Naval Forces Research Articles

중국의 여해적 정일수(鄭一嫂)와 해상권력의 구축

The South China Sea in the 19th century was the heyday of pirates. In 1805, a group of six pirates signed an agreement to establish the Pirate Federation. In addition, European merchant ships and Chinese merchant ships traveling between routes in the South China Sea were looted and engaged frequently with the Qing Dynasty's naval forces. Among the six groups, the strongest force was Hong Gi-bang (Red Flag), and the Red Flag had strong power as the leader of the Pirate Federation. This paper noted how the pirate Cheng I’s Wife became the leader of Hong Gi-bang (red flag) beyond gender and sexual norms in the pirate world and gained tremendous power in the pirate federation. In Chinese history, Madam Qing was hidden by her husbands and was not properly evaluated. Therefore, in Chapter 2 of the paper, we will look at the Chinese and Western records written about Cheng I’s Wife. In particular, important clues about her can be found in Western records, and data on Cheng I’s Wife and Chinese pirates are abundant in the autobiography of an Englishman who was kidnapped by a Chinese pirate. Chapter 3 analyzed how Cheng I’s Wife ran a pirate organization and the cause of his powerful power in the pirate society from three perspectives: husband's legacy, Article 3 of the Rules, and the religion of pirates's pirates.

The Coordinated Maritime Presences concept and the EU’s naval ambitions in the Indo-Pacific

Since the launch of the first-ever EU naval operation in 2008, the ongoing Operation Atalanta off the Horn of Africa, EU naval forces have operated primarily in Europe’s vicinity or in regions in which great-power tensions have been low. Yet, the Union has also begun to seek a naval role for itself in more sensitive regions, namely the Indo-Pacific, via the new Coordinated Maritime Presences concept. This article analyses the EU’s plans to play a more visible naval role in the Indo-Pacific, and argues that the extension of this concept to the region would raise the EU’s level of ambition as a naval actor. However, the EU’s ability to be a meaningful maritime security provider in the Indo-Pacific depends on the EU countries coming closer to seeing eye-to-eye on how the Union should approach China, and on their willingness to send vessels to the Indo-Pacific.

The European Union as a Maritime Security Provider – The Naval Diplomacy Perspective

The aim of this article is to assess how the European Union advances its role as a global security actor and how it deploys the military forces provided by the member states. Tracing the current debate of the identity and means of the European Union, we analyze the two maritime operations, EU NAVFOR Somalia (Operation Atalanta) and EUNAVFOR MED (Operation Sophia) from a naval diplomacy perspective. Naval diplomacy acknowledge a more versatile role for naval forces, not just military advancement and force projection. For this purpose, we need to go beyond mission descriptions and operational mandates in order to analyze and assess the two operations from within, relying on internal reports and interviews with senior officers who have participated in the operations. Results show that naval forces seeks cooperation with International organizations, NGOs, and third countries in order to facilitate security and good order of the global common of international water. Still, complex security problems are not resolved in this manner and EU maritime operations are highly political, thus facing an uncertain future as a tool of CSDP.

ДО ПИТАННЯ ВОГНЕВОЇ ПІДТРИМКИ БОЮ (ДІЙ) БАТАЛЬЙОНУ (для обговорення)

The article provides proposals for clarification of the terminology used in military publications (doctrinal documents) regarding the planning and support of the battalion’s battle (actions), fire impact on enemy objects, recommendations on the formation, competences and functioning of the combat planning and management body (actions) that are adapted to the standards and procedures of NATO Member States. The conducted study shows that fire damage is not a clear definition of the influence of units’ forces and means on the enemy. The definition of «damage» during the influence of fire means is not accurate and does not reflect the state of the target after the completion of the impact on the enemy’s objects. The issue of fire support for combat (actions), the body of its planning and implementation in military publications are not clearly defined. Thus, the meaningful meaning of what was originally laid in them is not disclosed. Instead of the concept of «enemy fire defeat», the authors propose to replace it with a more objective indicator – «fire influence on the enemy». Under the fire influence on the enemy, the authors propose to understand the impact on the enemy’s object (target) with various ammunition and/or means, according to the results of which it is guaranteed, conditionally guaranteed or not guaranteed to lose its ability to function normally (perform a combat mission). The result of influencing the enemy’s object (target) can be lethal or non-lethal. Instead of the concept of «enemy fire defeat», the authors propose to replace it with a more objective indicator – "fire influence on the enemy". Prospects for the implementation of the results of scientific research obtained at the Scientific Center of the Military Academy (Odessa) can be considered their inclusion after discussion in doctrinal (normative) documents on the combat use of military units and units of the Ground Forces, Assault Forces and Marines of the Naval Forces of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. Keywords: fire support, fire damage, control group, artillery, aviation.

