Non-violent Means Research Articles

EPA-0873 – Clustering suicide attempters may help in the prevention of suicidal behaviors

Introduction Despite the multidimensionality of suicidal behavior, to date there is no precise depiction of suicide attempters according to their features. In this study we investigate if a sample of suicide attempters can be clustered in homogeneous subgroups according to the characteristics of their suicidal behavior. Once the main clusters were identified, we have compared the main risk factors between the groups to establish clinical profiles. Method Patients between 18 and 84 years old were recruited as part of a suicide attempters study (n=1009). They were consecutively hospitalized and survivors of a current suicide attempt in a specialized unit of the Montpellier University Hospital. We used an Ascending Hierarchical Classification following Ward's method to identify clusters among suicide attempters. Clusters were then compared with regards to phenotypic and genetic variables. Results Three clusters were identified. Attempt planning, substance use, and few possibilities of rescue characterized the first cluster (‘reflexive’, n=40). The second cluster (‘moderate’, n=604) did not plan the attempts but used non-severe non-violent means. Finally, the third cluster (‘impulsive’, n=365) made the first attempt at an earlier age, made more attempts, and more violent attempts. Significant differences between clusters were also found regarding gender, tobacco smoking, childhood abuse, family history of suicide and several genetic polymorphisms. Conclusions Three clearly differentiated clusters of suicide attempters were identified. Phenotypic and genetic differences allow the identification of these clusters in clinical settings. Prevention programs might be improved by targeting specific subgroups of attempters.

The Right to Resist and the Right of Rebellion

The right to resist and the right to rebel have again become relevant as legal problems. Their justifications traditionally derive from natural law, human rights, the principle of the lesser evil or of the social contract. Interpretation of the right to resist expresses the tendencies to the law of people, in particular, the right to self-determination, distinguishing national and international understanding, and underscores the special nature of such right. Also, two-level research of the right to resist should be distinguished research of the right to resist – the first is a debate about the nature character and legislative consolidation of this right, partly focused on preventive-limiting its properties, whereas the second one is updated at the time of social upheaval and legal concerns, and it contains not only the evaluation of the events, but sometimes attempts to justify ex post risk of abuse and original post-legitimation of public authorities. An important condition for the existence of the right to resistance is a legitimate aim. This could be called the internal condition, which is provided by those who implement this right. Other condition (which can be called external) and the base of implementation should recognize certain actions, acts or decisions by public authorities – those that violate human rights are illegal and unfair. At the same time, the purpose and result of the right to resistance may be changes in the public authorities, the termination of abuse of authority and violation of human rights by its agents, return to democratic legal regime or change in the constitutional system, aimed at creating a state of law, as well as in some cases, when combined with the right to selfdetermination, – the achievement of independence. The author of the present paper considers that the right to resist is an individual right, a human right. But the author inclines to the idea of the collective nature of the right to resist implementation, but warns against simply counting the number of persons engaged in it. In other words, it does not matter how many people commit acts, but it does matter how many people support them. Considering the modalities of implementing the right to resist, it should be noted that these forms can be active or passive, expressed in actions directly or indirectly. The right of rebellion is an extreme form of the right to resist, which is carried out in case if the non-violent means of resistance are exhausted or proved ineffective. The conditions (and bases) of the right of rebellion are phenomena, such as the following: (1) massive human rights violations by public authorities (quantitative criterion); (2) systematic human rights violations by public authorities (accumulating criterion); or (3) extraordinary human rights violations by public authorities (criterion by serious, explicit and violent nature of the violation). Ambiguous is an issue of the limits of the right of rebellion, its permission and proportion, as well as whether it is possible to develop a mechanism for exercising this right.

A Nonviolent Approach to Social Justice Education

This article advocates a nonviolent approach to social justice education. First, social justice education literature is reviewed, and two contrasting and influential approaches—critical theory and poststructural theory—are the focus of critical analysis. A nonviolent approach is proposed as an alternative. Second, the notion of social justice is reexamined to reveal its tie with the notion of the individual, and the concept of nonviolence in its emphasis on relationality is discussed. Three facets of nonviolence are further elaborated: relational dynamics, inner peace, and nonviolent means. Third, these facets are translated into important aspects of a pedagogy of nonviolence: Integrating the inner and the outer work; shifting the struggles of opposites to the interdependence of differences; using and improvising nonviolent teaching strategies. To enrich theoretical understandings and inspire practical insights, this article also interweaves international wisdom traditions (including African ubuntu, Buddist nonduality, and Taoist dynamics), my teaching experiences, and the formulation of a nonviolent social justice pedagogy in teacher education.

