Nagorno Karabakh Research Articles

Health-related quality of life among refugees from Nagorno Karabagh resided in Kotayk, Armenia

Abstract Background In September 2023, more than 100,000 ethnic Armenians were displaced from Nagorno Karabakh (NK). This study assessed the health-related quality of life (HRQoL) and associated factors among NK refugees who settled in Kotayk province of Armenia. Methods We surveyed 197 refugees using a structured interviewer-administered questionnaire, which collected information about socio-demographics, chronic diseases, smoking status, HRQoL, utilization of healthcare services, living conditions and food access. The SF-36 Health Survey assessed HRQoL. Ophthalmic examination was conducted. Eyeglasses and medications were provided at no cost to those requiring them. Results The participants’ mean age was 64.8 years and 59.4% were retired. The most commonly reported chronic diseases were bone/joint diseases (67.5%), hypertension (55.3%) and heart diseases (24.9%). Around 48.7% of participants experienced sleeping disorders often/ very often. The mean total SF-36 score was 57.42±23.12; the mean physical (PHC) and mental health component (MHC) scores were 63.57±26.28 and 59.37±20.04, respectively. Only 28% of the participants utilized healthcare services after displacement. Most participants had consistent access to an adequate food supply. In the adjusted analysis age (B/PHC=-0.94, p < 0.001; B/MHC=-0.61, p < 0.001), sleeping disorder (B/PHC=-21.86, p = 0.011; B/MHC=-17.44, p = 0.001), use of medical service (B/PHC=-8.63, p = 0.022; B/MHC=-6.95; p = 0.015) and having more than one chronic disease (B/PHC=-17.35, p < 0.001; B/MHC=-10.90, p = 0.001) were associated with both PHC and MHC. Conclusions This study marks the first assessment of HRQoL among NK refugees. Governmental support and interventions targeting individuals with ophthalmic, sleeping, and chronic diseases might be beneficial. Follow-up assessments should track changes in both physical and mental health scores in this population, as they may fluctuate over time in response to displacement challenges. Key messages • Age, sleeping disorder, use of medical service, and the number of chronic diseases were significantly associated with decreased PHC and MHC of HRQoL • Interventions targeting individuals with restricted access to healthcare services, as well as those affected by eye diseases and chronic health issues might be beneficial.

Islamic diplomacy of Azerbaijan in the context of the Nagorno-Karabakh 2020 war: the role of the organization of Islamic Cooperation

ABSTRACT Since achieving independence, Azerbaijan has employed its Islamic identity in its foreign policy to develop an international Islamic agenda concerning the Nagorno-Karabakh (NK) conflict. It has promoted the notion of Islamic solidarity and diversified its strategic interests in the conflict. The study aims to analyse Azerbaijan’s diplomatic strategies to garner comprehensive support from the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, focusing on the 2020 war. The paper argues that Azerbaijan has developed Islamic diplomacy and instrumentalized religion as one of the components of its foreign policy against Armenia and the de facto Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh. During the 2020 war, Azerbaijan applied the discourse of Islamic solidarity and the Azerbaijani narratives on the NK conflict that have been introduced in the OIC during the last three decades.

THE CHARACTERISTICS AND EVALUATION OF MUDFLOW FORMATION CONDITIONS IN THE TERRITORY OF NAGORNO-KHARABAKH

This research investigates and evaluates the factors and conditions contributing to mudflow occurrences in the Nagorno-Karabakh (NK) Region. It identifies the primary origins of mudflows and categorizes areas prone to mudflows for zoning purposes. Additionally, the study outlines current trends in mudflow evolution. Furthermore, the research proposes a range of hydraulic engineering, preventive, and forest reclamation measures aimed at mitigating mudflow risks. Implementing these measures within the NK context has the potential to yield significant and beneficial outcomes in addressing mudflow-related challenges.

