National Self Research Articles

Study to Assess the Knowledge of People About Dengue Fever in Selected Rural Area of Mangalore

Health is the precious possession of all human beings as it is an asset for an individual and community as
 well. Like health, disease is a dynamic process and it is just the opposite of health. Effective control of
 communicable diseases is necessary for national development and economic self dependence. The aim 
 of the study is to assess the knowledge of people about dengue fever in selected rural area of Mangalore.
 Methodology : A quantitative, non-experimental research approach was used for the present study. Research
 design survey design. 150 subjects between the age 20-60 yrs were collected by using purposive sampling
 method. The study was conducted in Kalkatta area, under Natekal PHC.Results: The majority of in rural
 people 88(59%) were in the age group of 20-30 years. In rural area 79(53%) people were aware about
 dengue fever. Source of information showed that majority 59(75%) in rural people got information from
 paper, TV and media. The present study depict that 64(43%) of rural people have poor knowledge, 85(56%)
 of rural were having average knowledge and 1(1%) of rural people had good knowledge about dengue fever.
 Present study revealed that there is association between level of knowledge and selected demographic
 variable like age and religion.
 Conclusion: The present study depict that 64(43%) of rural people have poor knowledge, 85(56%) of rural
 were having average knowledge and 1(1%) of rural people had good knowledge about dengue fever.

How Power Dresses: The Gendered Aesthetics of Uniform A Comparative Case Study of Contemporary Women Heads of State and/or Government in Australia, Indonesia, and the Philippines

The clothed body, whether dressed thoughtfully or not, performs a social narrative of gender, wealth, status, nationality, and occupation embedded within a larger network of intersectional positionalities. Clothing conveys a set of values of not only the individual but also of the cultural politics of their milieu. For women Heads of State and/or Government, who are uniquely situated to project a diverse intersection of identities as well as access clothing choices socially unavailable to their male counterparts, a nuanced analysis of the garment choices of these professionals on the international stage yields significant findings about how women negotiate their roles as politicians, national figures, religious or areligious representatives, and as individuals. Three contemporary case studies of women Heads of State and/or Government in office between 2000 and 2013 from Australia, Indonesia, and the Philippines interrogate these strategic choices of clothing by holistically cataloging and then analyzing the style, color, and pattern of the attire of each figure. Contextualized within their respective cultures and histories, the ways in which their clothing serve to mimic masculine color coding as seen by Australia’s Prime Minister, re-entrench religion within politics as seen by Indonesia’s President, and ‘self-Orientalize’ the national, post-colonial identity as seen by the Philippine’s President, each woman’s clothing informed her leadership and vice versa. This thesis analyzes the complex negotiations between identity, power, and politics through clothing for women political leaders. How do women Heads of State and/or Government visually communicate national narratives of identity and express political authority through their aesthetic wardrobe choices? How do these clothes project inscriptions of femininity, modesty, religiosity, development, and the national self? Discovering these strategies can provide a foundation for future study of the occupational uniform of women in historically masculine roles as well as the power of the national body as represented by women to reflect but also perpetuate particular socially normative ideals of the modern empowered woman across cultures.

Factors Related to Perceptions of Financial Resources for Disaster Mental Health Services in South Korea

본 연구는 재난심리지원 서비스의 재원에 대한 국민들의 인식을 살펴보고, 개인부담과 조세 등 특정재원 선호에 영향을 미치는 변인을 확인하는 것을 목표로 한다. 이를 위해 연령별, 성별, 지역별할당을 적용하여 수집된 2928명의 데이터를 분석하였다. 우선 ‘특정재원 선호 없음’, ‘개인부담 선호’, ‘조세 선호’로 집단 구분 후 교차분석과 다중 로지스틱회귀분석을 실시하여 각 집단에서 연구변인들의 예측력을 확인하였다. 그 결과, ‘특정재원 선호 없음’에 비해 ‘개인부담 선호’집단을 유의하게 예측하는 변인은 성별, 연령, 심리회복에 필요한 기간 인식, 국가의 심리지원 중요성 인식, 서비스 이용에 대한 사회적 낙인이었다. 반면 ‘특정재원 선호 없음’에 비해 ‘조세 선호’집단을 유의하게예측하는 변인은 학력, 경제적 만족도, 정신건강 문제에 대한 외적귀인, 심리회복에 필요한 기간인식, 국가의 심리지원 중요성 인식, 서비스 이용에 대한 자기 및 사회적 낙인이었다.This study examined the factors influencing preferences for financial resources for post-disaster mental health services, such as out-of-pocket payment and tax burden. The data were collected from 2,928 individuals in South Korea who were classified into three groups according to their preference for financial resources: out-of-pocket payment, tax-based financing, or no preference. A logistic regression was performed to assess the predictive power of each variable in each group. The significant psychosocial factors influencing preference for out-of-pocket payment, compared to the no-preference group, included the perception of the time to recover from post-disaster mental health problems, the perception of importance of national support, and public stigma of seeking mental health services. On the other hands, external attribution for mental illness, the perception of the time to recover from post-disaster mental health problems, the perception of importance of national support, and self and public stigma of seeking mental health services significantly predicted the group who preferred tax-based financing.

