Newspaper Pravda Research Articles

The socio-economic policy of the Breuning government (March 29, 1930 - May 30, 1932) in the coverage of the Soviet newspaper Pravda

The article examines the socio-economic policy in the Weimar Republic under Chancellor Heinrich Breuning from 1930 to 1932 through the prism of the Soviet newspaper Pravda, which is the main source of expression of the official position of the Soviet Union on the issue of international relations. In addition to evaluating the Chancellor's activities and the events taking place in Germany, the newspaper's materials highlight the specifics of the development of the German communist movement during this period. The authors also highlight events related to the development of the National Socialist movement in Germany during the period under review in the context of the strengthening of the political influence of the National Socialist Party of Germany and the development of government interaction with its leaders. It is concluded that the newspaper Pravda in its publications about the events in Germany during this period focused on the proletarian struggle and did not differ in an analytical approach.The following research methods were used: analysis of special sources and materials, including archival ones; method of classification and systematization; content analysis of materials of the newspaper Pravda. The main conclusion of the study is that the ambiguous and contradictory policies of the Breuning cabinet led to a new political crisis in the country. Instability and the lack of socio-economic and political prospects led to an increasing polarization of German society and its inclination towards the right-wing radical party of the National Socialists.In addition, the publications of Pravda, reflecting the events in Germany during this period, were more tendentious in the nature of the proletarian struggle and did not differ in analytics.

Decolonization of East African countries: a Soviet View (based on the materials of the newspaper Pravda)

The process of decolonization of Africa in the USSR was strongly welcomed by the masses. The latter was largely promoted by the newspaper Pravda, the most popular newspaper of the USSR times. The article analyzes the information that the newspaper gave in the early 1960’s about the decolonization of the East African countries - Kenya, Uganda, Tanganyika and Zanzibar. The Soviet reader was informed about these countries in a very general way, as well as about their leaders of decolonization in them and the declaration of independence. The problems faced by the young states - economic, political, ethnic, social - were also shown, and they were explained as the heavy heritage of colonialism. The establishment of diplomatic relations of the USSR with new states and the desire for mutual friendship was emphasized almost immediately in all cases. The progressive nature of the transformations carried out by the Governments of these states and, if possible, their socialist nature were also emphasized.

КЊИЖЕВНА ПОЛЕМИКА У ДНЕВНОМ ЛИСТУ: СЛУЧАЈ РАДА ДРАИНЦА У ПРАВДИ

The subject of the paper is the analysis of specific genre features and (con)textual circumstances of the literary polemics between Ujević - Drainac - Ujević, conducted in the interwar period, mainly in the daily newspaper Pravda. Taking into account all the complexity of the case of this polemic (seriality, multiple intentionality; explicit and implicit poetics of serial polemics; the status of actors and audience; the circumstances of the daily newspaper and the Belgrade poetic bohemian circle, as well as Drainac’s overall poetics), we come to the conclusion of the multiple conditioned functionality of literary polemics, to which the specifics of the actor, topic and style contribute proportionately, but also the publication itself, whose choice, in the case of the serial polemic of the “ready” Drainac and the no less ready Ujević, is indicated by practical reasons and the desire for publicity.

Перестроечная периодическая печать как исторический источник по трансформации образа В. И. Ленина в 1987-1991 гг.

