NATO Membership Research Articles

Balance of Private and Public Interest Law in Matters of Restricting Human Rights for the Purposes of National Security

The work deals with the issues of determining the balance of private (individual) and public (state) interests in terms of admissibility of limiting human rights and freedoms in cases where it increases or prevents threats to national security. This was the aim of the study, as this issue has become highly relevant because of the growing number of hybrid threats to national security, which can be countered through the introduction of separate restrictions on human rights by the state. The systemic approach, the hermeneutic, and doctrinal approach were used to conclude that almost all constitutions, constitutional acts and constitutional laws of the EU and NATO member states provide for the possibility of restricting human rights. Such restrictions are imposed for the purposes of national security, public necessity or national interests of the state. Moreover, the list of cases where the restrictions on civil rights may be applied in the national security interests in national legislation is often much wider than in international legal acts. This demonstrates the primacy of national interests over individual interests, which is defined by national legislators as the common good at the constitutional level. The lack of detailed cases and models of state response to these processes determines the conclusions on the need to introduce a system of legally determined conditions for the application of restrictive measures. That is why further research should focus on identifying and detailing the criteria for applying measures to restrict civil rights for the purposes of national security at the constitutional level.
 
 Received: 15 May 2023 / Accepted: 21 June 2023 / Published: 5 July 2023

PROBLEMATIC ISSUES OF METHODOLOGICAL SUPPORT OF DEFENSE PLANNING FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE ARMED FORCES OF UKRAINE BASED ON THE PRINCIPLES AND RULES OF NATO MEMBER COUNTRIES

The article is devoted to the main problematic issues of implementation of methodological support based on the principles and rules of NATO member states into the practice of defence planning for the development of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. A strategy of transition to the principles and rules used by NATO member states is proposed, which is based on the mutual integration of two planning systems into a single one, which would use the best procedures of this process taking into account the conditions of Ukraine. The article analyzes the guiding documents regulating defence planning in the Ministry of Defense of Ukraine and the Armed Forces of Ukraine, and the experience of NATO member countries in using the methodological apparatus to substantiate the objectives of the tasks and development measures of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. A conclusion was made about the identity of the results obtained by two instrumental means and the difference in the use of methods. Possible ways of solving problematic issues regarding the development of appropriate methodical support for the development of the Armed Forces of Ukraine based on the assessment of the military formation’s ability to perform the set (typical) tasks for the transition to the principles and rules used by NATO member states are proposed.

The Evolution of The Military Personnel in The Nato Member States

Based at the latest NATO annual report (NATO, 2022) this article examines the number of military personnel in the NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) member states between 2014 and 2022. These two years are taken as a result of the NATO decisions at the Wales summit in 2014 to increase the defence expenditures against 2024 to 2 % of the national GDP in every member and also to invest at least 20 % of the national military budget in new material for the different army parts.

루마니아의 통합전환과 유럽문화수도 시비우의 상징성

The ‘European Capital of Culture’ program, which was operated mainly in Western Europe, expanded its scope after 2004 when Eastern European countries joined as member countries. The ‘expansion’ of the European Union, which has been maintained in terms of politics and economy, will turn into a ‘internalization’ that confirms Europe’s civilization and identity through this cultural initiative. The European Union has begun to overcome the tiredness of integration and the sense of distance of identity with the keyword of culture. Exchanges between East and West Europe, which began on the basis of economic and political cooperation, expanded in various fields. In addition to the symbolism of ‘Eastward advance of Western Europe’ and ‘Westward advance of Eastern Europe’, this suggests the restoration of ‘one Europe’.
 The ‘European Capital of Culture’, which seeks to imply the universal human value of the pursuit of civilization and culture by unifying the diversified European society with one code called ‘city’, has positively impacted Sibiu's economic effect, and it also created an opportunity to promote not only the city, but also Romania's cultural identity and historical heritage to the world. ‘Culturenomics’, which combines culture and economy, and the sharing of urban culture based on history and civilization, gave Romania an opportunity for ‘cultural integration’ to take a step closer to Europe, beyond ‘political integration’ symbolized by NATO membership in 2004 and ‘economic integration’ through EU membership in 2007.

