Multiparty System Research Articles

Democracy and State Formation Nexus: Experiences in Somaliland

ABSTRACT For democracy to be implemented, there should be a peaceful, functioning, and defined sustem of governance. Though scholars have different perspectives on the nexus between state formation and democracy, this article uses Somaliland as a case. Somaliland, a former British Protectorate and now de facto state in the Horn of Africa, has adopted a hybrid system of governance—traditional, religious, and modern democratic systems of governance. The democratization process in Somaliland started decades back. As per the literature reviewed, most of the researchers have studied the peace-building process and the state formation processes separately. They did not specifically investigate the nexus between democracy and state formation in Somaliland. To fill that gap, this article examines the experiences of Somaliland’s democratization process and its impact on state formation. It clarifies how a clan-based system of governance turned into a democratic multiparty system. The major findings of this article include that democracy has had a huge impact on Somaliland’s state formation process. Not only that, it contributed to the peace-building process as well. Above all, the people of Somaliland were keen on building trust among themselves with democratic principles during the state formation. The application of democracy has permitted Somaliland people the right of accountability where they can change the leaders by casting votes in elections. The characteristics and principles of democracy had emerged in Somaliland’s ruling systems even before it reclaimed its internationally fully recognized independence.

The Presidential System with a Multiparty System is Based on the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia

Coalitions of political parties built within the presidential system, especially in Indonesia, are non-binding and permanent. If government policies or programs are not famous or inline, political parties tend to engage in opposition. This study aims to determine the implementation of the presidential system with a multiparty system and efforts to realize a stable and dynamic government based on the Indonesian constitutional system. This research uses a normative approach. Types and sources of legal materials consist of primary legal materials, secondary legal materials, and tertiary legal materials. The analysis technique used in this research is the hermeneutic analysis method. The study results concluded that with the implementation of the presidential system with a multiparty system, it is rare for a President to be elected and from the majority party. Furthermore, with the election of a minority President and a majority in Parliament, the President will strengthen his position by forming a coalition. However, building a stable coalition is difficult in a multiparty presidential democracy. In this regard, the institutional engineering agenda that needs to be designed includes simplifying the number of factions in Parliament by tightening the threshold requirements for fraction formation; parliamentary coalition regulations aimed at both political blocs (coalition and opposition); strengthening the institution and authority of the Regional Representative Council to balance the House of Representatives so that checks and balances not only occur between the President and the House of Representatives but also between the House of Representatives and the Regional Representative Council.

Stable states with nonzero entropy under broken PT symmetry

The $\mathcal{PT}$-symmetric non-Hermitian systems have been widely studied and explored both in theory and in experiment these years due to various interesting features. In this work, we focus on the dynamical features of a triple-qubit system, one of which evolves under local $\mathcal{PT}$-symmetric Hamiltonian. A new kind of abnormal dynamic pattern in the entropy evolution process is identified, which presents a parameter-dependent stable state, determined by the non-Hermiticity of Hamiltonian in the broken phase of $\mathcal{PT}$-symmetry. The entanglement and mutual information of a two-body subsystem can increase beyond the initial values, which do not exist in the Hermitian and two-qubit $\mathcal{PT}$-symmetric systems. Moreover, an experimental demonstration of the stable states in non-Hermitian system with non-zero entropy and entanglement is realized on a four-qubit quantum simulator with nuclear spins. Our work reveals the distinctive dynamic features in the triple-qubit $\mathcal{PT}$-symmetric system and paves the way for practical quantum simulation of multi-party non-Hermitian system on quantum computers.

Eight Democratic Parties in China

China has eight democratic parties which established cooperative relations with the CPC. All the democratic parties earnestly performed the functions of participating in and deliberating on state affairs and exercising democratic supervision in China’s political life. Their participation in state affairs under the leadership of the CPC is a major indication of people's democracy. They are of great importance to enhance and develop the multi-party cooperation and political consultation system under the leadership of the CPC. This paper introduces the establishing time, the mainly component members, the founding background, the history evolution and the outstanding contributions of China’s eight democratic parties.

Economy and Culture: Is It Possible to Decode the Economy? [Book Review: “Because We Decided So”: Behavioral Economy of Belarus and Its Decoding / K. V. Rudy [et al.] ; Under the Scientific Ed. of K. V. Rudy. – Minsk: Zvezda, 2017. 368 р.