The article analyses the metamorphosis of Lenin's image in late Soviet periodicals. The method of socio-historical phenomenology has been applied in the study. The source base of the research includes materials from the newspaper Pravda, magazine Ogonyok, and newspaper of the Democratic Union Svobodnoe Slovo. The chronological framework of the research covers the period from November 1987 to June 1991. The focus is on the interaction of three discourses in press, which introduced different purport of Lenin's image into the readers’ minds. The first discourse contained positive description of Lenin's image and linked his teachings with the reforms, justifying the Perestroika transformation. The second discourse was based on ideological confrontation between Lenin and Stalin. The periodicals blamed the latter for all costs of Soviet power. Through criticism of Stalin's image, the second discourse urged to abandon shameful criminal past in favour of Leninist legacy endorsed by the society. Nevertheless, such imprudent tactics eventually widened the criticism, intensifying the political debate of more significant symbols of the Soviet system. Such was the content of the third discourse endorsing deconstruction of Lenin and other pillars of the Soviet system. The study constructs three time periods of domination of the aforementioned discourses. The first period was 1987–88, when the first and second discourses prevailed. The second period refers to 1989, when major ideological shifts took place. More articles defending Lenin’s image appeared in the pages of Pravda, indicating presence of legitimate criticism in the press. The Ogonyok magazine called for a condemnation of the results of the October Revolution of 1917. The newspaper Svobodnoe Slovo was published freely, encountering no resistance from the authorities. It openly denounced Lenin's image. The newspaper became the main vehicle for the third discourse. It could be argued that 1989 was a milestone in terms of the transition to the third discourse. In 1990–91 of the third interim period, the anti-Leninist discourse took over the pages of Ogonyok, the Pravda remaining the last mass media defending Lenin's image from criticism. As a result, Lenin's image was negatively reinterpreted in the eyes of the readers and gradually disappeared from the pages of late Soviet periodicals.

Ferdinand de Saussure. USSR. 1950…

During the linguistic discussion organized in the Soviet newspaper Pravda in 1950, Ferdinand de Saussure was mentioned only a few times, but the corresponding references are important from the point of view of both the opinions about Saussure that were prevalent in Soviet linguistics before the discussion, and in light of its evolution afterwards. In 1950, both a supporter and an opponent of Marrist linguistics, Ivan Meschaninov and Arnold Chikobava respectively, unconditionally agreed on at least one thing: namely, that the theories of Saussure were, from their point(s) of view, unacceptable for “progressive” Soviet linguistics. This criticism of Saussure shows the significant shift made by Soviet humanities in the middle of the last century over the course of just a few years: in the late 1950s, it was the “revision” of the main theses of the criticism of Saussure that made possible the (relative) triumph of structuralism, which finally took place in the Soviet Union in the 1960s.

COUNCIL FOR THE RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH AND RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH IN 1945-1953 (BASED ON THE SA-RATOV VOLGA REGION MATERIALS)

Purpose. The article is devoted to the analysis of the relationship between the state, represented by the Council for the Affairs of the Russian Orthodox Church, as a conductor of state -church policy, and the Russian Orthodox Church in 1945 - 1953. Subject of the study: relations of the Authorized Council for the Affairs of the Russian Orthodox Church and the Russian Orthodox Church in the Saratov Volga region. The task of the work is to show how the activities of the Council for the Affairs of the Russian Orthodox Church and its commissioner influenced the inner life of the Saratov diocese.
 Method and methodology. On the basis of general scientific, special historical and some methods borrowed from other sciences (for example, statistics) a set of documents from central and regional archives of the Russian Federation covering the problem presented in the title of the article is analyzed.
 Results. The period from 1945 to 1953 in the relations of the ROC and the Soviet leadership was ambiguous and complex. On the one hand, there was a warming that began during the war years and some stabilization of these relations, on the other hand, the authorities had a desire to restrain the church revival. Moreover, since the beginning of 1948, the tightening of anti-religious policy began, which is a vivid example of the events that unfolded after the publication of the feuilleton "Saratov Font" in the newspaper Pravda. The active conductor of state –church policy was the Council for the Affairs of the Russian Orthodox Church, which controlled the activities of the Church through a staff of commissioners. The article is based on many archival documents that clearly illustrate the difficult relationship between the state and the Church of that time and the attempts of the Church in the current situation to do everything possible for preserving its activities and for spiritual and moral support of believers.
 The scope of applicability of results. The results of the study can contribute to a deeper understanding and assimilation of the religious policy of the Soviet state in the post-war period.

Деятельность органов власти в период подготовки и проведения Курской битвы

The article on the basis of archival documents, collections of decisions of state bodies, memoirs of famous military leaders — participants of the Battle of Kursk, materials of the newspaper Pravda and the magazine “Red Army”, selected works of state and political figures examines the organizing activities of party and Soviet bodies: GKO, Stavka VGK, SNK of the USSR, People’s Commissars of the USSR, the Military Councils of the fronts and armies, aimed at consolidating and mobilizing the entire Soviet people and the national-economic complex to defeat the German cofascist troops on the Kursk Bulge. During the analysis of archival sources and memories of military leaders, the author comes to the conclusion that rear workers, sacrificing time, straining their strength and capabilities, worked for the front with renewed energy in order to provide the Army in good time and in sufficient quantities with guns, tanks, self-propelled artillery, airplanes, machine guns, assault rifles, mortars, ammunition, equipment, food, etc.