From Neutral Status to a Course Towards Collective Security: Evolution of Ukraine's Approaches to Ensuring National Security

Permanent neutrality and the organization of collective security is a complex and ambiguous choice that Ukraine has faced since gaining independence. The purpose of the article is to study the evolution of the security policy of independent Ukraine, which has gone a long way from the proclamation of the status of a permanently neutral and non-aligned state to the constitutionally enshrined foreign policy course towards Euro-Atlantic integration. The work uses historical, dogmatic and comparative legal methods in the course of studying the historical aspect of the genesis of national security policy. The author uses the dialectical method to study various ways of ensuring national security, which made it possible to distinguish two ways: the declaration of the status of a permanently neutral state or participation in a collective security organization. The chronological boundaries of the study are defined from the moment of proclamation of Ukraine’s state sovereignty. The article proves that political and scientific debates on the benefits of neutrality or participation in a collective security organization for ensuring the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the state, as well as its national security of European countries, are related to the bipolar model of international relations that emerged during the Cold War era. Under these conditions, some European states (Austria, Ireland, Finland, Sweden), despite the negative outcome of World War II, when the status of neutral states was grossly violated, still wanted to stay outside the confrontation between the two military and political blocs. To this end, they declared themselves permanently neutral and participated in the non-aligned movement. The article notes that the departure from the bipolar model has temporarily dampened the debate. However, the policy of revanchism and neo-imperial ideology adopted by the Russian leadership forced European states to rethink the feasibility of maintaining permanent neutrality in the context of the current geopolitical situation. The author reveals that at the time of the creation of the Ukrainian state, the preference for the status of a permanently neutral and non-aligned state as a guarantee of Ukraine’s national security was conditioned by the presence of nuclear weapons on its territory, which made it impossible to participate in the collective security organization (NATO). Ukraine’s nuclear disarmament, which was carried out under pressure from Russia and the United States, opened the way for normalization of relations with the European Union and NATO. At the same time, having chosen NATO membership as a guarantee of successful security, Ukraine in the twenty-first century demonstrated ineffectiveness in realizing its intention due to fluctuations in the foreign policy course of Ukrainian presidents. The aggression against Ukraine launched by Russia in 2014 made participation in the collective security organization (NATO) a matter of time. The approximation of the Armed Forces of Ukraine to NATO standards has yielded positive results in repelling Russia’s armed aggression. The Armed Forces of Ukraine, which can be considered the most experienced army in Europe today, make Ukraine a desirable NATO member after the war.

ANALYSIS OF THE AVAILABILITY AND CONDITION OF FOREIGN-MANUFACTURED WEAPONS AND MILITARY TECHNIQUES EXISTING IN THE ARMED FORCES OF UKRAINE AND THE EFFICIENCY OF THEIR USE

The article reveals the main capabilities, the availability and the condition of the existing samples of weapons, and the military equipment of the foreign production in the Armed Forces of Ukraine. They are supplied by the NATO member countries There is an effectiveness of their use as a part of combat units and the units of the Ground Forces of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, which carry out combat tasks to repel the armed aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine. The reasoned conclusions are also provided regarding the relevance of the study of the general structure, the order of preparation for using, maintenance and troubleshooting in the course of use during the combat work of crew foreign-made machines. The given quantitative and qualitative state of the existing domestic samples of the armored weapons and equipment are in comparison of the quantitative and qualitative state of the supplied machines. In addition, in the course of the analysis, samples of the equipment planned to arrive in Ukraine in the future are taken into account. The authors present a study of the set of probabilities of winning in elementary duels based on a comparison of the tactical and technical characteristics of the available weapons of both sides, which are available, as well as the probable frequency of use of the Armament and military equipment samples as intended. Some problematic issues faced by unit commanders after receiving and during the direct use of samples of the weapons and military equipment are given, as well as ways to solve them. Against the situation background, the Armed Forces of Ukraine are in relations to the supply of the necessary amount of armament and military equipment of the appropriate nomenclature from the state-owned enterprises of Ukrainian Defense Industries. The authors of the article also provide proposals that, according to experts in the Defense Industries, will increase the capabilities and improve the efficiency of the armament and the military equipment park of Ukraine in the coming years. Keywords: the state of the armament and military equipment, foreign-made technology, development prospects, increasing the efficiency of use, the possibilities of the armament and military equipment.

ПЛАНУВАННЯ ТИЛОВОГО ЗАБЕЗПЕЧЕННЯ ВІЙСЬКОВИХ ЧАСТИН (ПІДРОЗДІЛІВ) ПРИ ПІДГОТОВКИ І ВЕДЕННЯ БОЙОВИХ ДІЙ ЗА СТАНДАРТНИМИ ОПЕРАЦІЙНИМИ ПРОЦЕДУРАМИ НАТО