Slowing economic growth, failures of a number of reforms, and rising social tensions are problems encountered in many countries. K.V. Rudy, assistant to the President of the Republic of Belarus for economic issues (2013–2016), brought together a number of leading scientists of the Republic of Belarus and attempted to analyze the failure of the economic policy implemented by him during his public service. As one of the main reasons that the reform of the Belarusian economy could not be carried out according to the planned plan, he calls the culture of Belarusians and offers his view on the cultural matrix of Belarus. The monograph also offers a solution to the identified problem through decoding the economy by changing the cultural matrix, which should proceed in three directions: economic, institutional and socio-logical. The authors see economic decoding in improving the investment climate in order to attract foreign investment; institutional decoding – in changing existing economic, social and innovative development institutions; socio-logical decoding – in using educational paternalism through improving the education system, socio-political transformation by means of nudge ("nudge") and the renewal of the political system, which implies a multi-party system. Discussing the experience of a particular country, the authors of the monograph touch on an important topic of studying the influence of culture on the economy. The history of research on the relationship between economy and culture is rich, but the materials of the post- Soviet countries are of an isolated nature. The review discusses methodological issues that are fundamentally important in the organization of such research and substantiates the relevance of scientific analysis of this topic on the example of Russia.

Preaching to the Choir? Presidential Debates and Patterns of Persuasion in a Multiparty Presidential System

Abstract How does institutional context condition debates’ effects on vote choice during electoral campaigns? The literature on the United States suggests that debates’ effects on vote choice are minimal at best, reinforcing voters’ prior convictions more often than converting or activating them. There have been very few tests of debates’ effects in newer democracies, however, and the strong partisan identification among American voters might mean that this lack of impact is specific to the American context. In this article, the effects of presidential debates are tested in a younger democracy with a multiparty system and runoff presidential elections: Brazil. Data come from the Brazilian Electoral Panel Study, a seven-wave panel study conducted before, during, and after the 2014 Brazilian election. To rigorously measure presidential debates’ effect on voters’ likelihood to change candidates, a difference-in-differences regression was estimated with a generalized least squares (GLS) random-effects model. In the end, debates had a significant effect on vote choice in the first round of the 2014 Brazilian presidential election, as respondents who watched first-round debates were more likely to switch candidates after the debates had taken place than those who had not watched the debates. In the second round, however, when the field had been reduced to only two candidates, debates no longer affected voters’ propensity to change candidates.

The Exclusiveness of Political Parties and Growing Corruption in Indonesia’s Democracy

The most common definition of corruption is the abuse of public office for private gains. This definition is well formulated by Klitgaard in his elegant equation: Corruption=Monopoly+Discretion–Accountability. In order to improve this formula and make it fit with Indonesian context, Sujatmiko modified it to: Corruption=Monopoly+Discretion– Accountability–Social Control. The addition of ‘Social Control’ to this formula provides a sociological ground into the theoretical approach to corruption. However, the resulted formula still relies on ‘office-based definition of corruption’—a definition that, according to Warren, fits well in the context of administration and bureaucracy, but inadequate to properly understand corruption in a political context. In the case of Indonesian politics, a more ‘political definition’ of corruption is needed, since the emergence of political party as a strong democratic institution provides a fertile domain for corruption to proliferate. Warren’s ‘democratic conception of corruption’ has given a way for this kind of definition. However, in the context of practical politics in post-Soeharto Indonesia’s direct electoral and multiparty system, Warren’s framework needs to be contextualized by examining how the ‘real politics’ works, especially in inter-actors relations centering on political parties’ crucial role in gaining and distributing political power. In this regard, this article shows how the exclusiveness of political parties encourages the proliferation of politically corrupted practices among political actors in Indonesia

ANALISIS KEKUATAN DEMOKRASI DALAM ERA KOALISI KABINET PASCA REFORMASI 1998 DI INDONESIA

This study is motivated by an analysis of the reality of the multi-party presidential system which is the main aspect of the way back in the governance system in Indonesia, starting from the old order until the reform era in 1998, the plurality structure of the party became a forerunner to the survival of the coalition in the formulation of the Indonesian government cabinet. Consideration that is the prospect of seizing seats in the cabinet coalition is usually focused on the opportunity structure (strategy entry), where the strategy entry refers to the calculation of three important considerations that are political calculations, namely the cost of entering the arena (cost of entry), various benefits (benefits of office), and the possibility of obtaining support from voters (probably of receiving electoral support). In the target of realizing the political goals of the coalition parties, the main approach taken is to develop mutual benefits, namely the benefits of enjoying power. So that in formulating indicators of the success of a democratic country, this study also presents a comparison related to the implementation of a presidential government system in the United States and a parliamentary government system in the United Kingdom that has resulted in a democratic and stable government, as well as realizing a multi-party presidential system as a whole and optimizing dual functions businessman in internal political parties.