Tentatives de suicide chez 48 enfants âgés de 6 à 12 ans

Research is limited on suicide attempts in children under 13 years of age. The objective of this study was to provide an in-depth description of this population. The present study is both retrospective and descriptive. Data were collected retrospectively from a file containing the causes for hospitalization of each child admitted into the Department of Child Psychiatry at the hôpital Femme-Mère-Enfant (hospices civils de Lyon). We included all patients under 13 years of age who were hospitalized for a suicide attempt between 2008 and 2011. The methods used to collect the medical records consisted in using a form made up of four major parts: suicide attempts, social environment, medical history, and therapy. The 26 girls and 22 boys included had a mean age of 11.52 years. The boys were younger than the girls (P=0.047) and their parents were usually separated (P=0.034). The boys used more violent means to commit suicide in comparison to the girls (P=0.048). On average, children using violent means were younger (P=0.013). Boys underwent more psychotherapy (P=0.027) and were prescribed more psychotropic medication in comparison to girls (P=0.051). Adjustment disorders (37.5%) and depression (27%) were the two main diagnoses for hospitalization. They were hospitalized on average (±standard deviation) 9.6 days (±10 days). Psychotherapy was organized when leaving the hospital (98%) with legal measures (8.3%), change of residence (12.5%), and prescription of psychotropic drugs (37.5%). None had physical complications. In children under 13 years of age, attempted suicide was more frequent in girls than boys. However, the sample included 18 girls and nine boys who were 12 years old (sex ratio of 12-year-olds, 0.5). There were more boys (16 boys/eight girls) in the children under 12 (sex ratio of 8- to 11-year-olds, 1.6). Children under 11 used more violent means (P=0.01). The literature also reports that more violent means lead to a greater risk of death by suicide. Consequently, suicidal behavior in children under 11 years of age is closer to a behavior of a person who has committed suicide than an adolescent attempting suicide. As a result of the sex ratio and non-violent means, 12-year-old children's behavior can be considered like that of adolescents. One factor that could explain children's attempted suicide is family cohesion. The children in this study were most often from broken families and had a difficult relationship with their parents. From 1981 to 1985, more than 50% of children who consulted for their first suicide attempt were not hospitalized. Now hospitalization is recommended for all children who consult for attempted suicide. They are hospitalized on average 8.9-9 days. Individual psychotherapy is systematic. The main difference between the treatments for adolescents and children is the importance of the social worker who will require legal measures or changing residences when necessary. The sex ratio in 6- to 12-year-olds attempting suicide is higher than the sex ratio in adolescents attempting suicides. Insecure attachment was found in all families in this sample. This population is particularly at risk knowing that in adulthood, the risk of death by suicide is higher when there is a background of attempted suicide by violent methods. These children should always be hospitalized for a psychological and socioenvironmental evaluation.

PS1-31: Role of Multiple Chronic Conditions in Longitudinal Cognitive Decline

7 HealthPartners Background/Aims: Suicide is the 10th leading cause of death in the United States, warranting public health prevention efforts. Such efforts require accurate risk identification. However, the US Preventive Services Task Force has suggested that there is not enough information available to recommend screening for suicide risk in primary care. While research suggests that many individuals receive services before death, studies have been limited by small samples. This study used the largest US general population sample to date to examine the frequency, types and patterns of health services utilized prior to suicide as well as variations by subgroup. Methods: Health care utilization and demographic data from six health systems of the Mental Health Research Network were pre-matched with official mortality records and census files using the Virtual Data Warehouse. In total, 2237 suicide deaths were identified using ICD-10 codes, X60-X84. Reverse survival curves were calculated estimating weekly utilization for the year prior to death. These data were stratified by age, sex, insurance type, socioeconomic indicators, and cause of death. Results: Suicide death was more common among men (77%; n = 1728) and occurred more frequently by violent means (77%; n = 1730). Approximately 81% (n = 1806) received services in the year before death, with nearly 40% (n = 900) making a visit within a month before death. While 44% (n = 992) made any visit that included a mental health diagnosis in the year before death, most visits occurred in primary care without a mental health diagnosis (59%; n = 1320). Non-mental health primary care visits and outpatient behavioral health visits were most common in the two weeks before suicide. Service use occurred most often among women (87%; 441 of 509), older adults (65+ years; 96%; 386 of 401), and those who died by non-violent means (85%; 422 of 498). The relative frequency of mental health and general medical utilization differed markedly between age groups. Conclusions: Most individuals who died by suicide also used health services within a year before death. Here, over half of these individuals did not have a mental health diagnosis, and were seen for other reasons in primary care.

