No-confidence Vote Research Articles

Уряд та парламентська опозиція в Чеській Республіці (політико-правовий аспект взаємодії).

The political and legal aspects of interaction of the parliamentary opposition and the government in the Czech Republic after 1993 were investigated. The role, powers and resources of the parliamentary opposition in the country while carrying out of government control functions are explained.It is clarified that on the one hand, the relations between the government and the parliamentary opposition in the country are determined by the institutional design, which determines the political and legal field of activity of political persons, determines the channels of their interaction and establishes certain restrictions. On the other hand, they depend on the ratio of political forces in the parliament, the level of stability of government support, the effectiveness of its policies and can balance from confrontation to cooperation.It is noted that the parliamentary opposition in the Czech Republic, in the absence of a separate legal regulation of its activities, remains an important political institution in the mechanism of containments and counterbalances. The extent of the rights it is granted in the House of Representatives is rather high, despite the fact that the capacity of legislative influence on the government remains insignificant.This is due to the fact that the majority principle is constitutionally vested in the formation of the government. In the most complete way the control functions of the parliamentary opposition are carried out through a vote of no confidence in the government. This procedure, despite its poor performance, still has a notable political effect and is an attempt to combine parliamentary activity with the extra-parliamentary and aims at obtaining political dividends in the form of mobilizing the protest electorate. Under the conditions of absence of stable support of the government from the side of the parliamentary majority, the chances of influence on the government grow among the opposition.

A Review of the Proposal of Constitutional Amendment Advisory Committee in the Korean National Assembly in 2014

A Review of the Proposal of Constitutional Amendment Advisory Committee in the Korean National Assembly in 2014

The procedure of filing the motion (vote) of no confidence as one of the forms of parliamentary responsibility of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine

The procedure of filing the motion (vote) of no confidence as one of the forms of parliamentary responsibility of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine

SOUTH AFRICA: Secret No‐Confidence Vote

Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural SeriesVolume 54, Issue 8 p. 21540C-21541B Internal Developments SOUTH AFRICA: Secret No-Confidence Vote First published: 14 September 2017 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825X.2017.07831.xRead the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Volume54, Issue8September 2017Pages 21540C-21541B RelatedInformation

SOUTH AFRICA: Zuma Survives No‐Confidence Vote

Africa Research Bulletin: Economic, Financial and Technical SeriesVolume 54, Issue 7 p. 21784A-21784C Policy and Practice SOUTH AFRICA: Zuma Survives No-Confidence Vote First published: 03 September 2017 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-6346.2017.07823.xRead the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Volume54, Issue7September 2017Pages 21784A-21784C RelatedInformation

Papua New Guinea in 2016

Prime Minister Peter O’Neill came under continuing pressure to step down pending resolution of corruption charges but resisted demands from university students and civil society groups and convincingly defeated a parliamentary vote of no confidence. Papua New Guinea experienced a further decline in GDP growth and faced landowner threats to shut down liquefied natural gas production.