La memoria cultural como proceso creativo, un enfoque post-memorial de la coreografía en <i>A time to mourn</i> de Iris Karayan

In the book Haut Karabakh, Le Livre Noir (Nagorno Karabakh, The Black Book), published last August 2022, several leading figures of Armenian studies recall the origins of the conflict that has pitted Azerbaijan against Armenia for decades, and give an account of their position as members of the Armenian diaspora. On this occasion the director and actor Simon Abkarian wrote: "A nation deprived of its poetic voice deprives itself of its political one. Both are inseparable". If poetic and the political are inseparable, this implies that every poetic or artistic work has a political dimension that sometimes extends beyond the very context of its creation or genesis. One explanation may be the environment, the context from which it emerged. Another reason may be the sexual identity, ethical, cultural, or social values of the artists, but also those of their audiences. Taking for granted that the understanding of politics in artistic contexts has given rise, throughout the history of both visual and performing arts, to works that protest, celebrate, present, represent or resist very often through the body, we can envision that the political stands as either an imperative or as a creative fuel. In the field of choreography since the beginning of the 20th century, the notion of constraint or creative task has almost always generated movement (corporeal, metaphorical, or kinesthetic). This paper therefore sets out to explore the extent to which the heritage of a culture and the traumas of a threatened nation such as Armenia constitute a creative constraint or a creative starting point that is self-evident or that performing artists impose on themselves. Our argument will be supported by a study of Greek-Armenian choreographer, Iris Karayan’s piece, A time to mourn, choreographed in 2009.

The Role of the Russian Federation in the Nagorno Karabakh Conflict Settlement in 1993—1994

The Role of the Russian Federation in the Nagorno Karabakh Conflict Settlement in 1993—1994

The international aspects of the settlement of separatism and ethnopolitical conflicts (on the example of Nagorno Karabakh and the unrecognized state of Transnistria)

The international aspects of the settlement of separatism and ethnopolitical conflicts (on the example of Nagorno Karabakh and the unrecognized state of Transnistria)

The Paradoxical Role of Mediators in the Armenia-Azerbaijan Conflict: Prospects and Concerns

This paper explores the underlying factors that pushed Russia, the European Union (EU), Türkiye, and somehow the United States U.S. to offer mediation to settle the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan. The eruption of the fierce clashes between Azerbaijan and Armenia ended the war that happened in 2020 when Russia brokered the ceasefire. However, Russia’s war in Ukraine was signaling renewed fighting in Nagorno-Karabakh. Hence, some actors started to step into the hostility to facilitate diplomatic efforts to lower the temperatures of the conflicting parties. Meanwhile, Azerbaijan made a military assault on Artsakh in 2023 and gained a final victory over Nagorno Karabakh. Amid tension, the EU, Russia, and Türkiye will hold a responsible role and bring hopes that diplomacy may bring Azerbaijan and Armenia closer to peace, and an eventual settlement will ensue. The research demonstrates that a new geopolitical change has been taking place in the South Caucasus region, which is causing complexities amid some options set by the mediators.

Nagorno Karabakh as an Itegral Part of Soviet Armenia

Nagorno Karabakh as an Itegral Part of Soviet Armenia

Species composition and distribution of birds in the city of stepanakert and adjacent territories

This article is devoted to the identification of the species composition of the birds population in the city of Stepanakert and the seizure of their territories. The study of bird biodiversity within certain limits is of particular importance, changing in the urban environment. The material for this work was collected on the administrative borders of the city of Stepanakert and its surroundings from April 2017 to April 2023. All year round, birds were counted along routes in residential areas, gardens, squares, cemeteries, on river banks, in wooded areas, and thickets of shrubs. As a result of observations, it was revealed for the first time that the bird fauna is represented by 117 species, which belong to 14 orders and 37 families, representing 52,4% of the bird fauna of Nagorno Karabakh. The results of the research made it possible to identify the main bird species that determine the habitat, as well as to assess their occurrence, seasonal changes and prevailing ecological properties. An analysis of the urban environment by bird populations and possible measures to protect them was also carried out. The results obtained can be useful for developing strategies for sustainable human-nature interaction in the urban environment, as well as for conducting broader environmental research in the region.

Counter-Mapping for Resistance and Cultivation of Counter-Memory: Contemporary Social Life of Some Historical Nagorno Karabakh Maps

Counter-Mapping for Resistance and Cultivation of Counter-Memory: Contemporary Social Life of Some Historical Nagorno Karabakh Maps

The ecology of <i>Lepus europaeus</i> Pallas, 1778 common in the fauna of the Nagorno Karabakh

Mechanisms for the rational use and preservation of wildlife are considered to be one of the most important problems in modern zoology in Nagorno Karabakh. In our case, this is all the more relevant, since as a result of the military conflict initiated by Azerbaijan, the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh was exposed to ammunition prohibited by international norms. In this regard, we have chosen as the object of research the only species of Lagomorpha in the fauna of Nagorno Karabakh Lepus europaeus Pallas, 1778. As a result of studies, we have found out the prevalence of these beasts, the preferred places, which are located at vertical heights, from 200250 MAMSL to 28003000 MAMSL, and the reasons for the reduction of areas. At the same time, the work presents the results of our observations on the dynamics of the number change of Lepus europaeus from 1999 to 2021 and the factors influencing these changes. We have clarified the active hours of Lepus europaeus in plain and foothill zones, as well as the factors affecting their activity and the frequency of encounters with Lepus europaeus during the daylight in different seasons and places represented in percentage. The paper also presents the density and distribution according to zones.