PS1-30: Examining Health Service Utilization in the Year Prior to Suicide Death

Background/Aims Suicide is the 10th leading cause of death in the United States, warranting public health prevention efforts. Such efforts require accurate risk identification. However, the US Preventive Services Task Force has suggested that there is not enough information available to recommend screening for suicide risk in primary care. While research suggests that many individuals receive services before death, studies have been limited by small samples. This study used the largest US general population sample to date to examine the frequency, types and patterns of health services utilized prior to suicide as well as variations by subgroup. Methods Health care utilization and demographic data from six health systems of the Mental Health Research Network were pre-matched with official mortality records and census files using the Virtual Data Warehouse. In total, 2237 suicide deaths were identified using ICD-10 codes, X60-X84. Reverse survival curves were calculated estimating weekly utilization for the year prior to death. These data were stratified by age, sex, insurance type, socioeconomic indicators, and cause of death. Results Suicide death was more common among men (77%; n = 1728) and occurred more frequently by violent means (77%; n = 1730). Approximately 81% (n = 1806) received services in the year before death, with nearly 40% (n = 900) making a visit within a month before death. While 44% (n = 992) made any visit that included a mental health diagnosis in the year before death, most visits occurred in primary care without a mental health diagnosis (59%; n = 1320). Non-mental health primary care visits and outpatient behavioral health visits were most common in the two weeks before suicide. Service use occurred most often among women (87%; 441 of 509), older adults (65+ years; 96%; 386 of 401), and those who died by non-violent means (85%; 422 of 498). The relative frequency of mental health and general medical utilization differed markedly between age groups. Conclusions Most individuals who died by suicide also used health services within a year before death. Here, over half of these individuals did not have a mental health diagnosis, and were seen for other reasons in primary care. This study may guide targeted public health prevention efforts, including risk identification strategies. Language: en

State Preferences and Institution Evolution: From Security to Economic Interests

The examples analyzed in this thesis demonstrate three primary conclusions. First, the achievement of regional security can be created with the assistance of an offshore balancer or through an arduous process of long-term confidence building. Second, institutions are most likely to have their greatest success in achieving the economic interests of states after security fears have been ameliorated. Third, non-violent means of conflict resolution are necessary to ensure successful regional cooperation and institution building.

National study of suicide method in violent criminal offenders

BackgroundGaining a greater knowledge of the mechanisms and means by which violent offenders die by suicide can inform tailored preventive strategies. MethodsUsing interlinked national Danish registry data we constructed a nested case-control study dataset of all adult suicides during 1994–2006: N=9708 cases and N=188,134 age and gender matched living controls. Completely ascertained International Classification of Diseases 10th revision cause-specific mortality codes were examined, with all criminal charges since 1980, and covariate information on psychiatric treatment and socio-demographics. Self-poisonings were classified as ‘nonviolent’ suicide and all other methods as being ‘violent’ ones. ResultsCompared with the general population, risk among male and female violent offenders was strongly and significantly elevated for suicide by either a violent or a nonviolent method, although the relative risk was greater for nonviolent suicide. These patterns were also observed among nonviolent offenders, albeit with smaller effect sizes. Risk was especially raised for self-poisoning with narcotics & hallucinogens. We could only examine the full range of suicide methods in male violent offenders. In these men, hanging was the most frequently used method, although risk was markedly and significantly elevated virtually across the entire range of regularly used suicide methods. LimitationsWe lacked sufficient statistical power for undertaking a detailed profiling of specific suicide methods among female violent offenders. ConclusionsOur findings indicate that comprehensive and broadly-based preventive approaches are needed for tackling the markedly raised risk of suicide by both violent and nonviolent means in this population. Their high relative risk for self-poisoning by illicit or illegal drugs underlines the importance of access to means and of prevailing subculture.