Marshall Islands

Marshall Islands Monica C. Labriola (bio) For the Republic of the Marshall Islands (RMI), the period under review saw the passing of several traditional and political leaders and distinguished community members. Most notable was the death of Iroojḷapḷap (Paramount Chief), Senator, and former President Jurelang Zedkaia, who suffered a fatal heart attack in October 2015. In addition to overseeing landholding across Mājro (Majuro) Atoll as its traditional leader, Zedkaia served in the Nitijeḷā (Parliament) for twenty-four years and as the nation’s president from 2009 to 2012 after he was elected to replace Litokwa Tomeing, who had been removed from office by a vote of no confidence. Zedkaia was honored with a month of national mourning and a state funeral attended by thousands (mij, 16 Oct 2015). Several other high-ranking irooj (chiefs) and former members of the Nitijeḷā also passed during this period. Among these was Mājro Irooj and former Senator Wilfred Kendall, who died in January 2016 after a long illness. Kendall’s political career spanned several decades and included accomplishments such as being elected repeatedly to the Congress of Micronesia, serving as minister of education under the late President Amata Kabua and subsequent administrations, and acting as the longest-serving RMI ambassador to the United Nations (mij, 29 Jan 2016). Other deaths included Kuwajleen Aḷap (lineage head) and former Senator Sato Maie, former Arṇo Senator Katip Paul Mack, and Rien Morris, who represented Jālwōj in the Nitijeḷā for twenty years. The Kōle/Pikinni/Ejit (kbe) community also lost two leaders. Nishma Jamore, kbe mayor and outspoken advocate of relocating the kbe community to the US continent, died of apparent complications from kidney disease in August 2015, while Marilyn Lokebol succumbed to cancer in June 2016, just a few months after her first-time election as kbe council-woman. Two respected religious leaders also passed away: United Church of Christ (ucc) Pastor Wendell Langrine of Tucson, Arizona, died in August 2015 during a church conference in Mājro, and Jone Masivou, who came to the Marshall Islands from Fiji as an Assembly of God missionary and founded the Morning Star Church in Mājro in 1995, died in April 2016. Other beloved community members who were lost include Neimon Philippo, wife of former Lae Atoll Senator Tipne Philippo; former v7ab radio announcer Waston Attari; Majuro Middle School special education teacher Asmon Langidrik Jr; and Youth to Youth in Health Director Aluka Rakin. Robert Reimer’s only daughter Minna Pihno, who managed key aspects of Robert Reimers Enterprises, [End Page 111] Inc (rre) for decades, succumbed to cancer in February 2016. The period under review was also one of unprecedented transformation in the realm of politics and leadership at the national and local levels, with the most dramatic events unfolding around the November 2015 elections. These included the controversial Nitijeḷā campaign by former Peace Corps volunteer Jack Niedenthal; the death of Mājro Atoll Nitijeḷā incumbent Iroojḷapḷap Jurelang Zedkaia; the mobilization of the “youth” vote in favor of several younger, first-time senators; the record election of three woman senators as well as several woman mayors and members of local councils; a vote of no confidence just two weeks after the Nitijeḷā’s selection of first-time Senator Casten Nemra of Jālwōj as president; and the subsequent election of Senator Hilda Heine of Aur as the first woman head of state in the RMI or any independent Pacific Island nation (not including New Zealand and Australia). While the election results have inspired some Marshall Islanders to anticipate positive changes for their communities and for their country as a whole, many continue to experience the negative effects of extreme poverty, limited access to health care and other essential services, a floundering education system, extreme weather events, and financial mismanagement at the local and national levels. It remains to be seen whether the new administration and the Constitutional Convention scheduled to take place in late 2016 will bring about the desired changes. The 2015 election season went into full swing in October 2015 when the attorney general’s office dropped its appeal of a high...

French Polynesia

French Polynesia Lorenz Gonschor (bio) In the often-turbulent recent political history of French Polynesia, the year under review was a relatively calm one. Against all odds, Edouard Fritch consolidated his power as the country’s president, transforming his tenuous tenure in office into one based on a comparatively solid majority, and uniting under his leadership all political forces that oppose both independence and Fritch’s predecessor Gaston Flosse. Meanwhile, for the first time in over a decade, the country hosted a French presidential visit, which made some hopeful impressions, but at the same time the French government continues to stubbornly refuse to engage with United Nations institutions to work with them toward the country’s decolonization. The review period started with yet another unfortunate change in the local media landscape. In August 2015, at the end of the summer break (as one of its many anachronistic colonial absurdities, French Polynesia follows the French metropolitan calendar and is thus the only country in the southern hemisphere to have its long “summer vacation” during the pleasant austral winter and not during the very hot season at the beginning of the year), the formerly monthly news magazine Tahiti Pacifique (tpm) became a weekly, after having been sold by its founder and editor Alex W du Prel to local Chinese business tycoon Albert Moux, whose company Fenua Communication already owns the weekday newspaper Tahiti-Infos. Unsurprisingly this change in ownership transformed tpm, once feared by local oligarchs for its investigative reporting and scathing editorials, into a more docile publication. While du Prel continues to write good editorials occasionally and the magazine still contains investigative articles, the publication has clearly become more mainstream and now contains a lot of trivia, missing some of the intellectual depth of the old monthly edition. Also, for outsiders, the both reliable and manageable chronicle of important political and social events that tpm provided is being missed. What remained the dominant topic in local politics for the first half of the review period, however, was the ongoing power struggle between President Edouard Fritch and his predecessor, Gaston Flosse, until it was essentially won by the former in early 2016. In September 2014, when Flosse was removed from office because of a definitive conviction in a corruption case, his longtime confidant and former son-in-law Fritch had routinely taken over the presidency with the understanding that Flosse would continue to hold the reins of power from behind the scenes. Fritch, however, developed his own taste for political power, and tensions between the two soon become apparent. In May 2015, the majority party Tahoeraa Huiraatira split when Fritch formed his own caucus in the local assembly named Tapura Huiraatira, and on Flosse’s order all members of the new formation were expelled from Tahoeraa. Fritch subsequently formed a minority coalition government with [End Page 134] the small anti-independence opposition party A Tia Porinetia (atp), while Flosse’s “rump-Tahoeraa” several times attempted to block the government by withholding support in critical budgetary votes. However, Flosse failed in efforts to enlist the support of the pro-independence Union Pour La Démocratie (upld), which would have been necessary to create a new majority and overthrow Fritch in a no-confidence vote. Meanwhile, the process of formally splitting Tahoeraa into two mutually hostile organizations was far from over, as both factions attempted to gain control over the party as a whole. After an unsuccessful attempt by Flosse to oust Fritch from Tahoeraa, in which he continued to hold the vice presidency, in mid-August 2015, Fritch fought back and filed a complaint with the local courts asking them to declare Flosse removed from the party’s leadership, arguing that as a convicted felon he cannot be Tahoeraa’s chairman according to the party’s statutes (ti, 15 Aug 2015). The complaint dragged along through the notoriously slow and inefficient court system and hearings were several times postponed (ti, 12 Oct 2015), but it was soon rendered obsolete by more solid political maneuvers to consolidate Fritch’s power outside of Tahoeraa. By mid-November, Assembly Speaker Marcel Tuihani, second-in-command within the Flosse loyalist “rump-Tahoeraa,” opined in an interview in...

