Pakistan Relations Research Articles

The Dynamics of Pakistan-Russia Relations in the 21st Century and the Role of U.S. Influence

This qualitative study aims to evaluate the influence of the US and the possibility of Pakistan developing strategic relations with Russia in the 21st century. Historical legacies, an overemphasis on Western dependency and Pakistan's Endocentric viewpoint have all tarnished relations between Pakistan and Russia. Although their relationship has had numerous highs and lows, viewing Russia through Indian eyes and Pakistan through a Western lens. In the context of 21st-century regional stability, economic cooperation, and defense collaboration, the research looks at the evolving dynamics of Pakistan's relationship with Russia. PTI's government sought to strengthen economic relations with Russia. Initiatives have been made to explore investment opportunities. However, the Premier visit was not liked by the US which is evident that the foreign policy of Pakistan is influenced by America throughout. Pakistan should establish long-term relations with Russia as a trading partner which may not affect relations US.

Navigating Hybrid Governance

The governing balance between civilian regime and military leadership has become an important aspect of governance in Pakistan. When military and civilian life are pragmatically in touch with each other, both become an asset, otherwise, they are an aggressor to each other. It is their integration that ensures the convergence of their goals and directions as well as values and ideologies, as both depend on each other. This not only leads to the consolidation of democracy but also fulfills the effective civilian oversight over the military. For this, an efficient governing structure can keep in check the state’s civil-military equation and ensure that the incidence of military intervention or influence is minimized. The theoretical and structural construction of this integration and ideological alignment is particularly relevant to civil-military interaction under the National Security Committee (NSC) in Pakistan. This paper analyzes the civil-military relations in Pakistan under two different models i.e., ‘control theory’ and ‘convergence theory’ to bring a new perspective to the analysis of the topic. The paper begins with a brief review of both theoretical frameworks, followed by the history of civil-military relations under military rule, civilian setup, and NSC governance in Pakistan. The paper then looks into the case of hybrid governance under the NSC in line with the tenets of the 1973 Constitution of Pakistan. It suggests that far-reaching national strategic concerns and governing balance issues can be addressed under NSC, which is currently not being utilized to its full potential; instead it should function as a regular forum of dialogue and consultation, and not as an irregular decision-making entity. A consistently functional consultative NSC can help diffuse the ideological differences between civil and military elements of governance, creating more prospects of integration and decreasing chances of outright interference , as postulated by Janowitz in the convergence theory.

Democratisation and State– religion Relations in Post-authoritarian Indonesia and Pakistan (1998–2018)

Democratisation and State– religion Relations in Post-authoritarian Indonesia and Pakistan (1998–2018)

STRATEGIC TRANSFORMATIONS: INDIA'S PURSUIT OF COUNTERFORCE TARGETING AND REGIONAL STABILITY

In the intricate web of South Asia's security dynamics, India and Pakistan's relationship holds the key to equilibrium. Geographical proximity demands swift responses, prompting India's strategic shift towards Counterforce targeting. Official declarations and military posturing attest to India's resolute commitment to recalibrate its deterrence doctrine. This study critically examines the origins of India's Counterforce targeting strategy, drawing from existing literature and employing theoretical frameworks, including posture optimization, escalation ladder, superiority-brinkmanship, mathematical game theory, rational choice theory, and nuclear deterrence. These models collectively contribute to understanding the implications of India's pursuit of nuclear superiority for coercive diplomacy with Pakistan. Beyond enriching the understanding of South Asia's security, this research unravels the interplay between evolving nuclear strategies, the fluid dynamics of deterrence, and nuanced geopolitical ambitions. By deciphering India's counterforce targeting approach, this study fosters a nuanced discourse on South Asian strategic stability, offering insight into the pivotal role of nuclear deterrence in shaping the region. Bibliography Entry Ashraf, Mubeen and Syed Saif ul Haq. 2023. "Strategic Transformations: India's Pursuit of Counterforce Targeting and Regional Stability." Margalla Papers 27 (2): 14-26.

Book review: Satinder Kumar Lambha, In Pursuit of Peace: India–Pakistan Relations Under Six Prime Ministers

Satinder Kumar Lambha, In Pursuit of Peace: India–Pakistan Relations Under Six Prime Ministers. Penguin Random House, 2023, pp. 384, ₹799, ISBN: 9780670097944.