Epistemic justice and everyday nationalism: An auto‐ethnography of transnational student encounters in a post‐war memory and reconciliation project in Kosovo

AbstractThis contribution introduces an exercise in epistemic justice to the study of everyday nationalism in post‐conflict, transnational (local and international) encounters. It explores how everyday nationalism, in often unexpected and hidden ways, underpinned a cocreational, educational project involving several local (Albanian) and international (British based) university students and staff collaborating on the theme of post‐war memory and reconciliation in Kosovo. The set‐up resembled a microcosm of transnational social encounters in project collaborations in which the problem of nationalism, typically, is associated with one side only: here, the Kosovars. Guided by Goffman's (1982) social interactionist framework, the study employs selected participants' paraethnographic and auto‐ethnographic reflections of their project experiences and practices after the event in order to trace the everyday workings of mutual assumptions and constructions of a national self and other for all sides involved. In this, it explores how the project participants' asymmetric positioning within a wider, global context of unequal power relations shaped their vernacular epistemologies of belonging and identity. It thereby excavated what otherwise taken‐for‐granted criteria can become relevant in such local/international social encounters as reflected upon and how the enduring power imbalances underpinning these might best be redressed.

Making the Muscovite the Other, National Self Identification and Dual Loyalty

The article analyzes the strategies of anti-imperial cultural resistance in the Ukrainian literature of the first half of the 19th century. Specifically, it is about the nature of the representation of a Muscovite soldier as an Alien, an Other, moreover, culturally and civilizationally on a lower scale. Such representations are particularly striking in the prose of Hryhoriy Kvitka-Osnovyanenko, in particular in the popular play “The Soldier’s Portrait”. Ivan Kotlyarevsky’s play “Natalka Poltavka” is considered as an example of the dramatist’s direct polemics with Russian authors who rewrite their national history in accordance with imperial matrices. After Shevchenko’s fearless reckoning with the past, the era of dual loyalty, willingness to build one’s state together with one’s conquerers and in accordance with their projects (such a version is proposed in Kotlyarevsky’s “Aeneid”) is left in the past. Romanticism focused on a search for new models of cultural memory and national identity.

The national self- awareness of the personality as a professionally-personal education

The national self- awareness of the personality as a professionally-personal education

To the question of historical sights of Namangan region

Even in ancient times, the whole world recognized that Turan, Maverannahr, Turkestan, the territory that we now call Uzbekistan, i.e. our father's home, is one of the cradles of not only eastern, but also global civilization. In those days, wealthy people, owners of large property, officials, merchants created various structures at their own expense like madrassas, mosques, bridges. Mulla Kirghiz Mashrabboy came from the Aravan district of Osh region. He was the owner of a large ginning factory, large land property in those days. In order to gain the respect of the people, in consultation with loved ones, he announced that he intends to build a madrasah. It is obvious that relatives approved of his views. This holy land gave the world great thinkers, scholars, politicians, generals. The foundations of religious and world knowledge were created and formed on this earth. It is impossible to count examples testifying to the high level of culture of agriculture, handicraft, architecture and urban planning of our land since ancient times. From the very first days of national independence, the restoration of the enormous, most valuable spiritual and cultural heritage created by our ancestors for centuries has become an important task, elevated to the level of state policy. We believe that the restoration of spiritual values is a logical interconnected process, which consists of the development of national self naniya, the return of people to their spiritual resources in its roots. Thus, to date, there is no universally recognized consensus on the toponym “Namangan.” In addition, the information in the existing documents cannot serve as scientific evidence in determining the age of the city of Namangan, despite the fact that some of them are considered valuable sources for history.

Desplazamientos conceptuales en la literatura boliviana actual

El estudio de la literatura boliviana durante el siglo XX permite observar que está constantemente vinculada a un intento de definición de lo nacional y lo social. Sin embargo, en el siglo XXI, los autores contemporáneos han intentado alejarse de esta tendencia, demostrando un mayor interés por algunas características que ponen de relieve la experiencia individual angustiada de un mundo percibido como caótico. Así, pueden observarse algunas características comunes entre la comparación de tres autores, Liliana Colanzi, Sebastián Antezana y Rodrigo Hasbún. Estas características son, además de la predominancia de lo individual frente a lo colectivo, la experiencia posmoderna de los personajes, que viven en un mundo globalizado y confuso; y los nuevos lugares de la enunciación que escapan a los topos típicos de la tradición nacional.