Children Diplomacy During the Late Cold War: Samantha Smith's Visit of the ‘Evil Empire’

AbstractSamantha Smith came to fame by writing a letter to the Soviet leader, Yuri Andropov, in December 1982, expressing her fears about a potential nuclear war between the two superpowers. Her letter was quoted in the main Soviet newspaper Pravda in April 1983 and the Smith family was subsequently invited to visit the Soviet Union during the summer. Samantha's trip captured the attention of the world media on both sides of the ideological divide. However, her trip has usually been dismissed as a quirky footnote in Cold War history. Scholarly interest has only just begun, sparked by the growing research into the significance of citizen diplomacy, which saw a real explosion in the late Cold War. This article will demonstrate that Samantha Smith's trip was a pivotal moment in this broader process because it provided a very public challenge to the strong political discourse of the early Reagan administration, which promoted conflict. Based on an analysis of Soviet and American media reporting, and using hitherto unused archival evidence, as well as oral history interviews, this article examines why and how Samantha Smith became an icon of citizen diplomacy in the early 1980s. Analysing the receptions, representations and legacies of her trip on both sides of the ideological divide, it will shed fresh light on the role of children as soft power during the Cold War and highlight Samantha Smith's role as a precursor of a rapidly expanding citizen diplomacy that played a largely ignored part in bringing the conflict to an end.

What did Joseph Stalin really die of? A reappraisal of his illness, death, and autopsy findings.

Joseph Stalin was one of the most important world leaders during the first half of the 20th century. He died suddenly in early March 1953 after a short illness, which was described in a series of medical bulletins in the Soviet newspaper Pravda. Based on both the clinical history and autopsy findings, it was concluded that Stalin had died of a massive hemorrhagic stroke involving his left cerebral hemisphere. However, almost 50 years later, a counter-narrative developed suggesting a more nefarious explanation for his sudden death, namely, that a "poison," warfarin, a potent anticoagulant, had been administered surreptitiously by one or more of his close associates during the early morning hours prior to the onset of his stroke. In the present report, we will examine this counter-narrative and suggest that his death was not due to the administration of warfarin but rather to a hypertension-related cerebrovascular accident resulting in a massive hemorrhagic stroke involving his left cerebral hemisphere. The counter-narrative was based on the misunderstanding of certain specific autopsy findings, namely, the presence of focal myocardial and petechial hemorrhages in the gastric and intestinal mucosa, which could be attributed to the extracranial pathophysiologic changes that can occur as a consequence of a stroke rather than the highly speculative counter-narrative that Stalin was "poisoned" by the administration of warfarin.

Metaforyka związana z pojęciami światła i ciemności w sowieckim ideologicznym subdyskursie o kulturze w latach 1953–1957 na materiale gazety „Prawda”

<p>Metaforyka związana z pojęciami jasności i ciemności należy do najbardziej wyrazistych narzędzi służących wprowadzaniu i podtrzymywaniu manichejskiego podziału na swoich i obcych w wielu dyskursach, w tym również w sowieckim ideologicznym dyskursie o kulturze okresu tzw. odwilży. Analizie poddano około 400 tekstów o tematyce kulturalnej, publikowanych w latach 1953–1957 w gazecie „Prawda”, które charakteryzują się m.in. konfrontacyjnym charakterem związanym z przesileniem politycznym oraz kulturalnym w epoce poststalinowskiej. Artykuł jest próbą analizy funkcjonowania metaforyki związanej z pojęciami światła i ciemności w sowieckiej propagandzie kulturalnej tego okresu. Okazuje się, że metaforyka ta pełniła ważną rolę w próbach odgórnego sterowania życiem kulturalnym kraju oraz że sposoby jej zastosowania bynajmniej nie odbiegają od najdawniejszych wzorców znanych piśmiennictwu ruskiemu. W badanym dyskursie metafora światła i ciemności pozwalała na wyrażenie istotnych kategorii, na których promocji zależało jego autorom centralizm zarządzania kulturą, przewodnia rola określonych jednostek i środowisk kulturalnych w kreowaniu kultury, wyższość kultury swoich nad kulturą obcych itd. Poprzez odwołanie się do pojęć archetypowych nadawca zyskiwał gwarancję skuteczności tego typu oddziaływania.</p>