British Navy and John Fisher's Reforms 1951- 1905

was interested indeveloping its naval force as the firist line of defense and shild to protectits territory . Britain was interested in maritime industris and the organization of fleet especially in 1901 – 1905 where this period saw a great reform movement and devoted the British admiral efforts to develop and improve the fleet marin John Fisher was the most prominent in bringing theses reforms which represented areal revolution in the field of marin industries , John Fisher reforms were not limited to marin industries but included maritime laws as well us on going maritime maneuvers and a system of training seafarers to improve their performance and upgvade the British navy and to deal with their various ensure their a bility to face opponents especially Germany which began to compete with the British navy in the field of marine in dustries and owning new warships eduipped with the latest naval weapons, so the British navy to renew its activites continuously to maintain and dominace of the navy

THE INFLUENCE OF BLACK SEA CHARACTERISTICS OVER JOINT OPERATIONS

In this endeavour, it is proposed to identify some military characteristics of the Black Sea, in terms of narrow sea, that can influence the development of military action in a joint context. This will highlight the role and place of naval force in capitalizing on the optimal potential to support coastal actions carried out by the land force. The novelty of this approach is underlined by the fact that the research result is based on the cooperation of specialists from the Romanian Naval Forces with specialists from the Land Forces, following war games and the use of other research tools specific to the military science field. The originality lies precisely in the fact that the particular missions of the naval forces during the support of the land forces were identified by the authors through the experience gained in exercises carried out at the “Carol I” National Defence University. The final product will make that correspondence between the characteristics of the Black Sea and the necessary capabilities, intended to manifest maritime power, through an appropriate response in the case of joint military actions, which will contribute to supporting national interests at the maritime and riverine areas.

Romanian naval dimplomacy, continuous evolution in the swirl of external diplomacy

From ancient times the dominion of the seas has been a condition for gaining power and influence, and the position of a state near a sea has been an advantage for both its development and the neighboring region. Due to its geographical position, the Black Sea is a region of great importance for all actors claiming leading positions in the world hierarchy and the intensification of economic relations between the states of the region after the end of the Soviet monopoly and its connection to the world market generated auspices for a new cycle development and regional prosperity. The relocation of the EU border to the Black Sea, along with the integration of Romania and Bulgaria, brings in many economic benefits, given its dependence on oil imports, but its expansion, like that of NATO, does not only mean benefits. The EU and NATO must also take on vulnerabilities in the area, such as underperforming economies, arms, drug and human trafficking, illegal immigration or frozen conflicts, and thus try to help stabilize the region. In recent years, the military has not only played a destabilizing role, but has made a decisive contribution to ensuring the security of the Black Sea region. In this sense, the military naval forces of the riparian countries, including Romania, had a special role. Through the wide range of missions in which the Romanian Naval Forces participate in the Danubian-Pontic space, both internally and externally, in cooperation with the states bordering the Black Sea and with the NATO member states, Romania contributes to the promotion of regional security and stability. The naval diplomacy actions carried out in the last thirty years thus reveal not only the role and purpose of the Romanian Naval Forces within NATO in the actions of maintaining and consolidating good relations with the states bordering the Black Sea, as well as maintaining security with allies in the distant maritime districts. They also point out that naval diplomacy has contributed to the expression of foreign policy in different areas and with means that have increased its effect, impact and efficiency.