Identification of genetic variants associated with a wide spectrum of phenotypes clinically diagnosed as Sanfilippo and Morquio syndromes using whole genome sequencing.

Mucopolysaccharidoses (MPSs) are inherited lysosomal storage disorders (LSDs). MPSs are caused by excessive accumulation of mucopolysaccharides due to missing or deficiency of enzymes required for the degradation of specific macromolecules. MPS I-IV, MPS VI, MPS VII, and MPS IX are sub-types of mucopolysaccharidoses. Among these, MPS III (also known as Sanfilippo) and MPS IV (Morquio) syndromes are lethal and prevalent sub-types. This study aimed to identify causal genetic variants in cases of MPS III and MPS IV and characterize genotype-phenotype relations in Pakistan. We performed clinical, biochemical and genetic analysis using Whole Genome Sequencing (WGS) in 14 Pakistani families affected with MPS III or MPS IV. Patients were classified into MPS III by history of aggressive behaviors, dementia, clear cornea and into MPS IV by short trunk, short stature, reversed ratio of upper segment to lower segment with a short upper segment. Data analysis and variant selections were made based on segregation analysis, examination of known MPS III and MPS IV genes, gene function, gene expression, the pathogenicity of variants based on ACMG guidelines and in silico analysis. In total, 58 individuals from 14 families were included in the present study. Six families were clinically diagnosed with MPS III and eight families with MPS IV. WGS revealed variants in MPS-associated genes including NAGLU, SGSH, GALNS, GNPTG as well as the genes VWA3B, BTD, and GNPTG which have not previously associated with MPS. One family had causal variants in both GALNS and BTD. Accurate and early diagnosis of MPS in children represents a helpful step for designing therapeutic strategies to protect different organs from permanent damage. In addition, pre-natal screening and identification of genetic etiology will facilitate genetic counselling of the affected families. Identification of novel causal MPS genes might help identifying new targeted therapies to treat LSDs.

Book review: Satinder Kumar Lambah, In Pursuit of Peace: India–Pakistan Relations Under Six Prime Ministers

Satinder Kumar Lambah, In Pursuit of Peace: India–Pakistan Relations Under Six Prime Ministers. Penguin Random House, 2023, pp. 384, ₹799, ISBN 9780670097944.

Center-Sindh Relations in Pakistan after the 18th Amendment: Anatomy of Executive Federalism Under the PTI Government 2018–2022

Abstract This article examines the practice of Center-Province interaction in Pakistan by analyzing intergovernmental relations (IGR) between the federal (i.e., Center) and Sindh provincial governments. It focuses on the period when the Pakistan Tehreek-I-Insaaf (PTI) was in power at the Center (i.e., 2018–2022). Analyzing executive federalism and provincial governments is an understudied area of research in Pakistan. I provide an overview of the emerging literature on IGR and map out the institutional architecture of federalism in Pakistan. I pay special attention to platforms for managing Center-Province conflict, especially the Council of Common Interests (CCI). I then trace the trajectory of provincial autonomy in Sindh in the context of Pakistan’s centralized federation. My focus is on the impact of 2010 18th Amendment on regional power and the management of executive relations. I explore the critical issues of discord between the federal government of the PTI and the provincial one of the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) in Sindh. My analysis reflects continuing dominance of the Center and its linkage with party politics in the framework of executive interactions between governments at the two levels, characterized by a significant differential in their authority. I argue that constitutional devolution needs to be cushioned by a corresponding decentralization of powers to provinces like Sindh in the administrative and financial sectors.

An Analysis of the EU Assistance to Pakistan in the Wake of Climate Change with a Focus on Monsoon Flooding

This article explores the current development in the EU – Pakistan relations, particularly focuses on a new program by the EU, the Multi-Annual Indicative Programme (MIP for 2021-2027) in August 2022. It meant to support social mobilization, humanitarian and community-based projects that are in line with the EU-Pakistan Engagement Plan 2019. This article also concerns itself with the climate change issues in Pakistan with focus on rising events of catastrophic floods which gain attention of international community to assist the people stranded in disarray. The situation raised a dire need of awareness campaigns to relate self-reliance activities to manage climate related disaster managements. It explores the EU’s environmental policies and practices made towards the sustainable development goals (SDGs). It further analyzes through the lens of the EU’s successive projects and policies to adapt and mitigate the climate change crisis in Europe and its assistance programmes to other countries like Pakistan. It highlights the responses of international community towards Pakistan, after the country was hit by unprecedented heavy monsoon rains.