The article provides a variant of the order and content of the work of the rear management bodies for planning the rear support of military bases (sundivisions) of the Armed Forces of Ukraine during the preparation and conduct of hostilities according to NATO standard operating procedures and their further use in the practical activities of the rear management bodies of military bases (sundivisions) and making changes and additions to the Temporary Combat Statute of the mechanized troops of the Ground Forces of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. Part 1 (Brigade) of the Provisional Combat Statute of the Tank Troops of the Ground Forces of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. Part 1 (Brigade), of the Combat Statute "Logistics of the Ground Forces of the Armed Forces of Ukraine", of the Combat Statute "Logistics Operations of the Ground Forces of the Armed Forces of Ukraine", methodological (training) manuals and methodological recommendations of the Rear of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. The materials of this article should be used by officers of the rear of the tactical chain of command during individual training of officers, collective training of headquarters, sundivisions, and the military base as a whole in the system of combat training (during combat recovery activities) with the aim of increasing individual, combat (special) capabilities military bases (sundivisions) regarding joint performance of tasks with military bases (sundivisions) of NATO member states and the gradual transition of the Armed Forces of Ukraine to NATO standards. The procedure and content of the work of the rear management bodies for planning the rear supply of a military base (sundivision) during the preparation and conduct of hostilities according to NATO standard operating procedures, developed on the basis of three guiding documents: the Temporary Combat Statute of the Mechanized Troops of the Ground Forces of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. Part 1 (Brigade); Combat charter "Logistics of the Ground Forces of the Armed Forces of Ukraine" [5] of the tactical publication Procedure "Works of the commander and staff of the tactical control unit for battle planning (combat operations) according to NATO standard operating procedures." Keywords: military decision-making process; planning of rear (rear services) support; mode of operation, methods of operation, rear control bodies; rear command post; rear supply plan.

Hungarian Army Role 2 Capability

The Fundamental Law of Hungary and the National Military Strategy both state that the Hungarian Defence Forces are responsible for the defence of the independence of the state, and its citizens and enforcement of the state’s interests. Thus, the Hungarian Government decided to extend the capabilities of the Hungarian Defence Forces with a Role 2 field hospital. Being a NATO member country Hungary has decided to join NATO and other joint missions providing both with military force, and logistical and medical support. However, until now, Hungary was not able to support its troops or NATO allied forces with an independent Role 2 level medical facility, which would beable to provide life-saving, limb-saving and function saving surgeries, and short term intensive and postoperative care outside Hungary’s borders as a deployed field hospital. According to the instruction of the Hungarian Government, the planning stage has begun and the first steps of the acquisition process was made. This article guides the reader through the doctrinal and legislative frameworks, the organisational structure, and the facilities and capabilities of the Role 2 field hospital unit.

Virtues and Perils of Forum-Shopping in European Security

ABSTRACT A prominent characteristic of contemporary global governance is simultaneous involvement of multiple regional and international organisations in governing a policy issue. When these organisations overlap without established hierarchy and differentiation between them, their member states can choose those organisations that are most favourable for their interests. Existing studies often approach this forum-shopping strategy as an opportunistic behaviour that prevents international cooperation. However, using insights from international relations and law scholarships, this article argues that a broad notion of forum-shopping is insufficient to account for the multiple and complex effects of forum-shopping on international cooperation. By examining the EU and NATO member states’ strategies in these two organisations’ overlapping crisis management operations, this article shows that the implications of forum-shopping for interorganisational cooperation depend on the type of forum-shopping taking place. As the analysis suggests, multiple and overlapping venues of governance can create opportunities for international cooperation when these venues are used based on their practical rather than political aspects.

Towards a nuclear multipolar world and its spillover effects

This article analyzes the changes in international structure after the Russia-Ukraine War and its impact on Europe’s security and spill over effects. The major impact of the war on the security of Europe and the world is the serious reawakening of the nuclear dimension of international relations. With the threat of Russian nuclear weapons, Sweden and Finland abandoned their neutrality and applied it to become NATO members. This study reviews national security and defense strategy documents and reports of the USA, France and Germany in light of neo-realism. In the post-Russia-Ukraine War analysis of 2022 documents and reports of the aforementioned countries, we will see more complicated and security-oriented international relations in the next decade because of the transition to a nuclear multipolar international structure. The new international structure seems more complicated because nuclear multipolar aspect rather than bipolar one. States will either seek a nuclear umbrella or develop nuclear weapons in the face of the first nuclear multipolar international structure. This may also affect Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Japan and South Korea. This suggests nuclear proliferation risk.

Sweden: Political Developments and Data in 2022

AbstractThe year 2022 in Swedish politics was historic for several reasons. Following the war between Russia and Ukraine, Sweden broke with its long tradition of non‐alignment and submitted an application for membership of NATO. After a closely fought election, a right‐of‐centre minority coalition took office, depending on support from the previously isolated Sweden Democrats. At least initially, the change of government seemed to signify a change to more stability, after several turbulent years since 2014. The impact of the COVID‐19 pandemic more or less disappeared, but the new government faced several other challenges, including rising energy prices and growing inflationary pressure. The Liberals changed leader. A constitutional amendment was adopted which, according to critics, would make investigative journalism more difficult.