Характеристика развития армяно-иранских экономических отношений после Арцахской войны 2020 года / Features of the Development of Armenian-Iranian Relations after the Second Artsakh War

Neighboring countries Armenia and Iran considered each other as partners and friends, after Armenia declared its independence. In 1992, Iran, with a balanced approach to the Karabakh conflict and the First Artsakh War, created new prospects for the development of bilateral relations for both countries. After the end of the First Artsakh War and the victory of the Armenian side, Armenia and Iran started establishing and strengthening multilateral relations, striving to expand economic cooperation. Economic relations between Iran and Armenia have expanded significantly over the past three decades, and the main thing for Armenia in bilateral relations was Iran's balanced approach to the Nagorno Karabakh conflict. Tehran has been in serious international isolation for several years, which has been exacerbated in recent years due to the maximum pressure policy of the United States. In this situation, Iran is particularly interested in finding ways to overcome these restrictions. Armenia, which is under partial blockade, is one such option. The need to implement the project of creating an international transport and logistics corridor connecting the Persian Gulf with the Black Sea, the construction of the North-South highway has been discussed for at least 15 years, and the recent increase in Iran's interest in the implementation has a number of reasons. It seems that Tehran's latest initiatives towards their implementation are largely determined by the current regional geopolitical shifts. In particular, with the emergence of projects to unblock regional communications as a result of the 44-day war. And, the trend towards de facto cessation of Western sanctions policy against Iran is another factor that allows Iran to begin to respond significantly to recent regional transformations. First of all, due to the fact that the absence of sanctions will allow Tehran to initiate new, rather large-scale programs. It is also clear that all these relevant programs have always been relevant for both Iran and Armenia. But they have not been implemented yet due to a number of circumstances. In this light, the active opposition to communication projects by both Azerbaijan and Turkey has not disappeared even today. And, naturally, in this regard, one can predict a number of steps by Ankara and Baku to reduce the international attractiveness and, accordingly, the degree of relevance of these projects, with the ultimate goal of preventing their financing by large international donors. Against this background, the most important problem of Yerevan seems to be the demonstration of an extreme level of consistency in the direction of the implementation of these projects, despite the Turkish and Azerbaijani opposition.

Why ideas matter: Exploring the potential and limits of local civil society agency in peacebuilding

ABSTRACT Drawing on research conducted with a range of actors in Armenia during the aftermath of the 2020 war over Nagorno Karabakh, we examine the potential and limits of local agency peacebuilding. In examining how agency is manifested and constrained in situations of conflict, we draw on social and political theories of agency and power to consider the dialogic interplay between actors, structures and ideas. By adopting the framework of discursive institutionalism, we analyze the importance of ideas in shaping politics and policy. We argue that in the field of peacebuilding in Armenia, the agency of local civil society actors is on the one hand affected by the liberal peacebuilding paradigm advanced by international actors and on the other hand, by hegemonic State and societal discourses about the conflict. Together, these have engendered forms of disciplinary power that have led to self-censorship and reticence among civil society actors, limiting their agency in peacebuilding.

Transformation of the post-cold war order and the global and regional powers policy in the South Caucasus after the 2020 Karabakh war

