Organizational Ideology Research Articles

Managerial Accounting for Decision-Making and Planning

Managerial Accounting for Decision-Making and Planning

Resisting the Tide: The Roles of Ideology in Sustaining Alternative Organizing at a Self-managed Cooperative

This paper examines how organizational ideology can be collectively mobilized to sustain an alternative organizational form—a self-managed cooperative—in resistance to institutional prescriptions perceived as hostile. Based on an ethnographic study of the Venezuelan cooperative Cecosesola, we identify three roles through which ideology enables the reproduction of the alternative form over time: ideology as a mobilizing normative framework to justify resistance; as a cultural-cognitive framework to engage members and integrate them into the resistance project; and as a regulatory framework ensuring member compliance. However, we find that in parallel with sustaining self-management as an alternative form, mobilizing ideology may also paradoxically entail costs in terms of individual sacrifices, exclusion of members and reduction of group heterogeneity, leading to the creation of an authoritarian system. These findings shed light on the ideological drivers of institutional resistance and bring new insights to understand the challenge of sustaining self-management and other alternative organizational forms within a hostile institutional context.

Левая дилемма Дж. Байдена и демократической партии

After two years in the White House, President Joe Biden, who was elected as a centrist, despite his success in implementing his social agenda by building a compromise with Congress divided between left-wing Democrats and right-wing Republicans, still embraces radical far-left agenda as the next campaign strategy. The Democratic Party consolidates in its progressive agenda which will dominate its ideological development. J. Biden’s formula for success – compromise and centrism, which brought him victory in 2020, over the two years of his stay in the White House proved to be precisely the working formula for interaction with Congress and implementation of social programs. After several months of record low ratings, in August 2022, the popularity of the President improved markedly, returning to the figures of September 2021. The 44% that he received in his support still meant that the majority of society did not approve of his presidency, but it was obvious that his efforts to advance his agenda were appreciated by the public. However, the most important thing about this growth is that it was provided by independent voters. It was their support that the President began to lose after only five months of his stay in the White House, their low assessment explained the depressing support numbers of Summer 2022, and only they could return J. Biden to the game on the eve of the midterm elections, turning him from a burden for his party into its hope. Still independent voters are the most difficult audience for parties and presidents, because unlike the emotionally charged core party supporters who are ready to positively evaluate the president just because he represents their party, the swing voters evaluate the results of the presidency, not the party affiliation. And the return of this electorate to Biden after several legislative victories was a positive assessment of the effectiveness of his government strategy based on compromise. Yet there are big doubts that the Democrats are ready to hear and accept this signal of the swing voters. The logical reorientation of parties towards independent voters and a necessary shift of the agenda to the center of the ideological spectrum is complicated by the instability of moods in this part of society, the complexity of monitoring and forecasting them. Given the prevalence of the logic of electoral struggle, which changes all the social functions of political parties, such a reorientation violates the current basic principle of the American parties’ ideological organization – the success of the agenda is determined by victory in the elections. With the dominance of this logic, it can be assumed that the left-wing vector of the Democratic Party’s development will increase, forcing J. Biden not only to strengthen the left rhetoric, but also to expand the left agenda of his presidency, especially if his party loses control over Congress. The whole domestic political process will be still determined by the ideological conflict between two radical agendas – far-left and far-right.