Ideological Tripolarization, Partisan Tribalism and Institutional Trust: The Foundations of Affective Polarization in the Swedish Multiparty System

Currently, very little is known about the individual level foundations of affective polarization outside the US context. This paper addresses this research gap by exploring the predictors of affective polarization in Sweden, using nationally representative survey data. From 2010 till the 2018 elections, the Swedish multiparty system was divided into two affectively converged mainstream party blocs that were moderately polarized between each other, and an asymmetrically polarized populist right party that invoked significantly more hostility from the supporters of mainstream parties than vice versa. To unpack the foundations of affective polarization in such a tripolar configuration, we employ a methodological approach that distinguishes not just between in‐ and outparties but also in‐ and out‐blocs, and separates different conflict dimensions. We find that: (1) voters with stronger partisan identities and more extreme political attitudes exhibit higher levels of affective polarization. The latter, however, is a better predictor of direct dislike towards political opponents; (2) the effects of political attitudes correspond to the tripolar nature of the party system: while affective polarization between the centre‐right and ‐left blocs is mostly driven by socioeconomic positions, the hostility towards Sweden Democrats links predominantly to cultural issues, most notably immigration; (3) institutional trust has a two‐edged relationship with affective polarization: populist right voters that trust the country’s central institutions more, are less polarized towards mainstream blocs, whereas among centre‐right voters, higher trust associates with stronger animosity towards Sweden Democrats. We believe that these findings could have broad implications for affective polarization research in multiparty systems.

Apportioning Uncertain Voters in Pre-Election Polls in a Multi-Party System

Apportioning Uncertain Voters in Pre-Election Polls in a Multi-Party System

Legislative Cross-carpeting, Multiparty System and the Challenges of Democratic Good Governance in Nigeria

The legislature is unarguably the fulcrum upon which democracy rests. Democracy, in this context, is representative government. Thus, the institution of the legislature as an assembly of elected representatives becomes the engine room of the structural framework upon which democratic governance is built. As history has shown, the beauty of legislature is greatly enhanced by a healthy multi-party system wherein elected representatives from different party backgrounds engage one another alongside party ideological positions with a view to deliberating on issue of governance and socio-economic well-being of the people. Legislative cross-carpeting in Nigeria is becoming a norm rather than exigency, and is taking a negative toll on the capacity of legislatures to fulfill their mandates as against functioning as merely rubber-stamp annexes of the executive/ruling party. This study examines the impacts of the wanton cross-carpeting, often times bereft of any ideological underpinning, that have characterized legislative assemblies in Nigeria and its implications on good governance. Among others, it concludes that concrete legal and political frameworks must be developed to check the direction of cross-carpeting in Nigeria’s legislative houses if good governance is to be entrenched.

ОБРАЗ ИДЕАЛЬНОГО БУДУЩЕГО: НОРМАТИВНЫЕ ПРЕДСТАВЛЕНИЯ РОССИЙСКИХ ГРАЖДАН О ВЛАСТИ

The study analyses citizens’ normative concepts of authorities. The concepts serve as reference for comparing real authorities with their ideal counterpart. Images of ideal authorities have a complicated psychological structure connected with archetypes of national political culture. This defined the set of research instruments that include: focused interviews, semantic differential method, projective methods (associative test, method of unfinished sentences, drawing test “Ideal Authorities”), and some others. The sample included 450 respondents from 20 regions. The study has shown the following. Besides immediate reactions to the authorities’ decisions and particular events, political behavior and mentality are also determined by deeper factors connected with ideal representations, values and archetypes that serve as references for citizens in their evaluation of real authorities. Images of the future play the role of an action acceptor preempting and tuning people’s behavior in the present. The absolute majority of the respondents (86%) believe that authorities are an intrinsic part of our social design. This does not mean that real authorities are so attractive for them. But in some ideal future the overwhelming majority (74.9%) evaluate authorities positively. The author’s data show that in recent years normative representations of authorities have essentially transformed in Russia. Citizens revised their expectations from authorities. On the unconscious level of authorities’ perception, the need for love, respect and care about people dominates over material needs. Lack of this need’s satisfaction causes the growth of political distrust, absenteeism and escapism. A number of archetypical representations in the images of ideal authorities have been revealed; these representations – of an integral, indivisible and sacred nature of authorities – constitute the core of Russian mass political mentality. The respondents do not share the idea of division of power into different branches or levels and their checks and balances. Executive power dominates the legislative and judicial ones not only in the present but also in the image of the future. Opposition seems to be equally incompatible with our tradition and is seen as artificial and “fake”. This attitude also concerns many other concepts of contemporary official political discourse. They are formally recognized but on unconscious level are called into question. New “democratic” norms and values constitute the peripheral part of political mentality. This layer of normative representations of authorities includes the ideas of power separation, the competition of elite groups and parties, the multiparty system etc. Thus, the structure of the images of authorities looks very heterogeneous and mosaic. Traditional representations and images dominate in it, but new ones have already penetrated mass mentality and gained a foothold in it though our citizens cannot understand why they need these images. These peripheral representations in the case of a crisis can be replaced by deeper and more authentic mental structures.

