Multiparty System Research Articles

The Political Rules of the Democratic Republic of America.

In his transformation of the American constitution from a natural rights republic, based on Jefferson’s Declaration, to the British social class mixed government, Madison had to modify the British political party system to fit his vision of rule by the virtuous natural aristocracy. The British political system is based upon a multi-party parliamentary system of proportional representation. The British political parties compete for votes, based upon their expression of how their party will serve the national public purpose of the United Kingdom. The political party that promotes the most popular version of Res Publica wins a plurality of elected representatives, and that political party gets to form the new British government. As he did in failing to adopt the entire British judicial system, Madison also failed to incorporate key elements of the British parliamentary system into his new constitutional rules.

RELASI ANGGOTA DEWAN PERWAKILAN RAKYAT DAERAH (DPRD) DENGAN KONSTITUEN DAPIL III KECAMATAN PARIAMAN TENGAH KOTA PARIAMAN PROVINSI SUMATERA BARAT

Unestablished good relationship between members of the local parliament and constituents in 3rd Constituency, Central Pariaman Subdistrict, Pariaman City had caused difficulty to establish a good collaboration. A good relationship was intended to capture the aspirations of the community in finding solutions to community problems. This research aimed to get a description of the relationships between local parliament members and their constituents, inhibiting factors in relations, and efforts to solve inhibiting factors. The author used a descriptive method with a technique of data collection are semistructured interviews, observation, and documentation. As the results, the shape of relationships between Local parliament members and constituents freely mandate, the inhibiting factor in the relationship because the policy program of local parliament members has tried to make constituents not yet felt by the whole community, the lack of constituent awareness for legislative roles and the multiparty system created some local parliament members. To solve the problems are by political education, increasing the sense of care of local parliament members to their constituents. As the suggestion by adding a service function (serving to their constituent) into legislative function by using social media.
 Keywords: Relationships, Local Legislative, Constituent

RATIONAL CHOICE INSTITUTIONALISM, CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM, AND CONSTITUTION MAKER IN INDONESIA

Most political literature argues that outcomes in Indonesian constitutional reform 1999-2002 were determined mainly by the political actors. Notwithstanding the existing research providing insightful evidence, there is still a gap in which those literature discount the role of the party system in shaping and constraining the way the political actors within a party behave. Drawing on one of the new institutionalism concepts – ‘rational choice institutionalism' – the argument puts forth here is that Indonesian multi-party system (independent variable) forced the political parties (intermediary variable) to form a winning-coalition which finally produced a compromised outcome (dependent variable) of constitutional reform on the articles about relations between president and legislature.

Political transformations in the Czech Republic after the “Velvet revolution”: a retrospective approach

Using a retrospective approach, the author explores the changes that took place in Czechoslovakia after the 1989 «velvet revolution». The article emphasizes that the «velvet revolution» later grew into a national revolution and led to the emergence of two new nation-states; into a political revolution that destroyed the authoritarian regime and contributed to the emergence of new democratic political institutions; in the economic revolution, during which the mechanisms of a market economy were created in the Czech Republic and Slovakia. The country made a simultaneous transition from dictatorship to democracy, from a command economy to a free market and to a nation state. Despite such a difficult situation and a large number of tasks, Czechoslovakia was able to eliminate the totalitarian legacy, solved the transformational tasks and problems of the division of Czechoslovakia into two sovereign states. In the Czech Republic, the classical political mechanisms of a democratic civil society had already been established in the 1990s and first, a multiparty political system. New democratic election laws laid the groundwork for a competitive multi-party system and political pluralism. The 1993 Constitution of the Czech Republic legislated a new political system for a democratic society, which was to be based on the voluntary creation and competition of political parties, who respect fundamental democratic principles and deny violence as a means to an end. The «velvet revolution» caused a sharp rise in civic activity. On the eve of the first parliamentary elections in 1992, more than 140 political parties and right-wing and left-wing social movements were registered in the CSFM. This was the peak of the quantitative growth of the number of political parties at the stage of building civil society.

PENERAPAN PRESIDENTIAL THRESHOLD PASCA PUTUSAN MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI NOMOR 14/PUU-XI/2013

Indonesia is a country that implements a presidential system and a multi-party system jointly. The implementation of general elections has been regulated in the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. The presidential threshold is a concept used in proposing candidates for President and Vice President. Proposals are made by political parties or joining political parties by general election participants. This article analyzes the application of the presidential threshold after the Constitutional Court decision Number 114 / PUU-XI / 2013. The purpose of this writing is to determine the application of the Presidensitial threshold after the Constitutional Court decision Number 14 / PUU-XI / 013, and to determine the impact of the Constitutional Court decision number 14 / PUU-XI / 2013 on political parties. The research method used is qualitative and conceptual normative research methods. Based on this article, it is known that the application of the presidential threshold in which political parties must obtain seats 20% of the number of seats in the DPR or 25% of the valid votes nationally in the previous DPR elections, so that making new or small parties will not be able to nominate the President and Vice President themselves, but parties can form a coalition.