Dynamics and factors of transition from armed struggle to nonviolent resistance

The dynamics of conflict (de)escalation by social movements or political opposition groups have attracted cross-disciplinary interest among social scientists, but there remain several knowledge gaps to be filled. On the one hand, there is already extensive research on the shifts from unarmed expressions of collective grievances to the adoption of violent strategies by oppressed constituencies or ‘minorities at risk’, as well as on the transition from armed insurgency to negotiations, demobilization, reintegration and conventional politics. However, there is scarce scholarship on the phenomenon of armed groups shifting their conflict-waging strategies from violent to nonviolent means, especially in contexts which cannot be resolved by force but are also ‘unripe’ for conventional de-escalation methods through negotiation and political integration. This article offers a first attempt to fill this conceptual and empirical gap, by investigating the nature and the drivers of transitions from armed strategies to nonviolent methods of contentious collective action on the part of non-state conflict actors. It focuses in particular on the internal and relational/environmental factors which underpin their decisionmaking process, from a change of leadership and a pragmatic re-evaluation of the goals and means of insurgency, to the search for new local or international allies and the cross-border emulation or diffusion of new repertoires of action. This multilevel analysis draws from past research on various self-determination or revolutionary movements which fit the scope of analysis (i.e. Nepal, Egypt, Palestine, West Papua, East Timor, Mexico and Western Sahara). The article also points to the need for more systematic enquiry on these cases through in-depth comparative empirical analysis.

Iowa Gambling Task performance in currently depressed suicide attempters

Deficits in decision-making using the Iowa Gambling Task (IGT) have been found in past suicide attempters, but primarily euthymic and/or medicated patients. This study compared IGT performance among medication-free, currently depressed patients (unipolar and bipolar) with (n=26) and without (n=46) a past history of suicide attempt, and healthy volunteers (n=42). Attempter status, in a sample whose attempts were predominantly non-violent, was not associated with impaired IGT performance even when accounting for sex, mood disorder type, and comorbid Borderline Personality Disorder. A non-significant trend towards poorer performance was found in a small subgroup of past attempters who had used a violent method, consistent with prior studies. Suicide intent and ideation were unrelated to IGT scores. There were no consistent associations between IGT performance and ratings of impulsiveness (Barratt Impulsiveness Scale (BIS)), hostility (Buss–Durkee Hostility Inventory (BDHI)) or aggression (Brown–Goodwin Aggression Inventory (BGAI)). Results suggest that decision-making impairment is related to specific subtypes of suicidal behavior, but may not be universally sensitive to suicide risk in all types of attempters, especially those using non-violent means. Psychometric and conceptual issues surrounding the IGT also appear to affect its utility as a general marker of suicidal behavior risk.

“The Saints Go Marching”: Black Pentecostal Critical Consciousness and the Political Protest Activism of Pastors and Leaders in the Church of God in Christ in the Civil Rights Era

Abstract Although black Pentecostal leaders are known for their emphasis on holiness and spiritual empowerment, they are not renowned for having led and spearheaded political protest struggles during the Civil Rights movement. In this paper I discuss black Pentecostals’ postures toward political protest struggles, and I analyze reasons why some black Pentecostals participated in the Civil Rights movement while others did not. My central argument is that critical consciousness formation played an integral role in motivating a minority of Church of God in Christ (COGIC) clergy and leaders to engage in Civil Rights protest struggles. That is to say, many black Pentecostals who took part in the movement reconciled their strivings for spiritual empowerment against evil with critical reflection upon complex social, political, and economic realities. They recognized the utility of opposing structures of oppression through direct, nonviolent means.

Fighting the good fight? Legitimating violence in a world of contested and contingent moral frameworks

Starting from violence's widely acknowledged status as a wrong, this article critically explores attempts to legitimate violence through appeals to moral frameworks that determine the ends for which violence may be employed. Recognizing that such frameworks exist on all sides of violent conflict, it argues that since there will never be complete agreement on their content or application, nor complete certainty about which moral framework is the ‘correct’ one, it becomes impossible to distinguish legitimate from illegitimate violence either non-controversially or with certainity. Two problems result: our own ‘legitimate’ violence may reproduce rather than limit violence by sparking ‘legitimate’ violence in return, and our own use of violence may actually be unjust, despite our intentions. If we wish to avoid these problems yet maintain our moral commitments – however contested or contingent – we must employ nonviolent means to wage our conflicts, as such means remain legitimate despite disagreement or uncertainty regarding ends.