PUBLICISTIKA OTA FERENCZYHO UVEREJŇOVANÁ V DENNÍKU PRAVDA

PUBLICISTIKA OTA FERENCZYHO UVEREJŇOVANÁ V DENNÍKU PRAVDA

Drawing Between Reportage and Memory: Diego Rivera's Moscow Sketchbook

The extraordinary proliferation of political demonstrations around the world over the past several years has reminded us once again of the phenomenal power of the real-time convergence of people in public space, a power to which Diego Rivera's Moscow Sketchbook—a corpus of forty-five small watercolor drawings—bears graphic witness. The sketchbook dates from Rivera's seven- or eight-month sojourn in Moscow, which began in early November 1927 with his direct participation in the celebration of the tenth anniversary of the revolution as a delegate to the inaugural internat ional Congress of Friends. Publicly announcing the artist's arrival in Moscow on November 3, the Communist Party's national daily newspaper Pravda discussed his “extraordinary frescoes” in the new Secretar iat of Public Educat ion in Mexico City—which the poet Vladimir Mayakovski had earlier lauded as “the world's first Communist mural”—and went on to explain that, as a revolutionary artist, Rivera now prefers the collective address of “wall painting” over the private easel picture to which he had devoted himself for a decade or so in Paris before 1921. A new venture in Soviet cultural diplomacy, the Congress of Friends had as its objective the forging of a broad, cross-party international alliance of those willing and able to come to the defense of the Soviet Union in their home countries. Rivera, a member of the Mexican Communist Party at the time, participated in the congress at the invitation of the Comintern, which was responsible for hosting notable foreign communists when they were in town and, as such, played a major role in the organization of the three-day meeting. On the first day of the congress the artist was elected—from a pool of 947 delegates—to its Presidium (governing board) and press bureau as a member of the foreign intelligentsia.

Edible Ethnicity How Georgian Cuisine Conquered the Soviet Table

The Multiethnic Union from a Culinary Perspective It is little surprise that one of Iosif Stalin's most famous speeches was given in the of a toast. On 24 May 1945, the leaders of the victorious Red Army were received in the Kremlin's expansive Georgievskii Hall and seated at heavily laden tables beneath sparkling chandeliers. (1) Thirty-one toasts were drunk that evening, but the last was the most memorable. Stalin stood up from his chair at the center of the main table and asked permission to say the final toast, drawing frenzied applause from the assembled officers. Raising his glass, he began predictably: the representative of our government, I would like to propose a toast to our people. Then, unexpectedly, he added, and, in the first place, the Russian people. The crowd began to wildly cheer hurrah! Stalin thanked the Russian people for their unfailing trust and drank to their health, amid applause that, according to the transcript of the event, was loud and prolonged. (2) The toast was reprinted the next day on the front page of the newspaper Pravda for all citizens to read. (3) Its assertion of Russian primacy has earned it a central place in historiography charting the rise of state-sponsored Russian nationalism. Although historians have combed the speech's content for meaning, they have generally neglected its form. (4) The of a toast allowed Stalin to combine confessional candor with the spirit of jubilation required for the occasion. (5) As a Georgian, Stalin was likely seen by the guests as a natural ramada (toastmaster), a Georgian term that had become an official part of the Russian vocabulary a few years earlier. (6) As the Georgian practice of having a ramada lead festivities became a institution, it was increasingly likely that the table was laden with Georgian cheese pies (khachapuri) and spicy Georgian soup (kharcha), accompanied by Georgian wines and the Georgian mineral water Borjomi. Although Stalin raised his glass to the Russian people, the fact that he gave his speech as a Georgian-style toast shows that culture continued to be constructed in no small part by the contributions of non-Russians. Accordingly, the history of food and drink offers a new lens through which to view the Union as a markedly multiethnic state. (7) The culinary perspective reveals the extent to which the state promoted a peculiar brand of domestic internationalism in the everyday lives of its citizens. Beginning in the 1930s, this effort entailed the creation of a Soviet kitsch consumer culture based on the domestic production of cheaper copies of foreign luxury goods, on the one hand, and the state's elevation of domestic traditions of the peoples to the realm of high culture, on the other. (8) planners not only began to produce their own Soviet champagne; they also sought to create a multiethnic cuisine that privileged the culinary practices of the non-Russian republics. Unlike curry houses in Britain, restaurants in the Union were tirelessly promoted by the state itself. (9) As in Mussolini's Italy, the state sought to reach into the home and transform the everyday habits of its citizens through food and drink. (10) Whereas the Fascists emphasized an austere diet to engender lean and healthy bodies, however, the new diet offered a taste of a bountiful future, served in a multiplicity of forms. In creating a cuisine that would be national in form and socialist in content, the state funded the large-scale domestic production of ingredients and vigorously endorsed recipes. The new diet included not only Russian cabbage soup but also Ukrainian borshch, Uzbek plov, melons from Central Asia, and oranges from the Caucasus. Vodka arguably remained Russia's beverage, but consumers also drank Georgian wine, Armenian cognac, and eventually liqueurs from Tallinn and Riga. …

