Muslim Organizations Research Articles

‘How is one supposed to sleep when the Ka‘ba is over there?’

Abstract The aim of this article is to present data from the first study using interviews with Swedish hajj pilgrims, conducted during 2016 and 2017 by the Institute for Language and Folklore, Gothenburg; the Museum of World Culture, Gothenburg; Södertörn University, Stockholm; and Gothenburg Univetsity. Among the questions asked within the framework of the project were, for example, how Swedish Muslims experience the hajj; how they prepare for the trip to Saudi Arabia; how the pilgrimage is organized by Swedish Muslim organizations (e.g. hajj travel agencies); whether the pilgrimage is only perceived as a religious journey; and whether the intergroup conflicts and variations that exist among Muslims effect the hajj? The last question will be addressed by focusing on how Swedish Ahmadiyya Muslims are affected by the fact that the Pakistani and Saudi states do not regard them as Muslims.

PERANAN AMWCHR DALAM UPAYA PENURUNAN ANGKA PERNIKAHAN ANAK DAN PAKSA DALAM KOMUNITAS MUSLIM DI AUSTRALIA

Abstract: The whole world has recognized that child marriage and forced marriage (CFM) are acts that are contrary to human rights and are considered to be gender-based violence. The Australian Government since 2013 through its constitution has criminalized acts of child and forced marriage so that the perpetrators can be subject to criminal penalties. However, this policy did not effectively reduce the effect on CFM cases in Australia. It is proven that from 2017 to 2019 there was an increase in the number of victims of forced marriage and children who were categorized as victims of human trafficking in Australia. The criminal law in the CFM case is considered ineffective because the protective impact is not sustainable. The high rate of forced marriage among Muslim women in Australia is driven by high gender inequality, migration and harmful traditional cultural practices. The Australian Muslim Women's Center for Human Rights (AMWCHR) is a Muslim women's organization that seeks to advance the rights and status of Muslim women in Australia. AMWCHR has multicultural and hybridity characteristics that are not tied to any Islamic sect. This article aims to analyze the role of the AMWCHR in efforts to reduce the rate of child, early and forced marriage for Muslim women, especially in the Australian region with sustainable protection and prevention programs, based on gender equality and the principle of multi-culturalism. Keywords: Australian Government, AMWCHR, Child Early and Forced Marriage, Australian Muslim.

Who’s Afraid of Religious Extremism?

Abstract This article explores the dynamics of competition between Muslim organisations in Ukraine after the eruption of the Russian–Ukrainian crisis in March 2014. In particular, it deals with the issue of religious extremism as another ideological fault line between two main centres of Islamic religious authority, the Spiritual Administration of Muslims of Ukraine (SAMU) and the Spiritual Administration of Muslims of Ukraine ‘Umma’ (SAMU-Umma). Although these structures agreed that Islam as a religion should be completely dissociated from all manifestations of extremism and terrorism, their inherent theological and cultural differences led to the SAMU and the SAMU-Umma adopting mutually exclusive discursive strategies for achieving this goal.

Skills for “Marriage of a Lifetime”: An Examination of Muslim Marriage Preparation Handbooks in Singapore, 1974 to 2018

High divorce rates in Muslim marriages continue to be a concern for Malay community leaders and policy makers in Singapore. Since 1969, Malay community organisations here have offered marriage preparation courses to reduce the incidence of divorce. Today, a range of such pre-marriage courses continue to be provided by the Ministry of Social and Family Development, Muslim organisations and private educational groups that are involved in marriage counselling and consultation. In this article, I examine the handbooks that have accompanied courses sponsored by the Ministry. Their content spells out the skills needed to realise a “marriage of a lifetime”. Whilst prescriptions have responded to societal changes, a closer scrutiny of instructions in these manuals unfolds notions of the ‘ideal’ Muslim husband and wife that continue to stress men as providers and women as primary caregivers. Prioritising communication skills of the individual, as these manuals do, does little to change household gender inequalities in the long run.