The rise of the Sicilian question in the 1840s: the Italian reaction to geopolitical insecurity in the Mediterranean

During the 1840s Italian society began to see the Mediterranean region as a dangerous place to live, owing to what was regarded as threats represented by Austria, Great Britain, France, and even Russia and the United States. This conviction resulted from various affairs both within and outside Europe, where the same powers were accused of behaving in an overtly aggressive way, which was used as an argument for the political unity of Italy’s various states in order to give them greater strength for defence. Since danger was seen all around, this unity became important for both the peninsular Italians and the Sicilians, who agreed on the need to establish an Italian league with federal land and naval forces. The principal objective of this paper is to show that the question of Sicily’s future was seen as a question of not only Italy’s security, but also of its future position in the Mediterranean as a whole, and that the de facto unanimous support of Sicily’s membership in the league in 1848 resulted from this self-protecting response that, moreover, already contained proto-imperialist tendencies in which for geostrategic reasons the island played an important role.

Политическая нелояльность и военные преступления Прибалтийских дворян в годы первой мировой войны

In the Soviet historiography of the First World War, a false opinion was formed that representatives of the large local nobility who had “Germanic roots” (as a rule, natives of Germany or persons who had Russian and German citizenship) were a category of persons politically disloyal to the Russian autocracy. They allegedly saw their national-patriotic mission in acts of overt and covert sabotage of Russia's military security in the Baltic states - from hanging the national flags of Germany on the roofs of their estates to creating favorable conditions for the invasion of “Teutonic knights”.Another myth that can be traced in some works of modern Russian historians is that all Baltic barons of German origin, in the conditions of an armed clash between Russian and German military and naval forces, remained loyal to the Tsar and the Fatherland (Russian Empire) to the end.In this article, the author set himself the goal of reconciling the existing historical differences and contradictions, showing an objective picture of front-line political life, the central figures of which in the Baltic provinces (at different times, some districts of Courland and Livonia) were German barons. For this, an attempt was made to trace the evolution of the “enemy image”, which was embodied in the “Eastsee nobles”. It was concluded that their initial stereotypical perception and misinterpretation of the border threat was based only on the speculation of police and military officials.This and other (including those opposite in meaning) conclusions were based on archival documents discovered and introduced by the author into scientific circulation. Initially, the counterintelligence officers of the Northern Front did not have a clear idea of the hostile intentions and, moreover, the illegal activities of the Baltic barons. However, with the beginning of the “Great Retreat” of the Russian armies, some of them were faced with a difficult moral choice: Whom should they be loyal to and serve - their ancestral homeland or their homeland (Russia)? As a result of the preferences given, the overwhelming minority of the nobility, as follows from the correspondence on the counterintelligence line, committed crimes that were qualified by the current Russian criminal legislation as treason. And, at the same time, due to the fact that none of the criminally prosecuted, first of all, Courland barons ended up in the dock, and the judicial authorities never passed a single guilty verdict, we cannot consider them criminals.