Selling the “Project of the Century”: Perceptions of the Baikal-Amur Mainline Railway (BAM) in the Soviet Press, 1974-1984

first months of 1974 saw a phenomenon not experienced in the Soviet Union for almost twenty years-the mobilization of the nation in a colossal struggle between humans and nature in a distant sector of the country. As with the Virgin Lands Campaign of the 1950s, which sent young Soviet men and women to introduce mechanized agriculture to the and Kazakh steppe, this new endeavor asked for self-sacrifice and fraternal cooperation (bratskoe sotrudnichestvo) in order to achieve a common goal of the Soviet people. By constructing a Second Trans-Siberian (vtoroi Transsib) between Eastern Siberia and the Soviet Far East, the people of the USSR could exploit the vast natural resources of the region and bring civilization to a once desolate place.1 This new to the [Pacific] Ocean (put'k okeanu) would run nearly 3,600 kilometers, from west of Lake Baikal to the Pacific Ocean, across some of the most inhospitable terrain on the planet.2 It would rival and eventually surpass the scope and renown of the tsarist Trans-Siberian Railroad that connects Moscow and Vladivostok.3 tracks of this new railroad, however, would be laid down with Leninist enthusiasm (Leninskii entuziazm) through the forlorn taiga toward the promised land of communism. During the decade that the Baikal-Amur Mainline Railway's (BAM) image pervaded society, the Soviet press presented this monumental to the populace as The of the Century (stroika veka) and The Path to the Future (put' k budushchemu). represented an important political, social, and cultural icon of the 1970s and early 1980s, much like the Trans-Siberian Railway during the late nineteenth century, the Turkestano-Siberian Railroad, the Moscow metro system, the city of Magnitogorsk, and Dneprostroi electrification of the 1930s, as well as the Virgin Lands Campaign.4 At its height, the $15 billion involved over 500,000 Young Communist Youth League [Komsomol] members and some professional railway workers known as bamovtsy (singular bamovets (masc.)/bamovka (fem.)BAMer] laboring in a 1.2 million square mile area known as the BAM Zone. was the last example of Soviet 14 gigantomania and shared with earlier endeavors a massive allocation of human and material resources, a highly inefficient utilization of them, and a general disregard for any impact on the environment. Along with the Virgin Lands, was the foremost model of post-Stalin Soviet Prometheanism, in which the conquest of nature through technology was seen as a panacea for various political, social, and economic problems. personal influence of Soviet leader Leonid I. Brezhnev, who believed could serve as a beacon of socialism, represented a strong force in the push to popularize the projects Brezhnev had served as party secretary in Kazakhstan during the Virgin Lands Campaign and thought of as his own project of the era of developed socialism (stroika epokhi razvitogo sotsializma), as Brezhnev's predecessor Nikita S. Khrushchev had with the Virgin Lands. Although the highly inefficient and still unfinished ultimately failed to live up to official expectations as The Key to the Twenty-First Century, the mainline is remarkable not for its actual construction, but for its massive and intricate publicizing campaign.7 I maintain that this propaganda system, the last to be developed in the Soviet Union, represented the apex of the Soviet legitimization narrative that had itself begun in 1917. This article explores the campaign to promote the Project of the Century through the creation of what I term the myth, an official legitimizing perspective on the railway that contained tropes, imagery, and metaphors already familiar to those working on the railway and to the population at large.8 An examination of media coverage, primarily from the widely-read Communist Party newspaper Pravda and the government paper Izvestiia, as well as the organ of the Union of Professional Railway Workers Gudok (The Whistle), from the project's beginning in March 1974 to its announced completion in September 1984, reveals that Soviet journalists produced an image of whose core message evidenced little change over time. …