Indonesia’s Foreign Policy Regarding the Forced Displacement of Rohingya Refugees

Abstract This article analyses Indonesia’s foreign policy with respect to Myanmar and the forced displacement of more than 1 million Rohingya refugees from Rakhine State, Myanmar. Its main concern is to evaluate the effectiveness of Indonesia’s policies, including diplomatic efforts and humanitarian aid contributions, in regard to finding a solution to the ongoing disaster that affects both Rohingya remaining in Myanmar and those who have found temporary sanctuary in Bangladesh. For its diplomatic and humanitarian engagement, the Indonesian government has explored various avenues and utilised a range of instruments, including the purposeful engagement of non-state actors and faith-based humanitarian organisations. Our inquiry predominantly focuses on the time between the first Andaman Sea crisis (May 2015) and the second Andaman Sea crisis (mid-2020), not least because this is when Indonesia saw the arrival of Rohingya boats at its shores, which in turn fuelled local public interest in this matter. Our analysis pays special attention to domestic appeals from large Muslim organisations that sought to pressure the Indonesian government to become more proactive on behalf of the displaced and discriminated Rohingya. Yet, while a variety of Muslim organisations have at times demanded a more interventionist stance by the Indonesian government, their pressure has not been consistent or particularly successful. Therefore, it is likely the Indonesian government will continue to pursue its ‘quiet diplomacy’ efforts in order to balance the regional non-intervention paradigm and humanitarian imperatives caused by the forced displacement.

الإسلام في نيوزيلندا.. بين الحفاوة والعداوة - الخبرة التاريخية والتحديات الراهنة

Purpose: This research aims to discuss the history of Islam in New Zealand, together with some of the pressing issues and challenges Muslims have encountered along the way. Looking back at the history of early Muslim settlers and the emergence of Muslim organizations and allied enterprises, it is clear that the Muslim community in New Zealand has had a rather mixed reception in a land that, on the whole, is perceived to be benignly tolerant and accepting. Methodology: The research is based on a critical analysis of the available literature, both contemporary and historical. This paper explores complicated community developments, conversions to Islam, the violence experienced with defacement and destruction of mosques in reaction to overseas events over recent decades, ongoing Islamophobia, and the infamous 2019 terrorist attack on two mosques in the city of Christchurch. Findings: The research highlights the status of the New Zealand Muslim community and the extent and nature of their influence in the country. It constitutes a social hierarchy with a complex past and multiple internal issues. Accordingly, this paper concludes with a brief discussion of the migrant experience of Muslims. It also elucidates the necessity of further research in the future and emphasizes the need to study the culture, faith and history of New Zealand from various angles. Originality: This is illustrated in the direct attachment of the research to the core topic of religion. This is the first academic study to deal directly with both the history of the Muslim minority and contemporary issues such as Islamophobia following the 2019 massacre.

Nahdlatul Ulama's “Funny Brigade”: Piety, Satire, and Indonesian Online Divides

AbstractIndonesia's largest Muslim organization, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), arrived relatively late on the Islamic social media scene. By the time Nahdlatul Ulama leadership recognized and commissioned the need for online advocacy, a generation of young media‐savvy preachers had already stoked the embers of sectarian divides and cast suspicion on those deemed secular or liberal. Even within Nahdlatul Ulama, a sprawling network of religious leaders and Islamic schools mostly in Central and East Java, the rise of social media revealed internal schisms about the meaning of Islam and the future politics of NU. By 2015, some Nahdlatul Ulama members began to speak in the name of an NU Straight Brigade (NU Garis Lurus) that proclaimed to return Nahdlatul Ulama to its original roots purportedly betrayed by current NU leadership. In response, a diverse group of NU youth – notorious for a love of humor – formed the NU Funny Brigade (NU Garis Lucu), a social media community that used satire and humor to temper the accusations of NU Garis Lurus and to mobilize social media as a uniting force within Nahdlatul Ulama and Indonesia more broadly. In this article, I examine the interplay between these two Nahdlatul Ulama communities, paying special attention to how social media reveals fragments and fault lines, while also providing online space to bridge doubts and divides.

Analisis Persepsi Ulama terhadap Pelaksanaan Perbankan Syariah di Kota Semarang

Ulama have an important and influential role to the Muslim societies in Indonesia. Ulama are Muslim scientists who master and well-understand of religious knowledge in Islam. At the present, Ulama also as an important figure who drives economic growth in the community in this case related to Islamic banking which conducts business activities based on sharia principles. The aim of the research is to explore the perception of Ulama towards the implementation of Islamic banking and to analyse the factors that influence the perception of Ulama in Semarang city. The method used in this research is descriptive qualitative research method. Qualitative data is collected by interviewing 3 representatives of Indonesian Muslim organization including Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), Muhammadiyah and Majelis Ulama Indonesia (MUI) in Semarang city. The data validity technique used is to use the triangulation method and the data collected are analysed by adopting the Miles and Huberman analysis model, which consists of three processes namely data reduction, data display, and conclusion drawing or verification. The results showed that the Kiai and Ulama in Semarang city which could be classified from the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) revealed that their perceptions were limited to theories through the Qur’an and Hadits. Different from Muhammadiyah who better understand the implementation of Islamic banking because the representatives from the MUI and Muhammadiyah themselves act as Sharia Supervisory Board.