ANALYZING SIGNALS OF (IN)EQUITY AND POWER IN ENGINEERING COLLEGE INTERNSHIP ADVERTISEMENTS

Gendered and racialized barriers play a significant role in undergraduate students' interest and persistence in engineering. While sexist and racist environments have been widely investigated in engineering academic settings, the impediments to equity in work-related engineering socialization experiences are far less explored. Specific to undergraduate students' work settings, internships serve as anticipatory socialization experiences where students learn what it is like to work in certain fields. Yet, little is known about the cues that sponsoring companies provide to potential interns about organizational ideology and power. Drawing from 122 advertisements for college engineering internships, this study explored companies' language and linguistic tools in ads. Within a framework of signaling theory and feminist critical discourse analysis, we used document analysis to examine organizational statements of equal employment and diversity as well as (implicitly gendered and racialized) power structures signaled by linguistic tools (e.g., nominative personal pronouns). Findings reveal a lack of specificity in companies' explicit statements, suggesting that "diversity" language evades identifying concrete equity efforts. Further, results illustrate the complex nature of how companies used linguistic tools to promote their own diversity values and position interns' agency. Leveraging a feminist lens, we discuss how leaving inclusive practices and power structures unnamed may signal a performative commitment to equity. We conclude with implications for higher education researchers, practitioners in career services, and employers recruiting college interns.

Jihadists’ Use and Pursuit of Weapons of Mass Destruction: A Comparative Study of Al-Qaeda and Islamic State’s Chemical, Biological, Radiological and Nuclear (CBRN) Weapons Programs

This article compares and contrasts the Chemical, Biological, Radiological and Nuclear (CBRN) weapons programs of Al-Qaeda and Islamic State through the framework of organizational structure, typology, ideology and CBRN incidents (selected case studies). A three-step CBRN model explaining the use of CBRN weapons by both groups is proposed. This model suggests that the use of CBRN weapons is predicated on three factors: leadership at the strategic level; acquisition of material at the operational level and technical capabilities at the tactical level. It is found that the failure of both groups in developing and carrying out large-scale CBRN attacks boils down primarily to the lack of technical capabilities and the difficulties associated with acquisition of materials. It is argued that the future CBRN threat landscape will likely be dominated by the threat of small-scale, localized attacks using crude chemical or biological agents by lone actors or autonomous cells as opposed to larger-scale centrally directed attacks.

Paradoxes of Belonging, Organizing, and Agency: Integrating and Differentiating Divergent Strategic Logics in Supported Social Enterprises

ABSTRACT Supported social enterprises (SSEs) are organizations that rely on both public subsidies and commercial activities to support underserved individuals’ social and economic integrations. As such, SSEs must manage paradoxes embedded in their double-bottom line that binds market and welfare logics. Having to pass through such authoritative and discordant filters, SSEs are inevitably compelled to vacillate between risky alignment strategies. Deploying an SSE serving immigrant women in the U.S. Southwest as a case study, this study takes a critical discourse approach to examine cross-status articulations of organizational identities, ideologies, and paradoxes underlying the work of the focal SSE. Interview discourses revealed how members of the SSE experience and respond to paradoxes of belonging, organizing, and institutional embeddedness stemming from employee profiles, workfare programs, and ideological contestations, respectively. Because the identified paradoxes are inherent in the work of SSEs, this study proposes integration and differentiation as flexible yet complementary entrepreneurial communication strategies for managing paradoxes and divergent logics. Additionally, integration and differentiation can help SSEs foster cross-status awareness and commitment to both social and business missions that are crucial in the processes of revamping legitimacy among SSEs stakeholders.

PERIODICS OF NATIONALIST ORGANIZATIONS OF THE DIASPORA AS A MEANS OF CREATING THE UKRAINIAN INFORMATION SPACE IN THE CONDITIONS OF EMIGRATION (1950S - EARLY 1990S)