The end of the Cold War ushered in a Unipolar world characterized by the US hegemony. In 1990s and early 2000s the US was realizing the strategy of “liberal hegemony” with emphasis on democracy promotion in the former socialist camp. The NATO enlargement and the support to the EU extension were key pillars of this strategy. There was a perception among pundits and policymakers that the “liberal democracy” will spread all over the world, bringing a new era of peace and stability. However, the Unipolar moment was short lived. The global financial crisis of 2007-2008 marked the beginning of the transformation of the post-Сold War order. The reasons behind this transformation are numerous - the relative decline of the US, the rise of others, most notably China, and the launch of the new multilateral organizations such as BRICS and Shanghai Cooperation Organization. The transformation of the post-cold war order brings back the notion of multipolar world and the “great power competition”. The emergence of the "multi-polar world order" will inevitably trigger regional instability and the rivalry for regional hegemony. The absence of the world hegemon or the "world policeman" means that the second-tier states will be more inclined to use coercion as the primary tool to push forward their national interests. The world is facing the unraveling of the global world order with very few clues on what the new emerging order may look like. One pattern is obvious - states are putting more emphasis on the coercion, force and hybrid warfare as a key element of their foreign policy. Meanwhile, the absence of global hegemon triggers the tough and often violent struggle for dominance among regional powers. The South Caucasus was an arena of overlapping interests of many actors - Russia, the US, the EU, Turkey, and Iran. While in 1990s and 2000s the geopolitical configuration of the region was based on the competition between Turkey - Azerbaijan - Georgia partnership supported by the US, and Russia - Armenia alliance, the situation has changed in recent years. Turkey’s quest for independent foreign policy and growing tensions between Turkey and the US have resulted in a establishment of competitive/cooperative relations between Russia and Turkey. Ankara and Moscow are still competitors but they are able to manage their contradictions. The 2020 Karabakh war was a harbinger of upcoming changes in the regional balance of power. Azerbaijan won the war receiving significant military support from Turkey, Armenia suffered significant losses, while Russia deployed its peacekeepers in Nagorno Karabakh. As South Caucasus faces the growing competition between external actors vying for influence, and as Russia - West relations were completely ruined after the February 2022, the region has become another arena for Russia - West competition. The US and the EU are interested to push Russian peacekeepers out from Nagorno Karabakh after the end of the initial five-year term, viewing this as a significant step in reducing Russian influence in the region. Meanwhile, Russia seeks to stabilize relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan, meanwhile keeping its military presence in Nagorno Karabakh. Despite the growing tensions between Turkey and the US, Ankara still remains main tool for the US in its efforts to decrease Russian power in South Caucasus.

The Artsakh Issue in Its Historical-Legal Development

Artsakh or Karabakh is an integral part of historic Armenia. Felling under the rule of various conquerors throughout the history, Artsakh remained Armenian, sometimes possessing also a semi-independent status. The legal history of the Artsakh dispute can be traced back to the 1813 Treaty of Gulistan, when Persia ceded sovereignty of Artsakh to the Russian Empire. After the collapse of the Russian Empire, during 1918-1920 Artsakh was disputed by the Republics of Armenia and Azerbaijan, because of the administrative policy of the former Russian Empire to unite the national territories into mixed administrative units. After being incorporated into the Soviet Union, again because of the same administrative police, the Armenian populated Artsakh was incorporated into Soviet Azerbaijan as an autonomous district (marz). Utilizing Article 3 of the "Law on Procedure for Resolving Questions Connected with a Union Republic’s Secession from the USSR,” which provides right to the people of autonomous republics and autonomous formations to independently decide their future state-legal status, on September 2, 1991, a joint session of the People's Deputies of the Nagorno Karabakh Autonomous Region and Shahumian regional councils, declared the establishment of the Nagorno Karabakh Republic (NKR). This move was followed by a referendum, where 99,9 percent voted for independence of NKR. After this vote until now, Azerbaijan tries to seize Artsakh by force, which is contrary to international public and humanitarian law. This article aims to study the status of Artsakh in the context of the above historical-legal developments. It clearly demonstrates that the right of people of Artsakh to independence is undisputable.

PUTIN’S POLICY IN UKRAINE: A DESTRUCTIVE, UGLY, ATTRITION BASED WAR, FOUGHT AIMLESSLY, FOR THE SAKE OF WAR

It is a challenge to try to draw conclusions and find the characteristics of an ongoing crisis. Even more so when it is a large-scale war, like the one fought by Russia in Ukraine, a war already defined as a war of aggression of Russia in Ukraine, unprovoked, illegal and unjustified, an invasion of Russia in Ukraine aimed at conquering new territories for Moscow to annex. But, after three months of war, some basic arguments are already in place and it is worth assessing the regularities of this war and its particularities in a way that allows us to predict the evolution of this war. And if no two wars are alike, comparisons give us hints about previous behaviors and perspectives of evolution. In this case, the 7 districts buffer zone in Nagorno Karabakh could give us a hint on the way the destruction of Eastern Ukraine will be used in the future by Russia to deny any the presence of weapons close to its borders

From ‘revolution’ to war: deciphering Armenia’s populist foreign policy-making process