The Impact of the Arab Spring on Islamist Strategies

The revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt created a contagion effect that inspired a series of uprisings by sending two signals: first, that even entrenched authoritarian regimes are vulnerable; and second, that nonviolent tactics can be effective in bringing about dramatic political changes. Subsequent developments, especially in Libya and Syria, convoluted these messages. Nonetheless, the political openings and the electoral victory of Islamists in Egypt and Tunisia continue to send the signal to many Islamist opposition groups that nonviolent means and participation in politics can be effective ways to produce political change. The chance of gaining power through electoral means can give Islamists strong incentives to join in the demands for democratic institutions and change their stance towards political participation. The appeal of nonviolent tactics, however, is undermined when external threats surpass domestic considerations. When the primary concern of the public is about outside threats and the main enemy is external rather than a domestic despot, the impact of the Arab Spring on views regarding the efficacy of nonviolent tactics is diminished. Similarly, when an Islamic group is primarily concerned with the "far enemy," the incentives for moderation offered by political participation are undermined.

Power-sharing and political party engineering in conflict-prone societies: the Indonesian experiment in Aceh

Establishing legitimate political leadership through non-violent means is an essential step in the rebuilding of post-conflict societies. For this reason the successful holding of democratic elections is often seen as the crowning achievement of the peace process. In recent years, however, it has become clear that elections do not always guarantee the peace, and may in fact, make societies more dangerous.1 This has prompted political scientists to look more closely at other dimensions of the transition from violent conflict to democratic politics, including the role of political parties. Political parties play an essential role in all democracies, but their importance is magnified in conflict-prone societies. While some scholars have argued that political parties may help to consolidate peace by forming coalitions between groups formerly in conflict, more recent research suggests that such parties may also entrench social cleavages, especially if party formation is based along former conflict fault lines. This article considers these arguments in the case of Aceh, Indonesia, where an historic peace agreement allowed former Acehnese rebels to form their own political party—one based along both ethnic and former conflict lines.

The potential Impact of palestinian Nonviolent Struggle on Israel: preliminary Lessons and projections for the Future

This article assesses the potential impact that a massive, organized, and sustained nonviolent Palestinian resistance movement can have on Israeli society. Based on the recognition of the growing success of nonviolent strategies internationally, the subjective Israeli perceptions due to a Jewish collective memory of victimhood, and the perceived efficacy of violent and nonviolent actions through the Israeli- Palestinian conflict, we conclude that such an unprecedented strategy has a strong likelihood of yielding an independent Palestinian state alongside a state of Israel. The nonviolent revolts against the long-ruling dictators in North Africa and the Middle East have spread like wildfire early in the second decade of the 21st century. At this time, many Palestinians have been considering how best to translate the strategies of such a spontaneous movement to meet their own needs. Clearly, there are some differences between what is in most cases a regime change with the massive support of the population, and the particular case of an uprising against the formidable military control of an Israeli government that has a large majority conditioned to support the suppression of an enemy's revolt. A realistic analysis of Israeli reactions to potential sustained Palestinian leadership and massive nonviolent struggle could be shaped mostly by the impact of three variables: a) recognition of the growing success of nonviolent strategies in the international context; b) subjective Israeli perceptions based on collective memory of victimhood and persecution in Jewish history, and c) the perceived efficacy of violent and nonviolent actions throughout the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, particularly from the experiences of the first and second Intifada. In this article we briefly discuss a) and b) but are mainly focusing on c), a variable whose effect the Palestinians can still determine. In analyzing the latter, three key elements will be emphasized. First, Jewish-Is- raeli perceptions and stereotypes of past Palestinian resistance will be briefly discussed. Second, based on the lessons learned and opinions gathered, we assess the potential impact that nonviolent resistance can have on official and societal Israeli behavior. In the concluding section, looking into the future, we assess the likelihood that a nonviolent strategy will create an environment for an eventual sustainable resolution with a Palestinian state alongside a Jewish State of Israel. Means and ends have an important correlation. Moderation in Arab aims has occurred since the 19th Palestinian National Council in 1988, which established the Declaration of Independence recognizing the State of Israel in its pre-1967 borders. This moderation became regionalized with the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative. Additionally, amid Palestinian reconciliation efforts, if Hamas genuinely joins the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) - at least implicitly agreeing to the Oslo Accords - there would be a larger Palestinian mandate to uphold a potential peace agreement with Israel. If such steps can be accompanied by a massive, long-term struggle legitimated by nonviolent means, then growing support at the international level and dissonance with unchanged (Israeli) official policy are likely to indirectly impact Israeli public opinion and strengthen the peace camp in Israel. This article builds on previous research conducted with colleagues from the Harry S. Truman Research Institute for the Advancement of Peace (Hebrew University, Jerusalem) and Palestinian Middle East Nonviolence and Democracy (MEND, Jerusalem) between 2002-2004.1 It draws on an analysis of the Israeli reactions to the first and second Intifadas, including public opinion polls; content analysis of the media and coverage of specific events; interviews with activists from nonviolent grassroot organizations; focus groups (academics, media, students); and the personal experience of one of the authors, having been actively involved with this issue since the mid-1980s. …