‘Permanent Displays’ as Unsettling Layers of Epistemologies, Politics and Aesthetics

This article argues that museum exhibitions often are formed through multiple layers. It presents readings of two contrasting exhibition narratives, the ethnographic display at the Museum of Cultural History in Oslo and the national history exhibition at Lillehammer Museum. While the latter speaks about the national self, the museum in Oslo addresses the nation’s radical other. In spite of this contrasting thematic focus, they have much in common. As centres for research and dissemination of knowledge, they are connected to the development of the academic disciplines history and anthropology. This evolution with its shifts and ruptures are visible as traces, or layers, in the exhibitions. We argue that such multi-layered museum stories may be understood as intersections of shifting disciplinary knowledge regimes, curatorial practices, and concrete political agendas. Such layers may appear as unintended subtexts that often create a sense of ‘unsettlement’ within museum exhibitions.

National Self Determination and Justice: Rawls and Tagore

Abstract This essay is a study on national self-determination and justice from the differing perspectives of John Rawls and Rabindranath Tagore. Both thinkers have addressed the problem of conflict caused by national loyalties. Influenced by Immanuel Kant’s philosophy of cosmopolitanism, John Rawls articulates the “Law of People(s)” that suggests that mutual consent consists in economic interdependence among nations and tolerance for cultural diversity under monitored conditions of the international relations. Such an arrangement is not inclusive as it excludes the subaltern perspectives and reinforces the hierarchies between East and West. Tagore offers post-colonial versions of nationalism and cosmopolitanism that call for a creative and spiritual unity of nations through cultural exchange where each is equal in dialogue. The essay makes a case for Tagore’s cosmopolitanism being more inclusive than Rawls, yet, limited in its accommodation of the “other” as Tagore’s creative unity domesticates this “other” on the basis of spiritual familiarity. The essay also critiques Martha Nussbaum’s cosmopolitanism that suggests reconciliation of both. It makes a case for a paradoxical understanding of hospitality, friendship and otherness theorized by Jacques Derrida (influenced by Kant) as the basis of self-determination and global justice.

Problems of science and ethno national relations in Ivan Franko’s socio-political heritage

The article points out that the starting of the analysis of Ivan Franko’s views on the problem of ethno national relations is to determine the place and sole of national foundations in the development of humanity, through which society must absorb the most progressive assets. He emphasize: and here the synthesis of all of the ideal competitions, the structure to which all the bricks must go, will be the ideal of complete, unbound and unbounded (except voluntary concessions, which reguine of friendly life with neighbors) life and development of the nations. Anything that goes outside the nations in his, or the Pharisee of people who, by international ideals, would like to cover their competition for domination of the nation over another, or the painful sentimentalism of science – fictions writers who would like to cover their spiritual alienation from their native nation with road, human phrases. As we can see, it is the nation itself, no the class struggle, that is the crystallizing beginning, the strongest factor that unites people into the community and the state. Thus, the reflections of Ivan Franko also confirm that he was completely free from the political influence of materialism and the transition to the foundations of idealism. Defending the natural right of the nation to political independence, the writer strongly opposes any national oppression, associating it with the negative consequences and degradation of “not only the weak but also the strong”. “About no oppression, no apostasy, whether religious or national, or any other of our ideals or languages. No religion, no conviction, no trait and no nationality were and cannot be the subject of our hatred”. Such an object was and still is only oppression, every exhortation and every fallacy. Determining the essence of the nation, its place and role in the progress of human civilization naturally brought Ivan Franko to thinking about ways to solve the national question, the principles of national-state construction. He advocated the full, unrestricted freedom of life and development of the nation, being deeply convinced that there are no people of “inferior and supreme: all are equal and have equal right and free development”. In addition, Ivan Franko warns that their own establishment is possible in close connection with other people. The thinker is confident of success on the path of national self affirmation of our people, but this path is not easy, every conscious Ukrainian should make every effort. In doing so, we must adhere to our moral principles. Free and successful development of a nation can be realized in certain unifying principles. One of these principles, according to Ivan Franko, is nationalism, patriotism and language. And one more, we think, the actual advise of the thinker, to help people get out of their current situation. You need to look for a path to progress.