The article is devoted to analyzing periodicals of Ukrainian nationalist organizations outside the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic in the 1950s - early 1990s and their role in creating an information space in the diaspora. Periodicals are considered a means of providing information communication between nationalist organizations, their membership, and Ukrainian communities. The article describes the journals and newspapers of nationalist organizations of the diaspora: «Independent Ukraine», «Ukrainian word», «Way of Victory», «Liberation Way», «Ukrainian Independent». Much attention is paid to the thematic and problematic content of the press, its importance for promoting the nationalist ideology and political programs of organizations and preserving national identity. The topics of nationalist press publications, their purpose, and information potentials are considered in detail. It is identified the main topics of publications: the ideology of organizations, the strategy of restoring the independence of Ukraine, the concept of an independent state, official resolutions of organizations, socio-political events in the diaspora, the situation in the USSR, and the policy of Soviet government, formation of national identity and historical memory. Based on the study of the content of periodicals, it was concluded that a significant place in the publications was occupied by information about events in the USSR because nationalist organizations aimed to create a sense of integrity for the Ukrainian people in Ukraine and abroad and mobilize the diaspora to change the situation at homeland. The article identifies problematic aspects in the press of nationalist organizations: the lack of a single universal publication, the strengthening of the emigration nature of the press, the low print quality of publications, the conflict between Ukrainian nationalist organizations on the pages of publications. It was concluded that using press publications, nationalist organizations created an information space in the diaspora, which popularized nationalist narratives, united Ukrainians from around the world, acted as a means of national identification for migrants, promoted the movement to restore the independence of Ukraine.

Power representation in the leadership of academic libraries in Indonesia

Introduction. Libraries as a dynamic environment have supported dynamic interactions in various aspects of life. These interactions occur in several frames such as culture, social, and ideology that pose power in library leadership at universities.
 Data Collection Method. In-depth interviews with nine informants, consisting of heads, librarians, and library staff in three libraries, conducted unstructurally between 2018 and 2020. Interview data was used as the main data collection technique, supported by observations and documentation.
 Data Analysis. Miles and Huberman's model with three stages, i.e. data reduction, data presentation, and conclusion or verification, was employed to interpret findings.
 Results and Discussion. The results showed five main issues, which are directly related to power representation in libraries. These issues include religious understanding, institutional vision, temporary power, seniority of library personnels, and the influence of the library collection development.
 Conclusion. The representation of power in library leadership practices has emerged in the frames of religiosity, organizational ideology, seniority, power, and impact of library collection. Therefore, this research contributes to library science theorists and practitioners concerning the awareness of the power representation issues.

POPULISME ISLAM DALAM GERAKAN 212

This study aims to describe the 212 movement as a phenomenon of Islamic populism based on socio-religious movements followed by various Islamic organizations and their contradictions with other Islamic organizations The results showed that the 212 movement phenomenon was followed by various religious groups, especially Islam, participation was based on various forms of motivation, demands, principles and organizational ideology. In addition, the research results show that not all Islamic organizations support the 212 movement, but there are contradictions among religious organizations regarding their perceptions of the 212 movement. Pros and cons tend to be based on interpretations of religious teachings as well as ideology and organizational principles. The results of the research are then analyzed using the concept of mass mobilization and Islamic populism in the study of social movements that lead to the populist movement. The research findings also show that there is a relationship between social movements and Islamic populism as evidenced by the finding of chains of equivalens and empty signifiers which have implications for the formation of political frointer in the Islamic populism movement 212.

FUNERAL RITE AS A SOURCE OF STUDYING IDEOLOGICAL CONCEPTS OF THE POPULATION OF DAGESTAN OF THE ERA OF THE MIDDLE BRONZE

The article is devoted to the study of burial rites of the Middle Bronze Age - the most important source for the study of the ideological ideas of the population of Dagestan. The funeral rite is an important ethnographic feature and a conservative element of archaeological culture. Along with the inventory, it is considered a reliable base for identifying the characteristics of a culture, its chronology and boundaries. The aim of this work is to study the burial rite of the population of Dagestan of the Middle Bronze Age based on the analysis of burial monuments, the study of which allows us to identify various religious ideas and rituals of the cult character of the local population. Fundamental shifts in the development of the culture of Dagestan at the turn of the Early and Middle Bronze Age led to the cultural transformation of the region and caused changes in the ideological perceptions of the local population, which was reflected in the funeral rites. This led to an increase in ethnic diversity, mobility of the population, the spread of the burial rite, cromlechs around burial structures, the appearance of burials in log cabins and with carts, the use of ocher, pebble, tree and reed bedding in the funeral rite, etc. All these facts testify to the great diversity of the funeral rite.These events are associated with the significant influence of the steppe tribes on the culture and ideological ideas of local tribes. A comprehensive study of burial structures and rituals of the population of Dagestan in the Middle Bronze Age made it possible to highlight many problems associated with ideological ideas and social organization of society, ethnocultural contacts of the local population with neighboring tribes. The study of the materials of burial monuments made it possible to form an idea of ​​the spiritual culture of the population of the region under consideration: to reveal that the population of Dagestan in the Middle Bronze Age had complex and varied beliefs, among which ideas about the "soul", "afterlife", magical, protective techniques, cults of animals, nature and other cosmological representations, etc.

