necessary to edit both from the surviving manuscripts. Ana Labarta prepared the Arabic text and Jose Martinez Gazquez the Latin, while Michael McVaugh and Danielle Jacquart modified the presentation of the Latin in conjunction with the Arabic, and prepared the Arabic-Latin and Latin-Arabic glossaries. A medieval Catalan translation (known only in a Paris manuscript) of Arnau's Latin text was found to witness to a fuller and earlier version of his translation than any of the surviving Latin witnesses, and Lluis Cifuentes prepared a transcription of the Catalan text to accompany the Arabic and Latin ones. Introductory essays in Catalan by the editors are repeated in English and French after the translation itself, which presents Arabic and Latin versions on facing pages, and has the Catalan version as an appendix. The author of the original Arabic text, Abū-l-Ṣalt, was born in Andalucia in 1068 CE, and was one of the greatest ornaments of Maghrebi culture, a poet, philosopher, and musician, as well as physician. The ‘Book of simple medicines’ was a kind of practical handbook for physicians presenting information about the simples that could be used to evacuate humours and treat diseases of the whole body or of particular organs. It is organized in twenty chapters, and typically each chapter consists of a succession of statements about particular simples, of the form (14.11) “bitter almonds are hot and dry in the second degree. They clear obstructions in the spleen”. Even the prologue on theory which explains the Galenic humoral theory of the four qualities and the principle of treatment by opposites operates at a basic level. Although it introduces the question of how to compound simple medicines using quantitative ratios that was to preoccupy writers in Muslim Spain, it does not explore the question in detail or in a sophisticated way. Perhaps it was this very simplicity of argument and of grammatical structure that drew Arnau to the text in the 1270s. Interestingly even so Arnau may have balked at the theoretical prologue, for it is not found in manuscripts of his Latin translation, which launches directly into the twenty chapters. The editors speculate that it was the first of his three known translations from the Arabic, and its list-like structure may have made it straightforward. Nevertheless, the work may have sparked Arnau's interest in the compounding of simples that later in the 1290s gave rise to his own highly sophisticated Aphorismi de gradibus(Opera medica omnia, II). The quality of Arnau's Latin translation is not high, despite the simplicity of the text he translates. Even allowing for scribal errors in the surviving manuscripts it is clear that Arnau often misunderstood the Arabic—for instance confusing the words for “pigeon” and “bath” to disastrous effect. Omissions often include the method of administering a medicine, which perhaps he decided was not central to the purpose of the text. The editors of the Latin text make judicious use of the Catalan translation, which is very faithful to the Latin, to emend evidently erroneous readings in the later Latin manuscripts. But they do not go so far as to choose to follow the Catalan manuscript when its reading coincides with the Arabic but is entirely different from existing readings in the two families of manuscripts that preserve the Latin. As they confess, given the surviving manuscript evidence (Arabic and Latin) no accurate reconstruction of Arnau's original translation is possible, only an approximation to it. What we are given is nevertheless a volume fit to stand alongside its predecessors in this splendid series.

‘‘Et factum est' : The Commentary to the Prologue to the Book of Lamentations in the Manuscript Paris, BnF, lat. 2578

'Et factum est': The Commentary to the Prologue to the Book of Lamentations in the Manuscript Paris, BnF, lat. 2578

Freedom in Marx

Through a structural analysis of the concept of labor in the Paris Manuscripts and the Grundrisse, and in response to critics of Marx such as Hannah Arendt and Alfred Schmidt, the author argues that freedom in Marx is not simply freedom from labor or free time. In accordance with the essence of the human being as a working organism, the goal of the socialist revolution is also free labor. Finally, the transformation of the human being brought about by the development of labor as poesis in turn entails the transformation of labor necessarily performed because of human dependence on nature.

New observations on the miniature of the vision of Saint Gregory of Nazianzus in Paris. GR. 510

The article deals with the iconography of the illustration of the Second Paschal Homily of St. Gregory of Nazianzus on fol. 285r of the Paris manuscript. It questions the identity of the woman saint represented on the right of St. Paraskeve in the lower register of the scene. Unlike that above St. Paraskeve, the inscription identifying this second woman saint is fragmentary and difficult to read, but it has been widely accepted that she is Saint Helena, mother of the Emperor Constantine the Great. On the basis of two other representations of Helena in the same manuscript and of the style of the inscription accompanying them, as well as taking into account the importance of the theological meaning expounded by St. Gregory in his oration, it is suggested that the second woman saint may be St. Kyriake.