DRIVERS OF CORRUPTION AND ANTI-CORRUPTION POLICIES IN MALAWI

This article seeks to establish the drivers of corruption in Malawi amidst the plethora of anti-corruption policies and initiatives. It shows that anti-corruption efforts and policies in Malawi can be traced back to the dawn of multi-party system in the early 1990s. It acknowledges the emergence of political will to fight corruption under the leadership of president Bakili Muluzi resulted in the enactment of the Corruption Practices Act (CPA) in 1995 and the establishment of the Anti- Corruption Bureau (ACB). These developments were followed by many other anti-corruption initiatives and policies over the years. However, this article establishes that corruption levels in Malawi have worsened, especially in recent years, despite the country’s many anti-corruption legislation and policies. The article finds that the drivers behind corruption in Malawi are complex and that they involve, among other things, political, structural, economic, and personal motives. Keywords: Collective action, Corruption, Legislation, Principal-agent theory, Public institutions

Multi-Party As The Most Important Condition For The Development Of Democracy In Uzbekistan

The article analyzes concepts such as a political party, multi-party system, inter-party competition, the positive aspects of the multi-party system, the role of political parties in society, the reasons and factors for the emergence of shortcomings in the activities of political parties in Uzbekistan.

한국정치의 유권자 지형: 진보정당에 대한 지지와 다당제의 가능성을 중심으로

본 연구는 한국 유권자 지형을 경험적으로 분석함으로써 진보정당에 대한 유권자 지지의 토대를 살펴본다. 즉, 선거제도의 개혁에도 불구하고 진보정당이 빈번히 직면하는 정치적 한계를 제도적 관점이 아닌 미시적 관점에서 분석해본다. 한국정치의 유권자 지형에 대한 통시적 분석을 위해, 본 연구는 한국종합사회조사 누적데이터(2003-2018)를 활용한다. 분석결과에 따르면, 진보정당 지지자와 민주당 지지자 사이에 정치이념의 차이는 크게 부각되지 않으며, 정책 이슈 분야에서도 두 정당 지지자들 간 선호 차이는 일부 이슈에 국한되어 나타난다. 또한, 실제 선거에서의 투표선택에서도 두 정당 지지자들간 뚜렷한 차이는 나타나지 않는다. 더욱이, 이러한 패턴은 최근 치러진 21대 총선에서도 동일하게 확인된다. 이를 통해, 본 연구는 한국정치에서 진보정당의 유권자 지지 기반이 빈약함을 지적한다. 따라서 향후 한국정치의 다당제 구축을 위해서는, 진보정당이 스스로 정치제도의 개혁에 앞서 우선적으로 이념적 선명성을 추구하고 정책이슈의 선점을 도모할 필요가 있음을 제언한다.

Environmental Degradation: What is the Role of the Church in Environmental Conservation in Kenya from 1963–2019?

The 21st century is characterised by the massive destruction of Mother Earth, particularly the clearing of indigenous forests that are major water catchment areas and the sources of most Kenyan rivers. As a result, many Kenyan rivers are drying up. The ripple effect of this is an acute water shortage in most Kenyan cities, leading to water rationing in some parts and in other parts the appearance of dry taps. Also, due to the high rate of deforestation and the resultant destruction of wild animal habitat, some species are now on the verge of extinction. Furthermore, careless and irresponsible disposal of industrial waste has culminated in environmental pollution, which has in turn lead to the death of aquatic life. The church is an integral part of society and has played a significant role in the life of human beings on earth. In Kenya, the church has been a force to reckon with since independence in 1963 and, in the 1990s, the creation of our multiparty system. Her outstanding contributions in social, economic and political spheres of life are undisputed. However, her marginal role and voice in environmental conservation, which is also a divine mandate and core mission, have been conspicuously absent. It is this low profile, and this church aloofness in matters of environmental degradation, that have prompted the present article seeking to examine the role of the church in mitigating the worsening environmental degradation trend in Kenya and in Africa at large.