The Berlin agreements: An exchange of exclaves and enclaves

Joseph Stalin was one of the most important world leaders during the first half of the 20th century. He died suddenly in early March 1953 after a short illness, which was described in a series of medical bulletins in the Soviet newspaper Pravda. Based on both the clinical history and autopsy findings, it was concluded that Stalin had died of a massive hemorrhagic stroke involving his left cerebral hemisphere. However, almost 50 years later, a counter-narrative developed suggesting a more nefarious explanation for his sudden death, namely, that a “poison,” warfarin, a potent anticoagulant, had been administered surreptitiously by one or more of his close associates during the early morning hours prior to the onset of his stroke. In the present report, we will examine this counter-narrative and suggest that his death was not due to the administration of warfarin but rather to a hypertension-related cerebrovascular accident resulting in a massive hemorrhagic stroke involving his left cerebral hemisphere. The counter-narrative was based on the misunderstanding of certain specific autopsy findings, namely, the presence of focal myocardial and petechial hemorrhages in the gastric and intestinal mucosa, which could be attributed to the extracranial pathophysiologic changes that can occur as a consequence of a stroke rather than the highly speculative counter-narrative that Stalin was “poisoned” by the administration of warfarin.

On The Development of Genetics In Our Country and Scientific Truth:(Biologiia v shkole, 1965, No. 4)

An abnormal situation has been created in biology during the last twenty years. Its essence was accurately expressed by the President of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, M. V. Keldysh. "The development of biology," he wrote in the newspaper Pravda, "was affected to a large extent by the exclusive position of a group of scientists headed by T. D. Lysenko, who denied a number of the most important trends of biological science and instilled their own viewpoints, which often did not correspond to the modern level of the science …. A number of scientists were removed from work in their specialties; the subjects of scientific institutions were limited; and the most important achievements of the science were excluded from the programs of the schools and higher educational institutions" (15). The reasons for the abnormal development of biology and, above all, of genetics in our country are analyzed in numerous articles that have appeared in the central newspapers and journals since the October (1964) Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU.

Political-Administrative Divisions of the U.S.S.R., 1945

O N October 17, 1945, in connection with the recent elections to the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R., the Moscow newspaper Pravda published an official list of the election districts of the country. This list provides the most recent and authoritative data on the administrativeterritorial organization of the Soviet Union.' According to this information, the dynamism inherent in the Soviet administrative structure since its inception continued to manifest itself even during the recent war period. Territorial units ranging from the minute selsovet2 (village council) to the large oblast (region) were created, only to be altered or even abolished to make room for newly formed divisions. This development, which has been in progress ever since the Bolshevik revolution in 1917, has kept the political geography of the U.S.S.R. in constant flux and, much to the dismay of students of the Soviet Union, has made newly published Soviet maps obsolete overnight. However, in addition to these routine changes, recent years have witnessed the unprecedented abrogation of five Soviet national autonomous units and, as a result of the Red Army's victorious campaigns both in Europe and in Asia, a considerable territorial aggrandizement of the U.S.S.R. The present article is intended to provide a review of the most important recent changes and a map of the present administrative-territorial divisions of the U.S.S.R.