Power of the Faculty: Consequences of No Confidence Votes for College Presidents

The roles of college faculty members have changed, often in relation to increased specialization of their functions as either teachers or researchers. Similarly, the college presidency has changed, relying less on faculty interactions and increasing reliance and interaction on external stakeholders. The result is a less faculty-centric college presidency. The faculty, however, still have significant expectations for involvement with the college president and have the use of a noconfidence vote to express their opinions about the performance of the individual in the presidential position. Drawing upon a sample of faculty senate leaders, the current study found that few of these individuals know whether or not their campuses have formal guidelines for noconfidence votes, yet they do see them as effective tools for protesting the presidency and expressing their approval for the president’s performance.

Southwest Airlines: Where's the Luv?

This case details the history of Southwest Airlines (LUV) and emphasizes the benefits of a focused strategy. The case demonstrates how a competent service strategy together with operations efficiency can lead to profit, and it explains the concept of an integrated approach tying together the customer value proposition with operational and human resource capabilities. At the time of the case, LUV must consider whether or not it should change some of its operational tactics. Excerpts from a talk that LUV's former CEO, Kelleher, gave at the Darden School of Business is available to complement the case. Please see Elliott N. Weiss, Herb Kelleher and the Four Ps Toward High Performance: People, Purpose, Process, Philosophy (MEDIA), UVA-OM-1173M. Excerpt UVA-OM-1571 Rev. Jul. 8, 2019 Southwest Airlines: Where's the Luv? Q4 2016 Gary Kelly, the CEO of Southwest Airlines (LUV), examined his computer screen once more, hoping to see something different. It was October 26, 2016, and LUV's stock price (NYSE: LUV) had just dropped more than 8.5% in premarket trading. After more than four decades of consecutive profitability, LUV's most recent earnings call had indicated a 4%-to-5% expected drop in Q4 revenue per available passenger seat mile. But as noted by industry analysts, many other airlines had seen a Q3 and Q4 boost “due to stronger September results, following a summer in which the Zika virus and terrorism deterred some passengers from flying.” On July 20, a major information-technology failure had put the entire operation into disarray. This failure had required several days to rectify, left tens of thousands of passengers stranded, and cost the company tens of millions of dollars. Shortly after the meltdown, four of the major employee unions (pilots, flight attendants, mechanics, and ramp agents) at LUV had issued a vote of no confidence in Kelly's leadership and in that of COO Mike Van de Ven. Both the pilot and flight-attendant unions had new contracts with LUV that were finally moving to a union vote; these might now be in jeopardy. Several hundred pilots had recently picketed both the board meeting in Chicago and Dallas Love Field, one of the main domiciles of LUV, for the first time in the airline's history. LUV sought concessions from flight attendants such as a longer duty day, but with the impact of the IT meltdown fresh in their memories, flight attendants were pushing back. . . .