Inside the US Navy of 1812-1815 by William S. Dudley

Reviewed by: Inside the US Navy of 1812-1815 by William S. Dudley Michael A. Verney (bio) U.S. Navy, Military history, Naval history, War of 1812, Logistics Inside the US Navy of 1812-1815. By William S. Dudley. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2021. Pp. 348. Cloth, $54.95.) In the vast field of the early U.S. republic, there are few acres better tilled than the naval aspects of the War of 1812. The U.S. Navy's performance in that conflict has fascinated scholars for generations. Given the extensive historiography on the subject, it may be surprising to hear of a historian with a new angle—particularly one who does not examine the topic in terms of race, class, gender, culture, emotions, empire, borderlands, law, or citizenship. Nonetheless, William S. Dudley accomplishes this with his new book, Inside the US Navy of 1812-1815. His central theme is logistics or naval administration. His goal, in his words, is "to explain what it took to build, maintain, man, fit out, provision, and send fighting ships to sea for extended periods of time" (xii). Unlike many naval histories, much of his book stays in port. Inside the US Navy recounts how Madison's three secretaries of the Navy and their commanders managed the Navy's material and human resources. These included recruiting and deploying officers and seamen; constructing and overseeing shipyards; building vessels; and ordering and dispatching weapons, cannons, powder, rations, and medical supplies. Successive chapters detail the organizational and clerical structures of the Navy Department; the challenges of managing the oceanic, Great Lakes, and Gulf Coast theaters of the war; the effects of the British blockade on naval finances and operations; and the lives and hardships of naval seamen. Dudley's central argument is that the outcome of naval battles often hinged on logistics. This was especially true on the Great Lakes and on Lake Champlain, where U.S. and British forces competed to build and launch freshwater navies. While leadership in battle was important, Dudley demonstrates that commanding officers also had to be adept administrators. Commodore Oliver Hazard Perry's squadron, for example, [End Page 124] emerged victorious in the Battle of Lake Erie in September 1813 not only through Perry's daring change of ship command but also through meticulous planning with the full backing of the Navy Department and U.S. Army officers. In contrast, British shortcomings in supplying their own Lake Erie squadron hampered Commodore Robert Barclay's ability to contend with Perry's forces. Among Barclay's challenges was the diverse array of ordnance aboard his flagship, which made it harder for the gun crews to deliver the right balls and powder bags to each class of cannon during the battle. A similar dynamic was at play on Lake Champlain, where Commodore Thomas Macdonough's ability to surmount a "logistical nightmare in recruiting sailors, ordering provisions, and requisitioning guns" contributed to his success in that theater (205). While Dudley pays close attention to how logistics shaped the U.S. Navy's victories, he also discusses logistical failures. In common with most naval historians, he is critical of Democratic-Republican leaders like Thomas Jefferson and Albert Gallatin for neglecting the Navy in the opening years of the nineteenth century. He recounts how the British blockade contained much of the U.S. Navy, forcing Secretary William Jones to invest in new war machines and in what Benjamin Armstrong has called "guerre de razzia" or war by raiding."1 Dudley believes that naval forces could have contributed much more to the defense of New Orleans in 1814 and 1815 had they been adequately supported. Finally, and most importantly, Dudley narrates how the strains of war led to new modes of naval organization. Managing the logistics of the Navy Department was an onerous, even herculean, task. It broke Madison's first Secretary of the Navy, Paul Hamilton, and wore out his more qualified successor, William Jones. Near the end of his tenure in late 1814, an exhausted Jones drafted a bill to reorganize and expand the Navy Department. Congress acted swiftly on his proposals, establishing a Board of Navy Commissioners in 1815 to assist the Secretary with...

Стратегии Франции и Германии в Индо-Тихоокеанском регионе

This article explores the features of French and German policy in the Indo-Pacific Region (IPR). It is defined that these countries were the first members of the European Union to develop their own regional strategies in 2018–2020, hence it is appropriate to state their high interest in the IPR at the present stage. First of all, the characteristics of France’s approach are given: the emphasis on overseas territories and military capabilities; the desire to maintain contacts with a wide range of regional powers; a variety of initiatives and forms of influence. It is noted that Paris intends to build its regional coalition – the so-called “axis” with India and, until recently, Australia. Besides this, the article summarizes the basics of German policy in the IPR: the intention to keep economic ties along with an increasing willingness to develop political cooperation; the recognition of the leading role of ASEAN in regional processes; the desire to move away from the US–China bipolar confrontation. It is emphasized that in principle, the German government is ready to relocate its naval forces to this theater, but expects to do it as carefully as possible without violating the interests of Western allies or China (as the deployment of the frigate “Bayern” has shown). The authors conclude that the strategies of both countries have very much in common, which allows to discuss possible areas of their defense cooperation in the Indo-Pacific. Such could be a joint use of French bases (co-basing); the creation of a permanent naval mission or common aircraft carrier groups; the coordination of arms export policies. These measures could become a persuasive confirmation of European strategic autonomy and strengthen Europe’s positioning as an independent player in the IPR, especially after the creation of AUKUS.