Foreign Policy Of Pakistan Major Determinant And Relations With Countries

This research paper delves into the foreign policy of Pakistan with a primary focus on major determinants. The study is conducted by analyzing the historical dimensions of Pakistan's foreign policy and highlighting the key factors in its formulation considering the relations with other countries. A comprehensive analysis is established by utilizing the qualitative method of research and scholarly literature available on the subject. There is a number of factors that influence Pakistan's relations with countries: economic vitality, security dynamics, and geo-political landscape; particularly, in the context of its relations with key stakeholders such as India, Afghanistan, China, and the United States. In concluding remarks, the study underscores the inevitability of the geo-economic aspect of the security-oriented foreign policy paradigm of Pakistan. In the contemporary hyper-globalized world mega projects like One Belt One Road (OBOR) have extreme potential to make Pakistan an important competitor in the global arena.

Shaping Public Perception: The Evolution of Government Public Relations in the Digital Age

This research examines the historical development of public relations and its role in promoting effective governance, democracy, and communication in diverse states. It highlights the Islamic perspective on mass communication and its influence on contemporary public relations practices. The study also explores the evolution of public relations in the digital age, with a focus on social media and its impact on democracy. Additionally, it examines the historical foundations of public relations in Pakistan, which have been shaped by the country's ethnic and religious diversity. Beyond these key areas, the research further explores the ethical considerations of public relations practices in the digital age, particularly regarding data privacy, fake news, and misinformation. It also analyzes the challenges and opportunities presented by the evolving media landscape for public relations professionals and organizations. By providing a comprehensive overview of the field, the research aims to contribute valuable insights for academics, practitioners, and policymakers seeking to understand and navigate the complexities of public relations in the contemporary world. The study provides a comparative analysis of public relations history in the United States, Russia, China, and India, offering international insights into the commonalities and differences that impact communication strategies. Overall, the research provides important insights for academics and practitioners alike, highlighting the crucial role that public relations plays in promoting efficient governance, democracy, and societal advancement.

Неравносторонний треугольник: сотрудничество Турции, Азербайджана и Пакистана

The article concentrates on historic prerequisites of Turkiye–Azerbaijan–Pakistan triangle with special emphasis on two vibrant tracks: Turkiye–Azerbaijan relations before the establishment of the USSR and Turkiye–Pakistan relations during the Cold War. Combined, these tracks shape the basis for the present triangle. The authors trace the triangle’s history back to the establishment of Azerbaijan’s independence and cover crucial spheres of cooperation between the nations: political interaction and their shared stance on security problems such as Nagorno-Karabakh, Kashmir, the Cyprus issue, as well as tensions in the Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean; economic links in general and energy cooperation in particular; defense cooperation, assistance in military training, dynamics of arms trade and its prospects. The institutionalization of the triangle took place in 2017 after the signing of Baku Declaration and was tested during the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War of 2020. Since the triangle saw success in the war, the parties have boosted their brotherly partnership with the first trilateral joint military drills launched in 2021. The authors claim that Turkiye and Azerbaijan will remain agenda-setters with Pakistan trying to correlate its national interests, which are hardly existent in the South Caucasus, with the triangle’s core. In case of Pakistani involvement in regional security issues, the authors propose two scenarios for Russia. The first one entails Russia serving as a mediator between Armenia, Iran and India. The second one calls on Armenia, India and Russia to develop trilateral defense cooperation that would benefit all the parties: Armenia would gain new sophisticated arms, India could acquire a reliable client, with Russia trying to implement a new form of defense cooperation so as to strengthen its position in global arms market.