Lez Be Honest: Queer Feelings about Women’s Studies at a Public Regional University in the Southeastern United States

This article recounts recent legislative and administrative pressures to close the Center for Women’s and Gender Studies at the University of South Carolina Upstate, a senior comprehensive public institution in the state university system experiencing a period of instability marked by budget mismanagement, austerity cuts, and diversity initiatives that appear to serve as cover for a noticeably anti-diversity moment in the history of the institution, leading to an eventual vote of no confidence in the university’s chancellor. Working at the intersection of queerness and emotional disability and routing my story through selected ideas from lesbian-trauma theorists Sara Ahmed, Ann Cvetkovich, and Heather Love, the article conveys the personal toll exacted by the work of tilting the tower and asks whether the discipline of women’s studies offers any reprieve, revisiting meta-disciplinary disavowals of crisis rhetoric, melodrama, and besiegement mentalities that might foreclose such a narrative along the way. Moreover, the article introduces two critical terms to the field of diversity/university studies—“befuddlement” and “circum lesbian locution”—to encapsulate affective strategies that derail conversations about queerness in this particular location and more generally in higher education today.

Combining proportional and majoritarian democracy: An institutional design proposal

The article proposes a new way to combine the “proportional” and “majoritarian” visions of democracy. The proposal blends elements of mixed electoral systems, parliamentarism, presidentialism and bicameralism. Voters are given a single vote to make two simultaneous choices: one about the proportional composition of the legislature and one about the two top parties forming a majoritarian “confidence chamber” embedded within the legislature. Only the majority in this chamber has the power to dismiss the cabinet in a vote of no-confidence. The proposed system virtually guarantees the feasibility of identifiable and stable one-party cabinets governing with shifting, issue-specific majorities in a highly proportional legislature. It is illustrated with respect to the 2013 federal election in Germany.

How are the powers of the president decided? Vote trading in the making of Taiwan’s semi-presidential constitution

To establish an unambiguous source of accountability, a semi-presidential constitution can either allow the president to dominate government formation and dissolve the parliament without a prior vote of no confidence being passed or it can reverse the arrangement of these powers. Accordingly, Taiwan is an unusual case of semi-presidentialism because the president can unilaterally appoint the premier but cannot actively dissolve the parliament, so the electorate is seldom called upon to evaluate the responsibility of the constitutional agents in a snap election. Vote-trading theory offers a reasonable explanation for this puzzling situation by showing how seemingly unconnected issues can be voted on as a package. In Taiwan, the choice of presidential powers was complicated by the sovereignty issue, leading the reformers of the constitution to deny the legislature the power to confirm the president’s appointment of the premier in exchange for downsizing the Taiwan Provincial Government. This is exactly what vote-trading theory foresees: votes on different issues may be traded if no “pivot” finds the status quo to be his/her favorite option. By demonstrating how the linking of unconnected issues can obstruct institutional design, vote-trading theory expands our understanding of constitutional choice.

SOUTH AFRICA: No-Confidence Vote

Africa Research Bulletin: Economic, Financial and Technical SeriesVolume 53, Issue 2 p. 21170A-21170B Policy and Practice SOUTH AFRICA: No-Confidence Vote First published: 01 April 2016 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-6346.2016.06935.xRead the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Volume53, Issue2April 2016Pages 21170A-21170B RelatedInformation

Ministerial responsibility to the parliament: a comparative study of the legal systems in Germany and Afghanistan

This article compares the legal systems of Germany and Afghanistan with regard to the responsibility of individual ministers to the parliament. Ministerial responsibility has strong democratic basis in the constitutions of both countries, albeit with different enforcement mechanisms, such as interpellation, citation and inquiry, and sanctions against a minister. The legal system of Germany exhibits advanced measures of interpellation and inquiry that serve members of the parliament in terms of gaining accurate information, whereas Afghanistan relies on simple means of the above control measures. The Afghan parliament, on the other hand, is equipped with a strong sanctioning instrument against a minister, i.e., the vote of no-confidence. Nevertheless, the clarity of this sanction within the relevant legal provision is often questionable. This study tends to point out such shortcomings and to draw lessons from the comparison.