Defying Davy Jones: The Impact of Maritime Search and Rescue Operations on Irregular Migration in the Central Mediterranean

Davy Jones' Locker is well known in legend as being the resting place for those lost at sea, but even more noteworthy is the longstanding tendency of seafarers to defy Davy Jones and seek to rescue those in distress. Rescuing migrants at sea is fraught with controversy, which is especially evident in the ongoing issue of migration in the Mediterranean. So problematic did the issue of migrant deaths in the Mediterranean become, that search and rescue (SAR) operations were organised to address the crisis. This came with its own political backlash, with SAR operations being criticised by states as creating an incentive for migration. Such research is especially critical for Ireland in the deployment of Irish naval forces to conduct SAR in the Central Mediterranean and the importance of an informed analysis to determine such a vital aspect of contemporary European security and humanitarianism. This article studies maritime SAR operations in an attempt to deduce whether they incentivise irregular sea migration in the Central Mediterranean Route. Utilising numbers of migrant arrivals and deaths, contrasted with the nature of various SAR operations against which the migration occurred, this article demonstrates that there is no correlation between migrant numbers and proactive SAR operations. This article aims to provide clarification on the controversial subject of maritime SAR and demonstrate that conducting such operations does not lead to an increase in irregular migration.

A multicriteria decision-making approach to classify military bases for the Brazilian Navy

The Brazilian Navy (BN) has its combatant force concentrated in an area with only one exit to the sea. Brazil has an extensive coast that needs to be patrolled and, in case of any kind of conflict, the BN must be able to defend the sovereignty and interests of the country. For this purpose, it is necessary a robust and decentralized naval force, which allows the fulfillment of its mission. This paper aims to classify the most suitable cities in Brazil to be established as naval bases, through the application of the ELECTRE-MOr hybrid method. Seventeen cities were analyzed, which have an opening to the sea and have a pre-existing minimum port structure. The alternatives were evaluated by specialists from the BN, with more than twenty years of active service, in the light of operational, economic and strategic criteria. As a result, five alternatives were classified as the most indicated to be headquarters for the decentralization of the naval power: Belém/PA, São Luis/MA, Fortaleza/CE, Recife/PE and Aratu/BA. This article presents relevance to academia and society, as it represents the application of a method in the state of the art to support the decision-making process in a significant problem for the sovereignty of Brazil, presenting a methodology that can be applied in problems of tactical, operational, strategic and political levels.

THE " REPUBLICAN POLICEMAN" ACCORDING TO THE OTHER IN ABOMEYCALAVI (BENIN)

In Benin, the "Republican Police" is defined as a single internal security force, resulting from the merger of the former national police and the former national gendarmerie of Benin in accordance with law N ° 2017-41 of December 29, 2017. Article 2 of Decree No. 2018-314 of July 11, 2018 stipulates that the Republican Police is a paramilitary force established to ensure public security, the maintenance of order and the execution of laws. It has jurisdiction over the entire territory, including paramilitary and military personnel as well as military barracks, air bases and naval force buildings. The police officer is therefore invested with missions that can put him in “situation” with all the components of society, including his own colleagues. This state of affairs generates a host of opinions related to the police in the execution of their sovereign missions. This research aims to analyze the perceptions of the Republican policeman in the town of Abomey-Calavi. To achieve this, recourse is made to a methodological approach based on documentary research, field investigation and observation. The interviews carried out with 32 respondents composed of citizens, municipal elected officials, road users, prisoners, market women, but also agents of public security and defense forces were approached. It emerges from the analysis of the data carried out under the prism of the symbolic interactionism of H. Blumer, that the Republican police officer is much more concerned with something other than the security and the free movement of people and their goods. Some people surveyed think that the police officer is often misunderstood and is the object of contempt. For still others, the police officer must be more professional to avoid prejudices that are detrimental to the institution.