Власть оппозиции: парламентские процедуры на службе демократии (в контексте усиления роли парламента и политических партий в связи с поправками к Конституции Российской Федерации)

The new powers of the Russian Parliament in accordance with the Amendment to the Constitution of the Russian Federation of March 14, 2020 No. 1-FKZ “On improving the regulation of certain issues of the organization and functioning of public power” entrust the Parliament with additional responsibility for observing the rights and interests of the opposition. The concentration of political discussions from the street within the walls of the parliament should be the most important task of improving the legislation of the Russian Federation on parliamentary procedures, including with regard to the opposition, which clearly expresses the principles of multi-party system and political pluralism in the Russian parliament. The article analyzes the status of the opposition under Russian and foreign law, the powers of the opposition and the procedure for their implementation, the ability of the opposition to really influence the decisions made by the parliament, including the initiative to consider them (as in the case of the parliamentary investigation). The author comes to the conclusion that it is necessary to improve the status of the opposition in the Russian Federation, taking into account foreign experience.

Consociationalism in the post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina

This paper outlines the theoretical underpinnings of the consociational power-sharing approach and its presence in the political system of the post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina. The power-sharing framework used in this study provides insights into the theory of consociationalism as a power-sharing approach and tries to contribute to our understanding of the presence and relevance of this model to the Bosnian political system. The consociational framework emphasises the role of the political elites in providing the political stability and economic prosperity in the heterogeneous societies. It has four main features: grand coalition, proportional representation, segmental autonomy and mutual veto. The functioning and performance of this model depends, to a large extent, on factors that are conducive to elite cooperation. These factors are: population size, balance of power among segments, multiparty system, segmental isolation, nature of social cleavages, overarching loyalties and tradition of elite accommodation. This paper shows that all features of consociationalism exist in the post-Dayton Bosnian political system. However, grand coalitions are always made after the elections and mainly for the distribution of positions in the executive bodies of state apparatus and without any strategic platform and goals to be achieved and accounted for, agreed in advance. Proportionality has been mainly replaced with the parity-giving rise to imbalanced representation in state institutions. Segmental autonomy has been misconceived and veto power has been used to block all legislation beneficial to the state.

Политико-правовые аспекты формирования законодательных (представительных) органов государственной власти субъекта Федерации: проблемы и перспективы

The article examines the problems of coordination and reflection of political preferences of social groups, the criteria for choosing the type of electoral system and its role in the formation of a legislative (representative) body of state power, advantages and disadvantages, possible consequences of the introduction of a two-party and multi-party system in small areas, it is noted that the ability of the state to change depends on its viability, adequacy of the social process, the ability to form a real unity of interests and goals of the state and the people.

Politicheskie partii Rossii v obshchestvenno-politicheskom diskurse v postperestroechnyj period (k istorii voprosa)

The purpose of this article is to study the problem of the Russian specifics of partogenesis in modern socio-political discourse. Particular attention is paid to the formation and development of the party system in modern Russia. The presence of a meaningful relationship between the stage of the emergence of a multi-party system in the period of the Russian Empire, the post-revolutionary Soviet period when the one-party system was approved, and, finally, the modern multi-party system in the Russian Federation.

Testing the Infrastructure of Wiredu’s Non-Party Democracy

Kwasi Wiredu’s proposal of a non-party system of democracy argues that we should have political associations rather than political parties. It advocates cooperation and consensus between these associations and encourages the removal or reduction of some constraints of the multi-party system, such as periodic elections. A critic has argued that this proposal is a recipe for despotism, whilst a supporter has stated that the critic misreads Wiredu’s statements. I attempt to resolve the disagreement by subjecting Wiredu’s non-party infrastructure to a test, a thought experiment that examines the consequences of having this system run by persons with the worst possible intentions. The outcome is that Wiredu’s non-party polity is too poorly equipped to protect us from the damages accruable from the unrestricted rule of such persons. Parties and elections could only be eliminated if supplanted by a political infrastructure that secures a more productive and moral leadership.

The Multi-Party System in Indonesia: Reviewing the Number of Electoral Parties from the Aspects of the National Defense and Security

The Multi-Party System in Indonesia: Reviewing the Number of Electoral Parties from the Aspects of the National Defense and Security