Islamic Responses to the COVID-19 pandemic in India and Pakistan

India’s and Pakistan’s governments, like most of the world’s governments, responded to the spread of the COVID-19 virus with lockdowns, which in principle also affected religious institutions and rituals. However, Sunni mosques in Pakistan were not closed, as the government has no authority over autonomous religious organizations. In contrast, the Islamic organizations and institutions in India complied with government orders, and tried to present themselves as a “responsible minority” during a period when relations with the Hindu nationalist government were strained, and because a convention of the Tablīghī Jamāʿat had contributed considerably to the spread of the disease in the country and abroad. In Pakistan, the role of the “responsible minority” was played by the Shiites, who closed their mosques. On the whole, Muslim religious leaders and organizations showed little interest in taking a stand on the pandemic. Those few who make extensive use of the internet tend to address the better-educated social strata, and tend view pandemic-related restrictions more favorably.

Islam in Eggonland: A Survey of Its Development and Prospects

Little has so far been discussed or written about Islam and Muslims in Eggonland. This is in marked contrast to other ethnic groups in the state which share similar characteristics being a Muslim community that attracted attention from scholars of either Muslim or non-Muslim. The aim is paper is to ascertain the Islam in Eggonland Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow. It has been found that unlike the Erro Eggon clan which have almost 97% of its population being Muslims, Muslim population are not many as that of the Eggon Erro especially among the Anzo, Eholo clan, and it is only in communities that belong to Eggon Erro that large proportion of Muslims communities are found. This paper attempts to provide the much-lacking information on the spread and development of Islam in Eggonland. The paper discussed the coming of Islam, the means through which Islamization process took place and the establishment of Muslim communities in Eggonland, it also shows to the world true picture of Islam among the Eggon people. Detail attention has been given to the factors which contributed to the spread of Islamic teachings in Eggonland including the role of Muslim scholars, both within and outside Eggonland, Muslim organisations, etc. Equally important in this paper is the contributions of Muslim organizations in the development of Islamic education in Eggonland where schools that combine both Islamic and Western education were established. The paper sum up that, the prospects of Islam lies in the devotion of young generation to the learning of Islamic knowledge in Eggonland with the establishment of formal Islamic schools that produces Da’is who can speak the Eggon language fluently. The paper adopted qualitative methodology and desk review where In-depth Interview were conducted with few personalities to obtain data for the research.

Transformation of Ulama’s Role in Nusantara: A Case Study of Halalan Thayyiban Food Law in Indonesia

The history of halalan thayyiban food in Indonesian society is an undone research study. This research is to study the transformation of scholars’ (ulama) roles based on the history of halalan thayyiban food law in Indonesia's society. The method used was qualitative data analysis using archival research for the history of halalan thayyiban food and in-depth interviews conducted with figures of several religious-based organisations in Banten-Indonesia to strengthen the results. The respondents were leaders from Muslim and Non-Muslim organisations in Banten Province. In addition, the recorded conversation transcribed was used to support the findings. The results found that the ulama roles in the halal standard are different in three levels of eras. In the pre-colonial period, scholars acted as exemplars of Islam by applying Islamic values in people's daily lives, including the concept of halalan-thayyiban food, based on the Islamic boarding school educational system. Scholars became missionaries in the colonial era, who are believed to be enforcers of Islamic law. The colonisers did not interfere in the rules of religion, especially on halalan thayyiban food law. During this period, Islamic law became a custom that developed in the community. Next, the post-colonial era, when the role of scholars on halalan thayyiban food standard is done by issuing halal certificates based on halal fatwas. The government intervened to legalize it under public law. The results contributed theory to fill the gap of knowledge about the transformation of ulama roles on halalan-thayyiban food law in Indonesia.

The “Ashoka Approach” and Indonesian Leadership in the Movement for Pluralist Re-Awakening in South and Southeast Asia

Leaders of Indonesia’s Nahdlatul Ulama, the world’s largest Muslim organization, are working to consolidate South and Southeast Asia as an alternate pillar of support for a rules-based international order founded upon respect for the equal rights and dignity of every human being. Integral to this effort is a regional strategy called the “Ashoka Approach,” which seeks to reawaken the ancient spiritual, cultural, and socio-political heritage of the Indianized cultural sphere, or “Indosphere”—a civilizational zone that pioneered, long before the West, key concepts and practices of religious pluralism and tolerance.