Engagement Stance in the Illegitimate Discourse Practice

The paper deals with an interpersonal approach to the study of mediated political communication, that is aimed at the description of text impact capacity considered as tool of influence on group characteristic of an engaged object through the acceptance of the involving person's attitudes. The goal of the study was reached through rhetorical analysis, the methodology of critical discourse analysis and sociolinguistic theory of membership categorization. The concept of "engagement stance" is introduced and considered as metadiscourse characteristics of a communicative artefact reflecting the initiative of the subject (an initiator of engagement) whose purpose is to involve the audience to the ideology and practice of a terrorist organization. The study takes into account linguistic-parametric signs, significant for law enforcement practice, which make it possible to externalize the mindset to involve others in committing the crimes of an extremist (terrorist) orientation and to identify its verbal indicators. Rhetorical analysis of the engagement stance proves, that adaptation of the text type depends on the communicative intentions of the corporate author and shows text capacity for genre transformations caused by public circumstances, it is presented in the following characteristics: a) asymmetry as an interactional feature of the corporate subject and the object of an engagement action; b) perception of the corporate subject as an absolute truth holder, whose views acceptance is positioned as the only right decision for the object; c) the regulatory nature of the message aimed at receiving responses controlled by the sender (the corporate subject of an engagement).

Talent Management – the Tendencies of Development

In the industrial system, the organization of labor had to be carried out exactly according to the regulations and instructions written by the designer of the work. In the postindustrial economy, the ideology of labor organization is changing. At the dawn of postindustrialization, such concepts as «decent work», «humanization of labor», «rotation of work», «development of human resources», «enrichment of labor», etc. are widely used. At the same time, the trends of «professionalization of labor» and its autonomy began to appear. Step by step, the multi-disciplinary nature of labor grew, when from the post-operative Taylorist-Ford organization of labor began to move to a multi-operational, based on the combination of functions and professions. The emphasis is on creating holistic models of attractive decent work, reducing the distance between different categories of employees, primarily managers and workers. Unlike in the past, prevention, repair and reprogramming of equipment is assigned to the main staff. This indicates a flexible organization of not only production, but also labor. Thus, the employee is freed from the «dictates of machines» and bureaucratic instruction, and is given the freedom to choose decisions and actions while increasing responsibility and risk for the successful performance of work. It becomes the main link in the technological process. When creating new jobs, it is also necessary to take into account the fact that the employee entering the labor market is changing today. The quality of the labor force is improving: the employee’s educational level and competence are growing, and the process of development and training becomes continuous throughout life. The professional space of the employee is also developing, which is manifested in the emergence of new, sometimes hybrid professions related to receiving, transmitting, and processing information in its various forms and ensuring the sustainable development of the information environment. There is a transformation of the place and role of the employee in social production. These changes allow us to speak about the formation of a new type of employee, characterized by a high educational level, knowledge of information and communication technologies (ICT), having the skills to work with complex intellectual equipment, independent and creative thinking, activity and responsibility in their actions, high ability to self-organization, based on creativity in work, that is, the employee becomes creative. The new nature of work, manifests itself, on one side of individualization, it characterizes the weakening of relations of the employee with a certain social environment (workers become more mobile and less dependent on the firms in which they work), the conclusion of individual labour agreements, the personification of the system of motivation of personnel, and on the other – to increase the creative content of the work and turning it into a means of human self-realization. In this regard, the nature of employee management changes, since it becomes not only the object of management, but also its subject – an individual developing within a certain cultural tradition. Talent management, in contrast to HR processes, through which the operational management of personnel is carried out, focuses special attention on employees as the most important single asset that has a strategic focus. The article discusses the search for talented employees in the organization, highlights the characteristic features of modern approaches to managing them (employees), and in particular, the tools for this work, which are constantly being improved.