Theorizing difference and difficulty: “wreading” Asian American poetics in South Korea

ABSTRACTReflecting on a personal experience teaching and studying Asian American poetry in South Korea, this paper examines how and why Asian American poetry in South Korea has been marginalized in the academia and argues that Asian American poetry needs to be newly dealt as a frontier that vigorously experiments the role of cultural poetics and humanities in and out of the university programs. The reception of Asian American poets and their poetry in South Korea is inseparable from the interpellation and understanding of Asian Americans as subject. This essay, rather than inscribing Anglo American critical frame that has focused on the reductive reading of essentializing racial traits and minority identities, tries to build a platform for inviting inter/cross-cultural thinking under the umbrella of poetry reading. Through the process of “wreading” Asian American poetry, I argue that difficulty and difference can be reinterpreted as practical monitors for alternative reading of Asian American poetry against the grain of the white Anglican national self of America.

Laboratories of Liberalism: American Higher Education in the Arabian Peninsula and the Discursive Production of Authoritarianism

American university globalization has increasingly targeted and been courted by authoritarian states. While the reasons for these partnerships are manifold—including the ease of top-down large-scale monetary investment, “knowledge economy” development strategies, social engineering programs, and other corporate and imperial entanglements—an overwhelming discourse has emerged around higher education initiatives in places like the Arabian Peninsula, China, Singapore, and Central Asia that juxtaposes liberalism (in the form of higher education) with the illiberal, authoritarian contexts it is supposedly encountering within the framework of neoliberal globalization. Through a discussion of American branch campuses in Qatar and the UAE, this article traces a more complex web of actors whose interests may include neoliberal and imperial inclinations but are not reducible to them. By focusing on the discursive framings of these branch campus initiatives, we show how the notion of “liberal education” operates as a global discourse of power through American branch campuses in the Arabian Peninsula and, by extension, other nondemocratic states around the world. Specifically, we argue that the very concept of “authoritarianism” is discursively produced in and through these university projects, and simultaneously builds (upon) an idealized narrative about the national self in the United States that erases existing and emerging inequalities—indeed, authoritarianisms—within the home spaces of American academia.

Национально-территориальное размежевание в Средней Азии в 1924 г.: причины и влияние на этнополитические процессы в регионе

Национальная политика большевиков в 1920-е гг. отличалась высокой степенью конъюнктурности, подчинения ее принципов задачам строительства советской власти. В условиях Гражданской войны и борьбы за власть создание национальных территорий в форме советских автономных республик и районов в составе РСФСР, наряду с поддержкой национальных языков, политических элит и культуры, рассматривалось руководством РКП(б) как действенный политический механизм решения задач укрепления советской власти в национальных районах. Однако провозглашение Туркестанской АССР в мае 1918 г. не привело к нейтрализации национального вопроса в регионе, на что рассчитывали большевики. Политические мотивы укрепления советской власти в Средней Азии в совокупности с низким уровнем национального самосознания и политической активности коренного населения позволили Москве провести новый этап национального размежевания. Национально-территориальное размежевание в Средней Азии в 1924 г. — пример перекодирования процесса национального самоопределения и последующего оформления национального самосознания с тюркского национального проекта, воспринимавшегося как угроза советской власти, на существующие в регионе иные уровни национальной идентичности.

The ‘lost child’ as figure of trauma and recovery in early post-war cinema: Fred Zinnemann’s The Search (1948) and Natan Gross’ Unzere Kinder (1948)

ABSTRACT The article examines the figure of the ‘lost child’ in feature films of the immediate post-war period. The figure’s enormous symbolic value as innocent victim and future generation granted the ‘lost child’ a key position in post-war discourse, including films which tried to grapple with the moral and physical destruction of the continent after 1945. National film industries, particularly of the perpetrator nations, employed the ‘lost child’ for genre stories in which the post-war chaos is being mastered and a new, masculine national self is re-built. However, films made by victim groups outside a national context rely on the ‘lost child’ to broach the destruction of their identity by war and persecution. Analysing two films, Fred Zinnemann’s The Search (1948) and Natan Gross’s Unzere Kinder (1948), I argue that both use the child figure to deal with traumatization as part of the reconstruction of communal and intergenerational relations. This does not result in stories of masculine mastery but in narratives that incorporate moments of trauma process emerging around destroyed mother–child relations. The films, encoding traumatization in film language, develop a rich cinematic language along questions of identity and form an early instance of post-traumatic cinema.