Влияние Brexit на отношения Великобритании и ЕС в сфере безопасности и обороны

The article deals with the dynamics behind the post-Brexit European Union-UK security and defence engagement which is particularly relevant and critical to understanding the key dimensions and structural features of regional and global security in the foreseeable future. The urgency of the problem is determined by the fact that the decision to leave the UK from the EU, coupled with the subsequent negotiation process in security and defence spheres, taking into account global and local issues, is a serious challenge to the further functioning of the EU as an integration association. To achieve article goals, a structural-functional version of the system analysis is used, aiming at structural characteristics of the UK exit from the EU. The specificity of the object under consideration also predetermined the use of the decisional method, which allows to focus on the decision-making centers (the European Union and Great Britain), the process of developing and implementing decisions in EU_UK security and defence interactions. The empirical base of the study is made up of several groups of official documents that are directly related to the problem. The first group is represented by official treaties and declarations on the Brexit issue. The second group includes materials from the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office, the Prime Minister's Office, analytical reports, the official parliamentary documents. The third group is represented by the documents of the European Union: strategic documents, materials of the European Council, the EU Commission, speeches and interviews of the official representatives. It should be underlined that currently there is no legal framework with which the parties could develop and coordinate joint responses to emerging foreign policy challenges and threats in military security. The question remains whether prospective cooperation will be ad hoc, caused by the need to respond to each specific threat or challenge, or the approach will be more strategic, planned, long-term and proactive. A special factor increasing the entropy of the post-Brexit British-European dialogue on security and defence is the creation of the trilateral military-political association AUKUS with the participation of the United Kingdom, the United States and Australia. The main outcomes of the article include the points that, for the EU, the main challenges of post-Brexit security and defence relations are the inability to use London's scientific and technological potential, its significant experience in countering terrorism, the capabilities of the British naval forces, a high degree of coordination with the US intelligence services. For the UK, significant risks are the restriction or even complete cessation of participation in the CSDP missions, the European Defence Research Program, PESCO projects, the breaking of a large number of technological chains for defence companies.

JAPAN’S NAVAL FORCE UNDER THE RISE OF ITS MILITARISM (1931-1939)

The expansion of the role of the military category, which rejects the issue of naval restrictions and looks forward to military expansion and the strengthening of naval Force, is in line with Japan’s foreign policy, which completed in the 1930s the path of its transformation into a military state with expansionist ambitions, following the Great Depression (1929-1933) and its alliance with regimes Fascism and Nazi totalitarianism in Europe, from which the Axis powers emerged on the twenty-fifth of October 1936, and Accordingly, Japan at that time constituted a serious threat to the liberal economic and political systems. The research was set chronologically in the years (1931-1939), as the first date represented the beginning of the escalation of Japanese militarism in a clear manner following the convening of the first London Naval Conference in 1930, while the second date represented the outbreak of the Second World War, which represented an important historical turning point in which Japan sought through its Force the Navy to confirm its active role on the scene of events. In light of this, the research traced the steps of the Japanese government in supporting its military institutions, especially the navy, by adopting a set of building, expansion and development programs until its participation in the Second London Naval Conference in 1935 and its role in it, then its militarism Rise for the years (1936-1939), which was appear in Its occupation by China in 1937, Based on its conviction that Britain and France were unable to confront it under their suffering from the consequences of the Great Depression on the one hand, and the commitment of the United States of America to the laws of neutrality that did not allow it to intervene militarily in international problems on the other hand until 1939

The problem of professional training of future officers of the Naval Forces of the Armed Forces of Ukraine in pedagogical theory

The problem of professional training of future officers of the Naval Forces of the Armed Forces of Ukraine in pedagogical theory