Bias Ideologis Tafsir Hizb al-Tahr

This article figures out ideological biases in Abū Rashtah Book’s, al-Taysīr fī 'Ulūm al-Tafsīr: Tafsir al-Baqarah. As a figure of ḥizb al-taḥrīr, Abū Rashtah's interpretation strengthens his organization's ideology and to oppose the ulama's interpretation. This article questions how the al-Taysīr methodology was used by Abū Rashtah for interpreting al-Qur'an and how the biases of Abū Rashtah's interpretation in his book. By using thematic writing techniques on khilāfah verses and using descriptive analysis methods, This research concludes that the method of interpretation applied in his book prioritizes linguistic analysis and the use of reason. Through this method of language based on reason, it was found that there were ideological biases. One of them is the persuasion of the enforcement of the khilāfah Islamiyyah system when he interprets the QS. Al-Baqarah: 30. Abū Rashtah is of the view that this verse is the normative basis for the enforcement of the khilāfah system. Apart from the above verse, the invitation to enforce the khilāfah system can also be found in the QS interpretation of al-Baqarah: 105. Abū Rashtah believes that the Khilāfah Islamiyyah will soon be established on the face of the earth according to Allah's promise.

The Tactics of the Women‘s Movement in the 4th Parliament Election

1927 was significant for the women’s movement because it was necessary to review the goals and their implementation methods in the women’s movement while adapting to altered political conditions. On 6 December 1928, the government issued an order that made it necessary to reregister organisations and pointed out that members of an association could be persons who were 21 or older. In this political environment, the activities of the Lithuanian catholic women’s organisation became more passive and shifted towards the areas of culture and education. It passed on taking care of women’s affairs to other women’s organisations. During the 30s, it underwent a crisis, and the Lithuanian Women’s Council was positioned not as a political or charity organisation but as an ideological organisation that had a goal of educating and encouraging women to be interested in culture, develop their sense of responsibility (for the society, family and country) and protect women’s affairs. Financial support from the government allowed the Council to develop relations and represent the Lithuanian women’s movement on the international scale. This was an important factor of the development and unification of the women’s movement but not its trengthening. The active Lithuanian Women’s Union was forced to limit its activities after the upheaval. During the 30s of the 20th century, Lithuanian women’s movement displayed consolidation of all three areas (catholic, democratic and social-democratic) when attempting to solve issues related to women’s representation in the 4th Seimas, prostitution, position of women and children in families, piece and other issues. Lithuanian history does not include very many analyses of elections to the 4th Seimas and the tactics applied by the Lithuanian Nationalist Union that limited all possibilities for female representatives to become members of the parliament. This shows that this political power created a mirage that was dispersed on the day of the election to the 4th Seimas, even though it allegedly satisfied the requirements of the women’s movement and showing the society it was represented. The article analyses the inability of women’s organisations to agree and suggest a representative to the Council of Lithuania as well as its weak representation of women in self-management. The article also discusses its causes and consequences.Aim of the article – having revealed the limitations of women’s activities in the national life during the 30s of the 20th century, to analyse the reasons of the defeat of the women’s movement in the 4th Seimas

Rosyjskie towarzystwa rolnicze u schyłku XIX i na początku XX w. w opinii współczesnych