“Good to Think With”: The Work of Objects in Three Novels of Modern Jewish Life

Abstract This essay analyzes the depiction of “things” in three modernist novels: Dovid Bergelson’s The End of Everything (Yiddish, 1913), a tale of ennui set in a provincial town outside Kiev, where faded fabrics and cherished ornaments in drawing rooms emblematize the end of an era; Henry Roth’s Call It Sleep (1934), where the detritus of a Lower East Side childhood become symbolic totems of a violent coming-of-age; and S. Y. Agnon’s Just Yesterday (Hebrew, 1946), an epic novel of immigration, cultural renaissance, and insanity set in Jaffa and Jerusalem, wherein taxidermy and olive-wood craft figure as metonymic symbols of a new national self. My comparative reading of these novels highlights a complementary set of conditions—objects in books, and the book as object. I argue that the genre’s engagement with things, and its emergence as a thing, suggests how writing both fears and revels in its own commodification and immersion in the economic sphere. These novels exemplify how modern, transnational Jewish literature was reconceived as material culture.

Perceiving time through group-based glasses: Collective temporal orientation.

People differ in the extent to which they focus on their personal future, past, or present. Across four studies (using both correlation and experimental designs), we explore whether people also have a temporal orientation when thinking about the social groups to which they belong (i.e., their in-group). In Studies 1-3, participants' personal temporal orientation was moderately linked with, but distinguishable from, their collective temporal orientation for their national self (i.e., 'American'). In Study 2, evidence is provided for the predictive validity of this novel concept. Specifically, greater collective past orientation was positively associated with reported collective guilt (a group-based emotion that reflects the acceptance of culpability for historical harms perpetrated by the in-group), and greater collective future orientation focus on the in-group's future was positively associated with collective angst (a group-based emotion that reflects concern about existential threats the in-group may face). In Study 3, collective temporal orientation was shown to differ across several groups' participants listed as self-relevant. In Study 4, participants randomly assigned to think about a past-oriented social group to which they belong reported more frequent focus on the in-group's past than participants randomly assigned to think about a future-oriented in-group (and vice versa for collective future focus). This research advances the literature on time perspective by showing that temporal cognition extends to the social self.

Between the "Self" and the "Other": Representations of Ukraine's Russian-speakers in Social Media Discourse

This paper analyzes the images of Ukraine’s Russian-speaking citizens as they appear in Ukrainian users’ posts on Facebook. Based on a systematic examination of the accounts of twelve prominent pro-Maidan personalities, my analysis pays attention to both the self-representations of those Ukrainians who primarily rely on the Russian language and to their representations by those individuals who locate themselves outside of this group. I argue that what usually appears in the self-representations as merely a facet of communicative practice is often perceived by others as a crucial element of social identity. While the self-representations do not undermine Russian-speakers’ identity as Ukrainians, the other-representations often do, thus questioning their belonging to the imagined national Self. Such opposing representations of Russian-speakers manifest different perceptions of the Ukrainian nation and the role of the Ukrainian language in this identity, and thus different ideologies of nationhood and language more generally.

Job Crafting Differences between Generations X and Y: A Cross- cultural Study of Iran and China

This qualitative study examines the effects of generational differences and national culture on job crafting. Via interviews with employees from two generations, Generation X and Y, and two countries, Iran and China, the study uncovered how national culture, self vs. other-oriented motivations for development and autonomy can enable and constrain job crafting activities. Findings showed that certain job crafting activities clash with values and beliefs that are central to both Iranian and Chinese culture, such as loyalty to the family, and the importance of relationship building. Moreover, the two generation groups tend to have different motivations behind their involvement in job crafting activities: Generation Y participants were mostly concerned about their personal development whereas Generation X participants were mostly concerned with the development of a better future, company, or society. Finally, individuals in lower- rank positions felt their opportunities to engage in different job crafting activities were limited by their relative lack of autonomy, whereas, individuals in higher-rank positions, despite having more autonomy, found their job crafting opportunities constrained by expectations to meet organizational objectives.

The allied occupation of İstanbul and the construction of Turkish national identity in the early twentieth century

This article tells the story of the construction of Turkish national identity in the early republican era by addressing two canonical novels about occupied İstanbul:Sodom ve Gomore(“Sodom and Gomorrah”) by Yakup Kadri Karaosmanoğlu andBiz İnsanlar(“We People”) by Peyami Safa. Following the establishment of the Turkish Republic, Turkish nationalist intellectuals attempted to offer certain formulations and implemented various mechanisms to create a national self. The study aims to focus on the ways in which Karaosmanoğlu and Safa create the new Turkish national identity and deals with the questions of how occupied İstanbul was perceived by these intellectuals and how the memory of the Allied occupation of İstanbul, the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, and the National Liberation Struggle shaped Turkish elites' self-identification as well as their formulation of the national identity.