ABSTRACT Since April 2018, Armenia has gone through a series of dramatic events. Convinced of its ‘democratic invincibility,’ the regime that emerged after ‘the Velvet Revolution’ espoused the view that Armenia’s new, democratic facade must secure increased support from Brussels and Washington and continued loyalty from its security provider – the Kremlin. Nevertheless, the perennial security issues, chief among them the unresolved Nagorno Karabakh conflict, were overlooked by the new elite. This article examines the sources of the foreign policy-making style of the populist regime in Armenia and explores the extent to which they have affected the decision-making process and its ‘resultants.’ The article argues that the incoherent and erratic nature of the new regime’s policy formulation and enactment, which underestimated acute security challenges and degraded existing institutional checks and balances, caused unprecedented wreckage to Armenia’s national security architecture.

Narrative nudges to peace in protracted conflict: karabakh conflict as a case study

Recent research in narrative psychology provides insights into the dynamics of collective memories and group identities and how they are exploited by populist and nationalist forces for instigating intergroup conflict. In particular, narrative approach to conflict is important in this regard. In one key way, this approach considers conflicts as competing stories and conflict resolution as narrative transformation and the creation of a common (shared) narrative. In this regard, two questions are of particular concern: 1) What kinds of narratives are conducive to reconciliation between adversaries? 2) Which strategies for dealing with narratives found in intergroup conflicts are effective? As a way of addressing these questions we have developed a theoretical model of narrative intervention which was empirically examined at the context of conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over Nagorno Karabakh. These studies over the two decades have used different perspectives that enable us to identify “common suffering” type of narrative as a way of eliciting positive implicit attitudes and empathy among the conflicting parties. The research has also identified two psychological constructs - “painful collective memory” and “competitive victimhood”, which are often employed by political forces who are not interested in peace and reconciliation in the region.

Emotional and behavioral problems of 7-11 year old children in war-torn Nagorno–Karabakh region in Azerbaijan

IntroductionThe emotional, behavioral and psychosocial effects of chaotic environments following wars and armed conflicts in terms of exposure to trauma and displacement is well recognized. School-age children who are directly exposed to or witnessed negative effects of armed conflicts show an array of emotional and behavioral problems.ObjectivesOur study aimed to examine the mental health conditions of children living in war and conflict zones and attending primary schools in Agdam.MethodsThe study sample comprised of 617 children (mean age 8.9, SD 1.24; 50.7% female), residing in the conflict areas in the southwestern of Azerbaijan. The children were evaluated with the previously validated Azerbaijani version of the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ) Teacher Form.ResultsAbout a third of children (32.7%) had abnormal total scores, and a fifth (21.4%) were in borderline range. The SDQ subscale scores included emotional problems (19.4%); conduct problems (20.3%), hyperactivity/inattention (12.2%), peer relationship problems (31.1%), and pro-social behavior difficulties (13.1%). As a result, externalizing problem scores were higher in males (p<.001) and internalizing problems in females (p<.05). Due to correlation analysis, age is negatively and significantly related with externalising (p<.05), internalising (p<.01), and total difficulty (p<.05) scores.ConclusionsThe findings of the study show that more than half of the children living in the war zone in Azerbaijan suffer from mental health problems and highlight the need for child mental health services and family supports in the region.DisclosureNo significant relationships.

Multi-dimensional assessment of the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War

This article contains an assessment of the last war in the Southern Caucasus, referring to it as the second Nagorno–Karabakh war. The assessment is concentrated on the military capabilities built up prior to the major escalation of this war and operational features identified during the battles. The assessment uses analytic categories of processed information and initiatives that sovereign actors took during decision cycles and the conduct of military campaigns. Those analytic categories are named dimensions, with the strategic and military dimensions being the most important for this analysis. The key findings of this article suggest that additional dimensions could be used in researching the complex conditions of the war, which might have a continuous impact even outside the Southern Caucasus. The review of initiatives at the strategic dimension suggested that the built-up of two competing security policy fractions in the South Caucasus was an influential factor. The assessment of the military dimension of that war provided insights regarding the tactical choices of both adversaries. That assessment revealed some significant differences in how the campaign was conducted on both sides. Further complex tensions in the region are expected as national political decisions will drive strategic choices and drive the development of military capabilities. Given the fact that both countries were short of a consensus-based peace deal and Russia sent in peacekeeping forces, further developments in the political and strategic dimensions of this war saga should be expected.