The article is devoted to the views of A. G. Shcherbatov on the role, tasks and significance of the agricultural societies of the Russian Empire at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century. Shcherbatov was the Chairman of the Moscow Imperial Society of Agriculture and an official of the Ministry of Agriculture. His position largely determined the ideology of agrarian public organizations. He contributed to the formation of state policy in agriculture. A. G. Shcherbatov considered agricultural societies a simple and effective way to solve the agrarian question in Russia. The agrarian public organizations performed many functions. The most important task A. G. Shcherbatov considered was to improve the commercial profitability of agricultural societies and their competitiveness on the market. Their activities became more effective with the support of the state and zemstvos. Regional agricultural societies had their own specifics. Prior to the First World War, these agrarian associations achieved significant results. The program of A. G. Shcherbatov on agricultural societies was to some extent realized.

Target Them with What? Why States Choose Different COIN Strategies for Different Insurgent Organizations

Why do some governments negotiate with insurgent organizations while others use force? This study examines the factors that influence these strategic government approaches to insurgencies using an original data set of state actions toward 140 insurgent groups between 1998 and 2012. We develop a simple model to explain government policy choice and test on these original data. After accounting for ideological differences and insurgent organization alliances, our findings suggest that the size of the insurgent group, the extent of previous lethal violence, and previous government decisions all influence government selection of conciliatory, repressive, mixed, and non-response strategies. We conclude by discussing the implications for how governments make counterterrorism/counterinsurgency strategy.

Practical Ideology in Militant Organizations

AbstractIdeology shapes militant recruitment, organization, and conflict behavior. Existing research assumes doctrinal consistency, top-down socialization of adherents, and clear links between formal ideology and political action. But it has long been recognized that ideological commitments do not flow unaltered from overarching cleavages or elite narratives; they are uneven, contingent, fraught with tension, and often ambivalent. What work does ideology do in militant groups if it is not deeply studied, internalized, or sincerely believed? How can scholars explain collective commitment, affinity, and behavioral outcomes among militants who clearly associate themselves with a group, but who may not consistently (or ever) be true believers or committed ideologues? I argue that practical ideologies—sets of quotidian principles, ideas, and social heuristics that reflect relational worldviews rather than specific published political doctrines, positions, platforms, or plans—play a key role in militant socialization through everyday practices. Ethnographic evidence gained from fieldwork among Palestinians in Lebanon demonstrates how militants and affiliates render ideas about ideological closeness and distance accessible through emotional, intellectual, and moral appeals. This approach reaffirms the role of discourse and narrative in creating informal mechanisms of militant socialization without expressly invoking formal doctrine.

Stages of implementing the concept of lean production in the healthcare of the Russian Federation

The article presents the stages of implementation of the principles of lean production in the healthcare of the Russian Federation, outlines the goals and prospects of projects to optimize the quality and safety of medical care, emphasizes the role of nursing specialists in improving the ideology of a patient-oriented medical organization.

Analysis of the existing system of personal development of the head nurse

The article presents the stages of implementation of the principles of lean production in the healthcare of the Russian Federation, outlines the goals and prospects of projects to optimize the quality and safety of medical care, emphasizes the role of nursing specialists in improving the ideology of a patient-oriented medical organization.

Issue alignment and partisanship in the American public: Revisiting the ‘partisans without constraint’ thesis

Prior studies of American polarization suggest that the public gradually sorted themselves into partisan camps in the late 20th century while remaining largely non-ideological. Drawing on more recent data, we reassess these trends and discover a striking increase in the ideological organization of American public opinion in the beginning of the 21st century. Using a broad set of issues from the American National Election Studies, we identify rapid growth in the correlations between political attitudes from 2004 to 2016. This emergence of issue alignment is most pronounced within the economic and civil rights domains, challenging the notion that current “culture wars” are grounded in moral issues. While elite subpopulations show the greatest gains, we find that economic issues become more highly correlated across the electorate. We also find accelerated growth in the association between partisanship and issue attitudes during this period. These findings paint a new picture of the American electorate as not only highly partisan but increasingly ideological.