Ukrainian Discourses on NATO: Securitization, Otherness, and Their Effects on Russo-Ukrainian Relations

Abstract Ukraine’s aspirations for NATO membership have been a source of contention between Russia and Ukraine for decades. At the same time, domestic debates in Ukraine on relations with NATO have also been a divisive issue for Ukraine’s ruling political elites. These conflicts culminated in 2022, when Russia launched a military offensive against Ukraine claiming that its movement towards NATO was an existential threat to the Russian state. This paper summarizes some of the results of my longitudinal research of ruling elite discourse on NATO in Ukraine between 1997 and 2018. It focuses on the changes in national identity discourse and contestation, pinpointing their constitutive role for Ukrainian foreign policy.

“Türkiye’yi NATO’dan Hemen Çıkarın”: ABD Kamuoyunda Türkiye-Karşıtı Söylemin İnşası

After the outbreak of the Ukraine-Russia War, Sweden and Finland abandoned their neutrality policies and announced that they would apply for NATO membership. Türkiye declared that it would veto their membership applications, stating that these two countries supported terrorist organizations. This situation alarmed the European member countries of NATO and the United States, and it was stated that Türkiye's veto would cause a rift in the NATO alliance and jeopardize European security. This study analyzes reader comments in the three leading U.S. newspapers: The New York Times, The Washington Post, and The Wall Street Journal. The study was limited to the reader's comments on news about Türkiye's veto between May 19, 2022, when Türkiye announced its objection to Sweden and Finland's NATO membership applications, and June 30, 2022, when the crisis was resolved. The study applies an eclectic methodology and employs a corpus-assisted discourse analysis method. The themes, strategies, and linguistic practices through which Türkiye and Turkish identities are discursively constructed were analyzed. As a result of the analysis, it was concluded that Türkiye's announcement to veto Sweden’s and Finland's membership applications to NATO has fed the anti-Turkish sentiment that dominates U.S. public opinion, especially in the context of Türkiye-U.S. relations that reached a breaking point after 2016. Moreover, it is argued that anti-Turkish sentiment is constructed through “traditional” discourse themes such as the stereotype of the “bad Turk” and Islamophobia, as well as discourse themes that establish the identification of President Erdoğan and Türkiye.

2022 FRANSA CUMHURBAŞKANLIĞI SEÇİMİ: DIŞ POLİTİKA ANALİZİ ÜZERİNE BİR DEĞERLENDİRME

Assessments over the results of April 2022 Presidential Election in France will guide the scholars of foreign policy analysis on the future of internal and external policies of France and the European Union (EU). Within this framework, the aim of the paper is to identify the foreign policy approaches of the presidential candidates and the political parties they have represented in France. The paper adopts a diverse approach from traditional foreign policy approaches which take internal and external factors separately as units of analysis in foreign policy-making processes. Contrary to the traditional perspective, the authors focused on the interaction of internal and external factors, because it is argued in the paper that this interaction creates mutual impacts on agents and shapes foreign policy-making procedures. Methodologically the paper elaborates the interaction through an analysis on the discourses of seven presidential candidates and programs of the political parties they have represented. It is concluded in the paper that the interaction between internal and external factors in French foreign policy has currently concentrated on the themes such as migration, security, economy, climate change, Islam, NATO membership and the future of the EU. The article tries to contribute to the foreign policy analysis literature through a comprehensive analysis on the combination of internal and external factors and to illuminate the probable reflections of presidential election process in France.

Language Training of Members of Dispositional Groups

This contribution focuses on theway of providing foreign language training of professional soldiers and members of thePolice Force and Fire and Rescue Services in theSlovak Republic (from thepoint of view of disposition groups they are members of military and paramilitary dipositionl groups), in particular with regard to their lifelong education in this field and thefulfillment of linguistic requirements in accordance with thetasks arising from theinternational obligations of theSlovak Republic within theframework of membership in NATO and theEU. We analyse theexisting systems of language training for military professionals, members of thePolice Force and Fire and Rescue Services, identify their possible shortcomings and present challenges that need to be addressed within theMinistry of Defence and theMinistry of Interior of theSlovak Republic.