Picturing Yiddish: Gender, Identity, and Memory in the Illustrated Yiddish Books of Renaissance Italy (review)

Picturing Yiddish: Gender, Identity, and Memory in Illustrated Yiddish Books of Renaissance Italy, by Diane Wolfthal. Brill Series in Jewish Studies, 36. Leiden: Brill, 2004. 283 pp. $146.00. The purpose of this important study is to question series of assumptions widespread particularly in field of art history: images of ritual in early Yiddish books are mirrors of reality; that their Christian counterparts are neutral and objective; that illustrations in secular Yiddish books are irrelevant to understanding of Jewish history; that art history should focus on beautiful images; and that Jews in past formed uniform group, who shared view that rabbis were central and women peripheral to their society (p. 203). The author attempts to refute these assumptions by means of analysis of five profusely illustrated volumes that were created in northern Italy during sixteenth century (p. xxv): three books of customs (a manuscript, Paris BN ms. heb. 586, and two printed books, Venice 1593 and 1600) and two secular books-the romance, Pariz un viene (1594), and collection of fables, Ki-bukh (1595). Since vague topics designated by book's subtitle never become focus of study, only principle that attempts to unify analysis of these diverse materials is fact that books are all illustrated and in Yiddish, which as principle of cohesion is sometimes too tenuous. The author's strength is in her expert analysis of images and their interrelation with surrounding texts and their connections with their original audiences. The volume's most important accomplishment is its reproduction in high-quality photographs of 188 illustrations from five focal books (about half of which are from Paris manuscript, which are then systematically described and catalogued, pp. 211-250). The volume concludes with very useful bibliography (pp. 251-74) and index. There are, however, several problematic assumptions that complicate analysis, including author's own unacknowledged anti-elitist project, which is manifested in her aggressive challenge to several theses proposed and accepted in still primarily male-dominated scholarly establishment and in her (inconsistent and contradictory) championing of work of non-professional artist of Paris manuscript. First, she sharply castigates several generations of apparently elitist scholars for their descriptions of images in Paris manuscript as coarse, comical and shabby, childish, naive, and caricature-like, primitive, and devoid of all artistic worth (pp. 5, 20), although she then herself consistently echoes those evaluations in her own description of drawings (pp. 15, 20, 21, 69). Secondly, she assumes that audience, patrons, and even authors of books of customs such as ones here analyzed belong to the middle or an intermediate sector of Jewish community, basing this assumption solely on fact that these books are not expensively produced (cf. pp. 14-15, 21, 76). It is thus particularly problematic when she designates scribe/artist of Paris manuscript as a member of middle ranks of Jewish society (p. 63), since he is obviously educated enough not merely to participate passively in textual culture of Judaism, but to synthesize broad range of texts from that learned tradition in order to produce accessible vernacular digest, illustrated by pertinent images that function, as Wolfthal aptly points out, almost as glosses on text (pp. …

Trauma Theory and Hemingway's Lost Paris Manuscripts

Ernest Hemingway wrote about the 1922 loss of his early Paris manuscripts in four major published works—A Moveable Feast, Islands in the Stream, The Garden of Eden, and True at First Light—although Hemingway's editors have not always included the episode in the published versions. His repeated writing about this loss might have served as a sort of creative flashback, allowing him to face and deal with the trauma. When these works are read in order of composition and in light of modern trauma theory, a pattern of forgiveness and psychological healing emerges.

Liturgical chant bibliography 12

Liturgical chant bibliography 12 maintains the traditional division into: (1) Editions and facsimile editions, (2) Books and reprints, (3) Congress reports, (4) Chant journals, (5) Collections of essays and dictionaries, (6) Articles in periodicals and Festschriften. Additions to previous bibliographies, consisting mainly of reviews, follow the present introduction. A significant publication in 2002 was without doubt the colour facsimile of the manuscript Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, fonds lat. 776 (12002), an eleventh-century gradual from the Benedictine abbey of Saint-Michel-de-Gaillac near Albi. Although no staff lines are present, the music is notated carefully in diastematic notation. The availability of a facsimile of this famous manuscript will certainly be of value for the study of semiology and the transmission history of tropes, proses and prosulae. It also contains traces of the Gallican and Mozarabic chant repertories.

De middeleeuwseanniversariauit Herne (Parijs, Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal, ms. 1124 en Brussel, KB, 21536-40)

The Charterhouse in Heme was the first foundation of the Carthusians in the Low Countries, and played an important role in the production of spiritual Dutch texts and manuscripts during the second half of the fourteenth century. For the history of the Charterhouse, two manuscripts are of great importance: 1. Paris, Bibliotheque de l'Arsenal, ms. 1124, containing the anniversaria de ordine, as well as the anniversaria privata; 2. Brussels, KB, 21536-40, handing down the privata only. After a codicological study, it is shown that the Paris manuscript, dating from the third quarter of the fifteenth century, is in its part with the anniversaria privata an exact copy of the Brussels codex, which is almost a century older. The part with the anniversaria privata, with many later additions by other hands, might also be copied from a fourteenth century manuscript. The reason why older material had been copied might be found in the fact that the Brussels manuscript is rather small and could not contain all the names of the benefactors, whose names at an early stage had already been copied to an dut anniversaria de ordine. Paris, Bibliotheque de l'Arsenal therefore is a trustworthy and important source for the history of the Charterhouse in Heme.

Una versione abbreviata e parafrasata della historia romana di landolfo sagace Edizione del codice Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, n. a. lat. 1523-II 1

This paper contains an edition of the manuscript Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, n. a. lat. 1523-II. The edition is preceded by an introduction in which the author claims that the manuscript is a unique copy of a lost abbreviation and paraphrase of Landolfus Sagax.