Reconsidering the Campaign of Dnieper Liman

The naval campaign of the Dnieper Liman, fought from the autumn of 1787 to the end of 1788, was one of the most decisive maritime confrontations in the modern history of the Eastern Mediterranean. Fought in conjunction with two major siege operations, the campaign between the naval forces of the Ottoman and Russian empires decided the fate of the key Turkish fortress of Özi (Ochakov), which controlled the mouth of the Dnieper. The campaign was part of the Russian empress Catherine II’s second war with the Ottomans, a confrontation initiated by the Porte in response to Catherine II’s provocative “Greek Project” and fought with the aim of liberating the Crimean Khanate, annexed by Russia through force of arms in 1783. For the Ottoman side, the decisive operation was the storming and reduction of the Russian fortress of Kinburn, which blocked access to the Crimean interior. Since both Russians and Turks were fighting at the furthest point from their supply lines, gaining naval support and superiority was of paramount importance. Conscious of the role of sea power, Ottomans had prepared the greatest armada they ever put to the seas since the Morean Wars of 1684–1718, greatly outnumbering their adversary, the nascent Russian Black Sea Fleet. The protracted campaign of Liman resulted in the most shattering and costly Ottoman naval defeat of the Russo-Turkish Wars. Russia’s much trumpeted but in reality barren victory at Chesma in 1770 pales in comparison regarding the strategic results of the Liman campaign. The incident also serves as a perfect case study to reassess the Age of Sail in the Mediterranean.

The place of military media among the sources of information for servicemen of the Armed Forces of Ukraine

Introduction. In the conditions of external aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, the source of official information for servicemen of the Armed Forces of Ukraine are the state media which were founded by the Ministry of Defense of Ukraine. In the period since 2014, the system of military media has undergone significant changes, as well as the transformation of the public relations and strategic communicatios in the Ministry of Defense and the Armed Forces of Ukraine has continued. At the present stage, it remains significant to clarify the current position of the military media as a source of information. Relevance of the study. The purpose of the article is to determine the place of military media among the sources of official information for servicemen, as well as the degree of need in specialized media of the Ministry of Defense and the Armed Forces of Ukraine. Methodology, results, conclusions. According to a questionnaire survey of servicemen of one of the units of the Marine Corps of the Naval Forces of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, it was found that at the level of this separate military unit the leading role in informing personnel is played by internal communications. About 40% of servicemen use military media as source of information. The Internet is the most common source of information for military personnel. The military often uses several types of media, but if they use only one source to receive news, it is usually social networks. All military media from which respondents receive information are presented on the Internet. This may indicate the impact of the development of the Internet and information and communication technologies on the functioning of traditional media of the Ministry of Defense and the Armed Forces of Ukraine. The results of the questionnaire indicate the need for structural and functional transformation of the existing system of military media. To confirm this, it is necessary to conduct a comprehensive study on the scale of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. In the future, this will provide an opportunity to develop proposals for improving the processes of socio-communication interaction of the army with society and information and media support of troops (forces).

Novaya Zemlya Archipelago in the Defense System of the Soviet Arctic During the Great Patriotic War

This analyzes the significance of Novaya Zemlya in the course of military operations in the Arctic during World War II. Data on the deployment of troops in the Novaya Zemlya archipelago and nearby islands are provided based on an analysis of archive documents. The military history of the archipelago is examined from the creation of the Belomorskaya military flotilla in 1941 until its disbandment in April 1945. Minor importance of the region at the initial stage of the war is replaced by an increase in the activity of the German naval forces in 1942, especially submarines. The result of this was the expansion of military operations in the Arctic Sea theater, expressed in enemy attacks on polar stations and sea convoys. In response, the Soviet command created a naval base on Novaya Zemlya and increased the fleet’s ship composition. By the end of the war, there was a qualitative and quantitative increase in military infrastructure. The natural and climatic factor had a huge impact on the conduct of military operations, because of it the main combat activity of the warring parties directly depended on the polar summer and navigation period. The experience of the main Department of the Northern Sea route in the development of the region in the 1930s was taken into account. The author concluded that the possession of Novaya Zemlya was key both for the control of navigation and for the possession of the entire surrounding region. Despite all efforts, the enemy still failed to disrupt Maritime navigation in the Arctic, and to break the courageous resistance of military seamen and employees of the Main Administration of the Northern Sea Way.