Taliban 2.0 and Afghanistan–Pakistan Relations

Afghanistan remained at the centre stage of regional and global politics owing to its unique geopolitical location in the Cold War period. Afghan jihad of the 1980s impacted not only Afghanistan but also its neighbours particularly Pakistan. In the post-Cold War period, civil war engulfed the war-ravaged and poverty-stricken country which was controlled by the Taliban in 1996. Pakistan recognised the Taliban rule which was ended by the American military might in the wake of 9/11. In the post-Taliban period, the USA-led NATO alliance experimented a Western-style political and economic order in tradition-bound Afghanistan. Paradoxically, after 20 years, different political personalities and presidential terms failed to stabilise the country. Since the Obama years the USA seemed more interested in Indo-Pacific than West Asia. Hence, it opted to withdraw from Afghanistan while doing a deal with the Taliban in Doha in February 2020. The withdrawal policy was operationalised by the Biden Administration. Since 15 August 2021 Afghanistan has been under the Taliban control for the second time, hence, it is termed Taliban 2.0 by this study. Compared to their first regime, the Taliban 2.0 has not been formally recognised by any country so far. Will the Taliban gain regional, if not, international recognition in the foreseeable future? Will Pakistan aid the Taliban in this respect? To what extent intra-Taliban friction impacts bilateral relations? How does Pakistan view Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and vice versa? And, above all, how will Afghanistan and Pakistan treat each other in the coming months? These are some crucial questions that this study attempts to address underpinned by primary and secondary sources.

Soviet Aggression in Afghanistan (1979–1989) and American – Pakistan Relanions

The impact of the Soviet aggression in Afghanistan in 1979–1989 on US–Pakistan relations on the basis of predominantly American-Pakistani documents and memoirs has been examined in the article. Soviet intervention in Afghanistan led to the deterioration of Soviet-American relations, the curtailment of “détente” and the escalation of the Cold War. One manifestation of this was the United States’ full support for the Afghan opposition. The USA needed Pakistan as allies in this policy but it was sandwiched between Soviet-occupied Afghanistan and unfriendly India, so it needed reliable allies. In addition, the Afghan opposition parties’ headquarters, Mujahedeen training camps were located in Pakistan with almost 3 million settled refugees. The USA and Pakistan were mutually interested in close cooperation.
 The conditionality of changing the format of US-Pakistani relations by the civil war in Afghanistan and the involvement of the USSR on the side of the ruling People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan have been proved. The relations between the USA and Pakistan in the 1980s developed in two directions: official and covert but under the Afghan crisis influence the United States gave in to its principles. Despite the dictatorial regime, violation of the conditions of nuclear non-proliferation the USA has significantly expanded its military-technical and economic assistance to Pakistan. This significantly strengthened the country's defense capabilities and position of M. Ziyaul-Haq’s regime and Pakistan has become in general one of the main allies of the USA in their support of the Afghan crisis opposition. The secret cooperation between the CIA and the Pakistani Interagency Intelligence in financing and supplying military property to the Afghan Mujahedeen, providing them with intelligence, assisting in the production and dissemination of propaganda materials was important. This had a marked effect on the Afghan war outbreak, greatly strengthened the Mujahedeen’s ability to resist Soviet troops, and significantly increased the disastrous consequences of the Afghan adventure for the USSR. After the Soviet troops’ withdrawal from Afghanistan, Pakistan lost strategic importance to the USA, and most programs of US-Pakistani cooperation were curtailed.

Russia–Pakistan Relations and the Constraints of Geoeconomics

Russia–Pakistan relations have improved since the end of the Cold War. While that trend is likely to continue, Russia is unlikely to transform Pakistan’s difficult strategic circumstances. Russia is insufficiently wealthy to provide enough aid and investment to revitalize Pakistan’s economy. Russia is also too concerned with maintaining access to the Indian defense market to increase defense sales to Pakistan more than modestly. This article reviews what I call the constraints of geoeconomics, where the relatively small size of the Russian and Pakistani economies combines with the considerable distance between them to limit Russian–Pakistani ties despite periodic official interest in deepening them. It situates these current obstacles in the context of the historic Soviet–Pakistani relationship, which was similarly constrained by distance, great power politics, and Indian concerns.