Uprising at Bowling Green: How the Quiet Fifties Became the Political Sixties by Norbert Wiley, Jr. Joseph B. Perry, and Arthur G. Neal

Reviewed by: Uprising at Bowling Green: How the Quiet Fifties Became the Political Sixties by Norbert Wiley, Jr. Joseph B. Perry, and Arthur G. Neal Joshua Catalano Uprising at Bowling Green: How the Quiet Fifties Became the Political Sixties. By Norbert Wiley, Joseph B. Perry Jr., and Arthur G. Neal (Boulder, Colo.: Paradigm Publishers, 2013. 191 pp. Paper $41.95, ISBN: 978159451 9352.) Despite the focus on well-known examples of student activism in the 1960s, the first large student protest of the entire decade did not occur at the University of California‒Berkeley or the University of Michigan; it occurred in 1961 [End Page 86] at the conservative Bowling Green State University, nestled in the northwest corner of rural Ohio. In Uprising at Bowling Green, Norbert Wiley, Joseph Perry Jr., and Arthur G. Neal examine the circumstances surrounding this unexpected outpouring of student unrest and place it within the larger narrative of student protest. This book is not an institutional history of BGSU written for nostalgia’s sake; it is an investigation into an overlooked example of student protest. Working with limited primary sources due to an absence of material in the university archives, the authors rely heavily upon personal correspondence, their own personal experiences (all three authors were members of the BGSU sociology department at the time of the events), and an unpublished manuscript by James R. Gordon to rescue this forgotten event. The authors vividly recreate the conservative atmosphere of the school, where drinking, holding hands, and walking on the grass were prohibited. Faculty were not permitted to speak during meetings or drink in public. The narrative demonstrates how a water fight among students escalated into a power struggle between the authoritarian university president and a growing resistance movement. With the help of an untenured philosophy professor, the students reframed their grievances from an issue concerning university rules to an issue of free speech. The seemingly punitive firing of this professor helped unite parents, students, and faculty. After a newspaper battle that swept across Ohio, the state legislature passed a new law altering the administrative structure of BGSU. This law served as a vote of no confidence for the university president, who subsequently resigned. The contextualized retracing of this sequence of events clearly explains how and why the “uprising” occurred and was successful. Those interested in university leadership, communication, student activism, or the behavior of crowds will find this narrative insightful. The authors make an overarching argument that the uprising at BGSU illustrates a change that occurred when the activism of the 1950s transformed into the activism of the 1960s in terms of tactics and leadership. The unexpected student protests were “an outgrowth of a crisis of authority” (5). For years, the conservative views of an authoritarian president went unquestioned by students and faculty. Ultimately this “overdetermined quality of this school’s passivity, turned out to be the very source of the demonstrations” as the built-up frustrations exploded due to an unexpected spark (12). The subsequent protests succeeded because of student solidarity and the proper framing of grievances and goals (111‒12). [End Page 87] Although the book focuses on Bowling Green, Ohio, it does provide a limited national perspective in order to locate the BGSU protests within the larger history of student protest (1950s‒1970s). Instead of contextualizing the event historiographically, the authors rely heavily on sociological theory and provide a unique explanation of how the societal constructs developed in the 1940s and 1950s conflicted with the societal changes of the 1960s. Although it is interesting and worthy of further study, the authors’ argument connecting the oppression of women and the subsequent feminist movement to the BGSU student protest is less successful. Unfortunately, the book as a whole is very disjointed and difficult to read. The text is very repetitive as entire paragraphs appear almost word for word at multiple locations in the book (30, 61). Even the unnumbered page of photographs is printed in two locations (4‒5, 94‒95). The authors take their audience on a wild ride, repeatedly traveling forward and backward in time both locally and nationally, all the while drifting in and out of discursive sociological theorizing. In spite of...