FOR FEAR OF ISLAMIC LOOKS: A REFLECTION OF DISPLACED “SELVES” WITHIN ISLAM

Abstract The study discusses a triggering issue of those Indonesian Muslims who frequently feel uneasy to socialize with other Muslims with Arabic looks to neutralize Islamic brotherhood in the Indonesian context of unity in diversity. A survey was made available online for over three months to get public responses concerning the issue. Sixty-two responses were collected for further analysis. Findings of the study revealed that most of the respondents expressed fear of Arabic looks because of terrorism-related activities resulting in deep personal hate. Fears were also felt due to the image that such a group of Muslims has deteriorated the local cultures of Indonesian origins. Still, others expressed fears of those distinctive individual Muslims because of a frequent political demonstration staged by those types of Muslims against engineered issues caused by discrepancies in political views to terminate the President. The authors offer recommendations for those with such Islam phobia to learn more about the truth of Islam from distinguished clerics from recognized Muslim organizations or to read Islamic literature to create peace of mind amid the wrong mindset about Islam, and finally to put aside egocentrism in the spirit of unity in diversity, only to fight against radicalism.

ISLAM IN EGGONLAND: A Survey into Its Development and Prospects

Little has so far been discussed or written about Islam and Muslims in Eggonland. This is in marked contrast to other ethnic groups in the state which share similar characteristics being a Muslim community that attracted attention from scholars of either Muslim or non-Muslim. The aim is paper is to ascertain the Islam in Eggonland Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow. It has been found that unlike the Erro Eggon clan which have almost 97% of its population being Muslims, Muslim population are not many as that of the Eggon Erro especially among the Anzo, Eholo clan, and it is only in communities that belong to Eggon Erro that large proportion of Muslims communities are found. This paper attempts to provide the much-lacking information on the spread and development of Islam in Eggonland. The paper discussed the coming of Islam, the means through which Islamization process took place and the establishment of Muslim communities in Eggonland, it also shows to the world true picture of Islam among the Eggon people. Detail attention has been given to the factors which contributed to the spread of Islamic teachings in Eggonland including the role of Muslim scholars, both within and outside Eggonland, Muslim organisations, etc. Equally important in this paper is the contributions of Muslim organizations in the development of Islamic education in Eggonland where schools that combine both Islamic and Western education were established. The paper sum up that, the prospects of Islam lies in the devotion of young generation to the learning of Islamic knowledge in Eggonland with the establishment of formal Islamic schools that produces Da’is who can speak the Eggon language fluently. The paper adopted qualitative methodology and desk review where In-depth Interview were conducted with few personalities to obtain data for the research

Participation of Muslim Organizations in German Social Politic

Modern demographic situation in Germany is characterized by the large number of conflicts and problems, caused by migration. In their center stand Muslim groups. Their lack of solidarity and multifaceted nature poses a serious challenge to the social policy of FDR, which relies on the cooperative model established in relations with nongovernmental actors. However, organizations representing Muslim interests encounter powerful cultural, ideological and institutional barriers in their unsuccessful attempts to become part of the existing system. The article analyzes causes of systematic violation of subsidiarity, neutrality and parity principles in relations to Muslim associations. One of the main goals of the search for better system is understanding factors of successful partnership between state authorities and Muslim organizations. Therefore special attention is given to educational projects.

France: Republic against «Political Islam» (Part I)

On February 16, 2021, the French National Assembly (lower house of parliament) approved a draft law on countering separatism. On March 30, this document is to be discussed by members of the Senate. The degree of public discussions around him began to grow immediately after the speech of President E. Macron on October 2, 2020 and the subsequent publication in the press of the main provisions of the project. In fact, the document is aimed at preventing the radicalization of the Muslim community of France, at its more thorough adaptation to the socio-political conditions and basic values of the Republic. Most of the Muslim community and the clergy of France approved the proposals of the president and the government, while about a third of Muslim organizations opposed them. The last, as a rule, are linked to the international Islamist association «Muslim Brotherhood», which seeks to expand its cells and network in France, and in Europe as a whole. Organizations operating legally in the Turkish communities of the Old World articulate especially clearly the attitudes of the «brothers». In fact, at the religious level, they reproduce and continue the loud verbal confrontation between Macron and Turkish President R.T. Erdogan in October-November last year. The article examines the strategy of the French government to counter the attempts of radical Islamists to legalize the phenomenon of «political Islam». This problem, aggravated after the terrorist attacks in a number of European countries in October 2020, has become no less acute for France today than the fight against the pandemic.