Internationalizing the Kashmir dispute: an analysis of India and Pakistan’s statements at the United Nations General Assembly

ABSTRACT No other issue has influenced the India–Pakistan relationship more adversely than the Jammu and Kashmir dispute. To understand the discourse surrounding the dispute, and how it has evolved within the foreign policies of both countries, this research undertakes a critical discourse analysis of both countries’ official statements at the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) between 1948 and 2020. The findings of this study are crucial to not only understanding how the two states have been internationalizing the Kashmir dispute but also what lessons can be learned from the past as both countries attempt to slowly reengage with one another. Our analysis points to the fact that both India and Pakistan’s stances on the Kashmir dispute, despite their varying phases throughout the conflict, have essentially remained the same. We argue that, despite seeming to have converged toward some form of resolution during the first decade of the twenty-first century, the current context of India–Pakistan relations presents a worsening trajectory that has not been witnessed since their last major war in 1971. In highlighting the cyclical, almost scripted nature of this debate, this paper attempts to suggest ways to break free from age-old tropes and help pave the way toward more meaningful ways to redefine the issue in light of a radically altered geo-political context.

The troubled triangle: US–Pakistan relations under the Taliban's shadow

The troubled triangle: US–Pakistan relations under the Taliban's shadow

How not to deal with a rising China: a perspective from south Asia

Abstract Debates on China's rise often limit the focus on the continuity and sustenance of the United States' hegemony and the liberal global order. This debate often ignores the primacy of the regional actors, who are generally reduced to ‘pawns’ in great power politics, acting without agency, interests, or values of their own. Instead, this article suggests that as China rises—like any other great power of the past—it will first aim to secure regional primacy through an array of policy instruments. To test this it examines three case-studies: 1) China–Pakistan relations in nuclear proliferation; 2) China–India relations with respect to border conflict; and 3) Sri Lanka–China relations for development infrastructure. It finds that China's rise has not been benign and instead Beijing has adopted aggressive policies in its neighbourhood. This article finds that the strategic binary of balancing (interest-based containment) and engagement (constructive cooperation) does not reflect immediate realities and long-term sustainability for regional actors. Instead, it suggests the latter would be better advised looking for closer cooperation with like-minded allies in the region (and beyond) as a way forward.

Building peace through tourism: The analysis of an ongoing Siachen Glacier dispute between India and Pakistan

The current article aims to analyse the effectiveness of the conversion of the Siachen Glacier into a peace park on India–Pakistan relations. It further investigates how the peace park can build mutual understanding leading to cooperation and peace between the two countries. The article presents the conceptual framework for adequate supervision of the Siachen Glacier jointly by India and Pakistan to mitigate the existing tensions and conflicts through tourism within the context of the tourism–peace nexus and peace park concept. The Siachen Peace Park proposition offers an amazing way out for the policymakers to diffuse tensions between the military establishments of India and Pakistan. Both the nations have been losing the lives of their soldiers among the snow-capped peaks not due to any gunfight but mainly because of climatic extremities and frostbite. The suggestion of the Siachen Peace Park has been explicated with the help of a four-stage peace park conversion model conceived by the authors, which gives a conceptual understanding of the outcomes of this Peace Park for both countries.

The Age of Surveillance Capitalism and its Impacts on Civil-Military Relations in Pakistan

The study is intended to describe the newly emerging wave of cyber security threats under the conception of Surveillance Capitalism, which was initially defined by a Harvard university professor, ShoshanaZuboff. The idea of Zuboff emphasizes the use of various formats of data collected from different android software applications that can help regulate the political, social, and economic orientations of the targeted nations. The relevance of Surveillance Capitalism in the nuclearized subcontinent portrays a different picture of the South Asian strategic environment in which New Delhi and Islamabad are the archival nations. The Indian offensive policies obsessed with AntiPakistani behavior have launched a massive campaign on the mainstream social media platforms generally, and Twitter particularly. The use of countless fake social media accounts containing inaccurately maintained material for propagating purposes has become a major offensive tool of New Delhiagainst Islamabad. The Indian strategic community, preoccupied with the critical elements of internal Pakistan issues, is trying to mislead social media users by spreading manipulating facts about the critical nature of civil-military relations in Pakistan. Therefore, the paper's central theme revolves around the strategic dimension of Zuboff’s concept of Surveillance Capitalism and its application to the decades-long Pakistan-India rivalry under the shadows of social media accounts generally and Twitter particularly.