Finland's NATO membership: Continuous shelter‐seeking strategy

AbstractThis article offers a challenge, in the form of an illustrative case study, to the notion that Finland's NATO membership is a radical reversal in security policy. With the use of shelter theory, it examines how Finland (as a small state), beginning in the Cold War, has actively sought to achieve political, economic and societal shelter from Western organizations. However, due to geopolitical restraints, the country has at various times been unable to fully adopt preferred shelter arrangements, especially within the military security sphere. The analysis indicates that the institutionalisation of Finland's shelter strategy has often been a tedious, diplomatic quest to integrate with the West, contingent upon opportunistically taking advantage of external ‘critical junctures’ to solidify its own interests. The article posits that Finland's pursuit of Western economic and societal shelter during the Cold War transformed into further Western political shelter‐seeking in its aftermath and, finally, membership of NATO in 2023. The case of Finland indicates that shelter theory captures the foreign policy strategy of a small neutral/nonaligned state. Nevertheless, our specific case also indicates that the theory ought to take a closer look at four features regarding relations between small and large states, that is how an agressive neighbour can restrict a small state's foreign policy choices, how economic and societal shelter relations may precede political shelter relations (or vice versa), the role of critical junctures within shelter theory, and, finally, how a history of cooperation may be transitioned into full‐fledged shelter.

Why Romania is a NATO “Model Ally"?

NATO’s eastward expansion was a fundamental geopolitical process that allowed countries to be prepared for the worst, the Russian revanche, by pursuing the best, the most successful path for democracy. Romania, which emerged from the tremendous communist Ceausescu regime, strongly wanted NATO membership and, after the first encouraging meetings in 1990, officially entered in 2004. However, Romania has been already back then contributed to many Western missions. Due to its geographical position, Romania is central to all NATO objectives. Now, Romania and Poland are the pivots of NATO’s defensive complex in the “post-soviet space”: Poland protects the Baltic Sea, Romania the Black Sea, where the Russian old-imperial appetites remain; Romania still defends the precious grain corridor. Furthermore, Romania is a “model ally”. There is a solid pro-Atlantic and pro-American sentiment in the country.

Free riding in NATO after the Rise of Russia: cost sharing, free riding and selective incentives in NATO from 2009 to 2019

After a period of relative overperformance due to the focus on output indicators in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s (NATO) burden-sharing debate, we ask whether the shift back to input indicators prior to the Ukraine War meant that the smaller NATO allies have returned to their fringe position as NATO underperformers. According to the deterrence model, smaller allies are induced to free ride to a higher degree than mid-sized allies. Utilizing insights from public choice theory, our analysis demonstrates, first, that there is no support to the claim that the size of NATO member state GDP determines the percentage of GDP spent on defence. Second, selective incentives tend to reduce the incentive for small allies to free ride. The relationship between GDP and the percentage of GDP spent on defence capabilities is therefore conditional upon the net gain of the individual member state. Defence capabilities that are characterized as a public good when we control for exposed borders indicate a higher percentage of GDP spent on defence. Our conclusions show that even though small allies continue to free ride, they do so less than expected due to the existence of selective incentives in the period from 2009-2019.

Noninstitutionalized international security alliances: safeguarding world peace and regional stability

The article summarizes the Ukrainian diplomatic’ success stories in launching non-conventional modalities, instruments, methods of cooperation with global actors aimed to protect fundamental human rights and maintains the grounds for the present international order and stability.
 The constructions, instruments and methods in question are peculiar security alliances that encourage intergovernmental cooperation, first of all, in the case of international human rights protection and deepening political, economic, cultural and education diplomacy.
 The author produces a personal description of the noninstitutionalized security alliances and provides evidence-based examples of the permanent efficiency of such partnerships. The author pays attention to examining noninstitutionalized intergovernmental cooperation to clearly understand the security status quo in Europe and the world.
 Although most classic international organizations informally support Ukraine in its military defense against russia, there are no factual perspectives to formalize this cooperation, such as NATO or EU integration, in the nearest future. The author illustrates the dualistic nature of noninstitutionalized international security alliances. On the one hand, they support fundamental regional actors such as NATO and the EU to execute their policy without formal promises or official bunding upon Ukraine. From another hand, it assists Ukraine in integrating state policy into the NATO and EU agenda and structure. Thus it brings Ukraine closer to Euro-Atlantic and European integration implicitly with both separate EU and NATO member states and such organizations as a whole.
 Eventually, the democratic states practice establishing and maintaining international cooperation in extraordinary security alliances as alternatives to classic international relations to ensure regional security and global peace. Ukrainian experience based on the full-scale international armed conflict is an excellent case to examine and further research.

ASIANS WILL NOT GET INTO SAME BOAT WITH NATO MEMBERS

ASIANS WILL NOT GET INTO SAME BOAT WITH NATO MEMBERS