Muslims and climate change: How Islam, Muslim organizations, and religious leaders influence climate change perceptions and mitigation activities

AbstractA growing body of research stresses the importance of religion in understanding and addressing climate change. However, so far, little is known about the relationship between Muslim communities and climate change. Globally, Muslims constitute the second largest faith group, and there is a strong concentration of Muslims in regions that are particularly affected by global warming. This review synthesizes existing research about climate change and Muslim communities. It addresses (a) Islamic environmentalism, (b) Muslim perceptions of climate change, and (c) mitigation strategies of Muslim communities. The analysis shows that there is no uniform interpretation of climate change among Muslims. Based on their interpretations of Islam, Muslims have generated different approaches to climate change. A small section of Muslim environmentalists engages in public campaigning to raise greater concern about climate change, seeks to reduce carbon emissions through sociotechnological transition efforts, and disseminates proenvironmental interpretations of Islam. However, it remains unclear to what extent these activities generate broader changes in the daily activities of Muslim communities and organizations. Contributions to this research field are often theoretical and stress theological and normative aspects of Islam. Empirical studies have particularly addressed Indonesia and the United Kingdom, whereas knowledge about Muslim climate activism in other world regions is fragmented. Against this backdrop, there is a need for comparative studies that consider regional and religious differences among Muslims and address the role of Muslim environmentalism in climate change mitigation and adaptation at the international, national, and local scales.This article is categorized under: Social Status of Climate Change Knowledge > Sociology/Anthropology of Climate Knowledge

Integration, transnationalism and transnational Islam

ABSTRACT Conventional frameworks of immigrant integration in Western Europe are conceptualised within a nation-state framework of thinking. Transnational ties, relations, activities, and attachments of immigrants as well as transnational state and non-state actors have largely been neglected. This paper introduces/promotes a balanced theoretical approach to study immigrant integration in contemporary Western Europe, namely, integration as a three-way process and negotiation, which takes both national and transnational contexts into account together. To further elaborate on the three-way approach, the paper examines transnational Islam, as a form of transnationalism writ large, which has received enormous negative publicity with a particular emphasis on violent/jihadist networks, and is often conceived as an inhibiter of the Muslim integration. Applied in transnational Islam case, the three-way approach indicates that integration and transnationalism are not necessarily mutually exclusive; transnational Islam and Muslim organisations are diverse, thereby, must be studied as such, and some forms of the latter promote Muslim integration into Western European societies.

What Islamic contributions have been made to climate change action and how useful are they in promoting environmental justice?

PurposeThe purpose of this study is to explore Islamic contributions to discussions on climate change action and environmental justice. The author argues that Islamic approaches to this issue provide a unique cultural and religious perspective which can effectively address the issue of climate change.Design/methodology/approachBeginning with a discussion of the concepts central to this essay, the author moves to discuss why she has chosen to move away from approaches founded in criminal law, instead of arguing that it is important to focus on culturally specific approaches to environmental justice. The author then explores some of the approaches taken by mainstream Muslim organisations working towards environmental justice. In particular, the Islamic Declaration on Global Climate Change and responses from Islamic Relief Worldwide, considering both the benefits and flaws of these approaches.FindingsThe author concludes by arguing that Sharīʿah has potential for developing Muslim environmental justice further, using Islamic legal rulings from Indonesia as an example. In this way, Islamic contributions can further aid global environmental justice. The author finds that culturally specific approaches to climate change, founded in legal mechanisms such as the Islamic juridical process (fiqh), have vast potential in securing environmental justice across the globe.Originality/valueIslamic contributions to climate change are often relegated to the background, while approaches from the perspective of legal mechanisms and criminal law have been favoured. The author believes that an Islamic approach is not only a starkly different approach, but also one which can provide an impetus for change. This is particularly true for the contributions of Islamic jurists.

A Secular Failure: Sectarianism and Communalism in Shayara Bano v. Union of India

AbstractProponents of secularism often describe their support for this form of governance in terms of the protections it provides against the excesses, dangers, and coercions of religious governance. In reality, however, the differences between secular and religious systems of governance are often overstated, with secularism’s promises being in conversation with secularism’s failures. This article explores one recent and important instance of such secular failure, namely the high-profile Indian case of Shayara Bano v. Union of India deciding the legal legitimacy of “triple talaq,” a common Indian Muslim divorce practice. During the litigation of this case, a prominent Indian Muslim organization ended up engaging in sectarian modes of argumentation, whereby aspersions were cast on the Muslim bona fides of certain persons and communities. Further, in the course of deciding Shayara Bano, a religiously diverse set of Indian Supreme Court justices found themselves disagreeing along communal lines about either the necessity or ability of the secular state to “reform” Muslim family law. In all this, sectarian and communitarian divisions in India were heightened, and the social peace and religious freedom promised by secularism were severely undermined.