Implicit signals in small group settings and their impact on the expression of cognitive capacity and associated brain responses

Measures of intelligence, when broadcast, serve as salient signals of social status, which may be used to unjustly reinforce low-status stereotypes about out-groups' cultural norms. Herein, we investigate neurobehavioural signals manifest in small (n = 5) groups using functional magnetic resonance imaging and a ‘ranked group IQ task’ where implicit signals of social status are broadcast and differentiate individuals based on their expression of cognitive capacity. We report an initial overall decrease in the expression of cognitive capacity in the small group setting. However, the environment of the ‘ranked group IQ task’ eventually stratifies the population into two groups (‘high performers’, HP and ‘low performers’, LP) identifiable based on changes in estimated intelligence quotient and brain responses in the amygdala and dorsolateral prefrontal cortex. In addition, we demonstrate signals in the nucleus accumbens consistent with prediction errors in expected changes in status regardless of group membership. Our results suggest that individuals express diminished cognitive capacity in small groups, an effect that is exacerbated by perceived lower status within the group and correlated with specific neurobehavioural responses. The impact these reactions have on intergroup divisions and conflict resolution requires further investigation, but suggests that low-status groups may develop diminished capacity to mitigate conflict using non-violent means.

Precluding Nonviolence, Propelling Violence: The Effect of Internal Fragmentation on Movement Protest

Scholars often overlook that an adequate explanation of why a movement uses violent means of protest requires an account of why it does not instead use nonviolent means. This essay argues that while paths to violence are multiple, there is one prevailing path to nonviolent protest—that which opens when a movement is politically cohesive. Cohesion approximates a necessary condition for nonviolent protest because such protest requires coordination and collective restraint. Conversely, fragmentation generates incentives and opportunities that increase the likelihood that protest will become violent. This argument, specified in terms of composite mechanisms and demonstrated by overtime variation in the Palestinian case, critiques the assumption that movements can be treated as unitary actors. It also shifts attention from movements’ motivations to their organizational configurations.

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Geographies of Conflict and Post-Conflict in Northern Ireland

The violent conflict in Northern Ireland that led to some 3700 deaths was tied to opposing ethno-sectarian groups and the state and the disputation between them over that country’s constitutional future. Republicans such as the Irish Republican Army used violence in order to ‘gain’ a united Ireland. Whereas loyalists such as the Ulster Volunteer Force and the British state utilised violence in order to maintain Northern Ireland’s constitutional link with the United Kingdom. Geographers writing on this conflict have, via various forms of spatial analysis studied the consequences of that violence with regard to territoriality, the construction of ideological space and the perpetuation of ethno-sectarian boundaries. In more recent times, the analysis of conflict and post-conflict Northern Ireland has evaluated the governance of a divided society, the role paramilitaries have played in embedding peace and also the paradoxical role of reproducing conflict by other non-violent means. Northern Ireland remains as a divided society but there is a prominent role for geographers who study such a complex place to add to wider international scholarship regarding resistance and domination, revanchism, discourse construction, post-conflict and the impact upon place and also the role of agency in both perpetuating and removing violence.

Suicide Means Used by Chinese Rural Youths

Reports on Chinese rural youth suicide indicated patterns different from those of the West. Only about 30% to 70% young victims had had diagnoses of psychiatric illnesses (Phillips et al., Lancet 359:835-840, 2002; Xiao et al., Chin J Psychiatry 36:129-131, 2003), and more than 60% of them used pesticides as suicide means (Wang et al., Lancet 372:1765-1773, 2008). To prevent suicides in rural China, it is important to know the choice of means by Chinese young suicide victims with and without mental disorders. Data on suicide cases in China's rural areas gathered from a big psychological autopsy study were studied for demographic characteristics, suicide methods, and the presence of mental disorders. The findings in the suicide victims with and without mental disorders showed significant differences in suicide method selecting. Victims with mental disorders tended to select violent methods compared with those without mental disorders (31.4% vs. 16.2%). Hanging is method more likely chosen by the mentally disordered victims (13.3%) than those without a mental disorder (7.8%). Mental status affects the means choice among the Chinese rural young suicide victims. Among them, the female victims without mental disorders tended to act on impulsivity and used nonviolent means such as pesticide consumption for suicide. This study informs suicide prevention measures in both China and rest of the world.