Malaysia in 2015: Crises of Confidence

In his 2015 New Year message to the nation, Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak called 2014 the most challenging year of his career, with the twin airline tragedies — the disappearance of MH370 in March and the downing of MH17 in July in Ukraine — and the worst floods to hit the country in decades, which displaced more than 200,000 people, dampening the country's economic outlook. But 2015 proved that Najib may have spoken too soon. At home, Malaysia and its embattled Prime Minister spent most of 2015 muddling through a daunting set of political, economic and social challenges, all made worse by the long shadow of one of the country's biggest scandals directly implicating Najib himself. And though 2015 was an important year for Malaysia's regional and international diplomacy, with the country's chairmanship of ASEAN and a non-permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), the spillover from its domestic politics along with a series of crises put a dent on some otherwise notable achievements. Political Turmoil and Turbulence For much of the year, Malaysia was consumed by allegations that Najib had mismanaged funds linked to debt-ridden state investment fund 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB). 1MDB had long been under assault, weighed down by 42 billion ringgit ($11.4 billion) in debt. But the scandal truly rocked the country following a 3 July report by the Wall Street Journal which disclosed that investigators had found that nearly $700 million from entities linked to 1MDB was deposited into Najib's private bank account. Najib denied using government funds for personal gain. But revelations — including the fact that the money had come from an unspecified Middle East donor prior to Malaysia's 2013 general elections — only raised more questions in what some began calling the biggest scandal in Malaysia's history. Some expected the 1MDB scandal to be the death knell of Najib, especially since his approval ratings in February had already plunged to their lowest levels since he assumed office in 2009. Indeed, there was initial speculation about his removal either by opponents within his party, the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), or through a no-confidence vote tabled in parliament. Yet Najib turned out to be far more ruthless and resilient than his opponents anticipated.

Constitution reform for responsible government in Trinidad and Tobago

ABSTRACTIn Westminster-type parliamentary systems, critical checks and balances are placed upon the Government by parliamentary accountability (‘responsible government’), which lies at the core of the Westminster system of parliamentary democracy. Trinidad and Tobago, a former British colony that became independent in 1962 and a constitutional Republic in 1976, has the Westminster system of government where the Executive is drawn from the Lower House and is dependent upon it for its authority. It has a bicameral legislature and its Parliament comprises the President, a nominated Senate and the House of Representatives. Constitutionally, like some Caribbean countries, the number of parliamentary members who can be made government Ministers is unlimited, which can prevent constitutional sanctions, such as a no-confidence vote, despite any abuse of government power. Amendments to the Constitution are proposed to strengthen parliamentary democracy: firstly, limiting the number of ministers; secondly, ensuring that the Government is not guaranteed a simple majority of votes in the Senate. Further, it is argued that if the Prime Minister recommends to the President such number of Ministers that, ab initio, would preclude either responsible government or a successful no-confidence vote in the Government, the President, in whom executive authority is vested, could use reserve/prerogative powers to refuse to make such appointments.

TELAAH KONSTITUSIONAL PENGATURAN IMPEACHMENT PRESIDEN DAN WAKIL PRESIDEN DALAM MEWUJUDKAN DEMOKRASI

The President as the holder of power operation of the Republic of Indonesia as mandated by the 1945 constitution, have full responsibility in the case of the head of state and head of government. In running the government, the president is assisted by a vice president. When the president and vice president elected directly by the people in a general election is considered to be incapable of running the state government for reasons that have been determined by the 1945 Constitution, the legislative body that oversees the running of the government led by the president can give a confidence vote in the name parliament is then submitted to the judiciary in this case the Constitutional Court to decide the president and / or vice president deserves to be dismissed from office or not, and then a plenary session of People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), which is a combination of DPR and DPD to determine the dismissal of the President from office. Of course, the President of Indonesia dismissal mechanism which implicitly specified in the 1945 Constitution states that when the president removed from office, the Vice President also dismissed as "a package" is selected in elections democracy. in constitutional system, dismissing the President in the middle of a term called with the power of "impeachment".The feud between the Parliament and the President in the year 2001, where the House of Representatives after the General Election in 1999 by President Abdurrahman Wahid appointed by the Assembly election results in 1999 suffered a feud that continued confidence vote Parliament on President Abdurrahman Wahid or Gus Dur commonly called. Vote of no confidence on the results of the feud then continued the dismissal or resignation of President Abrurrahman Wahid from the presidency through a Special Session in 2001 the Legislative Act No. III / MPR / 2001. The Act contained in the revocation matter of state power from the hands of President Abdurrahman Wahid who was replaced by Megawati Soearnoputri as Vice President at the time.

The Fixed-term Parliaments Act and Votes of Confidence

The Government in the UK rests for its continuation in office on the confidence of the House of Commons. Until 2011, it was a convention of the constitution that a Government defeated on a motion of confidence resigned or requested the dissolution of Parliament. There were different categories of confidence votes. The Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011 puts on a statutory basis the conditions for a general election following the loss of an explicitly worded motion of no confidence. Although not intended to do so initially, the provisions of the Act limit the options available to the Prime Minister in the event of a vote of no confidence and in so doing removed a significant power to maximise parliamentary strength in key votes.