SURİYE’DE OYDAŞMACI DEMOKRASİ: OLASI RİSKLER VE FIRSATLAR

Siyaset biliminde yapılan yoğun tartışmalardan biri, farklı alt kültürlere sahip ülkelere, hangi demokrasi modellerinin uygun olabileceği konusudur. İçerisinde çok farklı alt kültürleri ve bunlara ait talepleri barındıran Suriye, 2011 yılından beri temelde yönetimsel sorunlarından kaynaklı patlak veren bir iç savaş yaşamaktadır. Ülkenin içinde bulunduğu durum aynı zamanda Suriye için demokrasi tartışmalarının da önünü açmıştır. Bu çalışmada da oydaşmacı demokrasi modeli, Suriye’nin toplumsal, siyasal ve tarihi yapısı üzerinden değerlendirilmiş ve modelin ülke için olası riskleri ve fırsatları ortaya konulmaya çalışılmıştır. Bu çalışmada, ilgili demokrasi teorisi öncelikle ayrıntılı olarak ele alınmış ve Suriye'nin tarihi yapısı incelenmiştir. Daha sonra Suriye'nin siyasal ve toplumsal dokusu analiz edilmiş, bunu genel olarak medya haberlerinin taranması ve ilgili kişisel görüşmelerin kullanılması yoluyla mevcut sürecin araştırılması takip etmiştir. Geleceğin Suriye’si için muhtemel bir model olan ‘consociational’ demokrasi modeli; nispi seçim sisteminin olduğu çok partili sistemde, federal ve ya merkezi olmayan yönetim, güçlü iki meclislilik ve diğer kurumlar ile geniş bir koalisyon kabinesinin temelinde güç paylaşımına vurgu yapan bir sistemi tarif etmektedir. Sonuç olarak modelin ülkedeki ayrılıkların daha bir derinleşmesi ve yeni kurulacak sistemin hantallığından kaynaklı işlevsiz kalması gibi oldukça riskli yönleri de bulunmaktadır. Bununla birlikte oydaşmacı modele ait, toplumun entelektüel kaynaklarını dikkate alarak, oydaşmacı araçları yerleştirmek kaçınılmazdır. Ülkedeki elitlerin etkili oldukları ve uzlaşmaya varabilmek için pazarlıkların yapılması gibi bazı özellikleri, geleceğin Suriye’sinde barış ve istikrarın devamı adına kullanılabileceği düşüncesine varılmıştır.

THE EFFECTIVENESS OF PRESIDENTIAL CABINET IN A MULTI-PARTY SYSTEM IN INDONESIA

The presidential cabinet system adopted by the Indonesia people has its own characteristics, namely the presidential cabinet system that is paired with a free multi-party system. The impact of the choice of system turned out to hamper the performance of the presidential cabinet, because of the many interventions of the coalition party members to the ministers who were in the cabinet. Not to mention that many laws and regulations have narrowed the President’s space in carrying out his authority that originated in the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. Of course, the state and conditions of the constitution like this, severely hampered the cabinet in realizing its vision and missions. This paper will examine how to make the Indonesian presidential cabinet system work effectively. 
 
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Analysis of Communication Networks among Political Elites in the Formation of Party Coalitions

The multi-party system and the limitations of the presidential threshold adopted by Indonesian democracy have encouraged political parties to coalesce with each other. This study aims to analyze communication networks and the special role of political elites in the formation of party coalitions in the 2019 Presidential Election in Indonesia. This research method adopts a communication network analysis to identify the structure of the communication network between political elites and the roles they play in relation to the formation of party coalitions for the 2019 Presidential Election. The findings indicated that the formation of party coalitions was not only due to the ideological similarities. It was also based on the existence of political profit and loss considerations in a coalition, both in targeting positions and targeting support to win the Presidential Election. Further, the experience of political actors in building relations also played an important role. The contribution of this research is in the form of recommendations for new methods of communication networks.

When Democracy Trumps Populism. European and Latin American Lessons for the United States. Weyland, Kurt and Raúl L.Madrid (Editors) Cambridge, Cambridge University Press (2019), 238 p., ISBN 978‐1‐108‐48354‐4

When Democracy Trumps Populism. European and Latin American Lessons for the United States. Weyland, Kurt and Raúl L.Madrid (Editors) Cambridge, Cambridge University Press (2019), 238 p., ISBN 978‐1‐108‐48354‐4

Legitimation of Private Property in the Means of Production in Ukraine

This article explores the sources of legitimacy of private property in the means of production in Ukraine. The conceptualization of legitimacy of private property was made by analyzing theoretical approaches to the study of the foundations of private property relations in Western countries. The application of these approaches tests economic utilitarian, psychological, and sociocultural explanations of legitimacy of large and small private enterprises and private land in the process of activation of post-communist transition of Ukrainian society. The basic hypothesis was that the process of legitimation of private property in the means of production proceeds by uniting utilitarian and psychological adaptation with sociocultural agreement of ideological attitudes. This hypothesis was verified with the help of created legitimacy indices by comparison of linear regressions and data of the Institute of Sociology of the National Academy of Sciences (NAS) of Ukraine for 2013 and 2017. The results indicate that the hypothesis has been held true only concerning legitimacy of small private enterprises. They have acquired a moderate extent of legitimacy owing to the fact that besides the factors of adaptation, social recognition has increased at the expense of people who support the multiparty system and the liberal and mixed methods of regulation of the economy. In contrast, the existence of large private enterprises and private land has not acquired the corresponding sociocultural foundation.