Hubungan Presiden dan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Pasca Amendemen Perspektif Teori Constitutional Retrogression

The term Constitutional Retrogression was introduced by Aziz Huq and Tom Ginsburg to identify regress of the constitution, given that the constitution is formed as a safeguard for democracy. This identification is based on three basic principles of democracy, namely, competitive elections, freedom of speech and assembly and the quality of the law. In recent years, proposals for government regulations to replace laws submitted by the President have received the blessing of the House of Representatives (DPR). Whereas in substance it is still considered problematic; such as the promulgation of Perppu No. 1 of 2017 on Social Organizations. This study uses a normative juridical method with a statutory and conceptual approach. The results of the study conclude that the relationship between the President and the DPR after the amendment to the 1945 Constitution has indicated Constitutional Retrogression, hence this study proposes several preventive measures, first, amending the regulations on the presidential threshold; second, elections in a multiparty system are held in a proportional system with an open list approach; third, the Constitutional Court must be an impartial institution to mediate between the President and the DPR, which is prone to causing arbitrariness in order to avoid abuse and regress of the constitution.

Research on the Evolution Path and Influence Factors of Core Enterprise Oriented Entrepreneurship Ecosystem Under the Government Regulation

The core enterprise oriented entrepreneurship ecosystem plays an important role in promoting the sustainable development of innovation and entrepreneurship and realizing the multi-agent win-win symbiosis. Based on the structure of the core enterprise oriented entrepreneurship ecosystem, this paper constructs an evolutionary game model with the participation of core enterprises, start-up enterprises and the government, analyzes the equilibrium point and corresponding stability conditions for the evolutionary game model, and carries out a simulation analysis on different stability conditions from the aspects of the initial willingness of the participants, the intensity of the subsidy and punishment, the cost and benefit of the strategy selection. The results show that: (1) In order to achieve different equilibrium states, different stability conditions should be satisfied, and there may be multiple stable points under each stability condition. (2) The initial intention will positively affect the subject’s positive strategy selection, and negatively affect the subject’s negative strategy selection. (3) The strategy selections of core enterprises, start-up enterprises and the government will be affected by many factors, and different factors have different influences on the directions and degrees of the main strategy selections. Based on these conclusions, we can build a unified information platform, set up a moderately high, flexible reward and punishment mechanism, and build a multi-party collaborative governance system. In addition, we can also use the stability conditions to judge the development status of the ecosystem to promote the formation of the ideal core enterprise oriented entrepreneurship ecosystem.

Иркутская митрополия: страницы истории

On January 21, 1727, the Irkutsk Diocese was established. Its opening was the result of Orthodoxy in spread in Eastern Siberia, which began in the 17th century. Irkutsk became the center of a new diocese. In 1727, there were 8 churches and 2 monasteries, while the city was developing dynamically while being the administrative center. In 1822, it included the territory of the Yenisei Province. The easternmost diocese of Russia turned out to be the largest in terms of territory – about 10 million square kilometers, occupying more than half of the entire territory of the country and extending over two continents. In 1826, the diocese was transferred from the 3rd grade to the 2nd grade, and its bishop became the archbishop. In the future, all the lords (church leaders) received the same rank, sometimes not immediately. An important event in its history was the canonization by the Synod in December 1804 of the first bishop Innokenty Kulchitsky. The most famous in Eastern Siberia was the Ascension Monastery, which became the spiritual center of the diocese. There were four churches, a chapel, a hotel, a school, cell buildings, and outbuildings. The high bell tower, the five-domed Ascension Cathedral, and other churches and buildings were distinguished by their beauty and richness. Dramatic events of the early twentieth century forced the Irkutsk clergy to take part in social and political life. In the emerging multi-party system, they relied on right-wing and centrist political parties. Under the Soviet regime, the Irkutsk diocese, as well as the Orthodox Church as a whole, was targeted by a wave of repressions (purges). The attitude of the state to religion began to change in the conditions of perestroika. This allowed the Orthodox Church to receive a powerful impetus for its development. The result of this was the establishment of the Irkutsk Metropolis, which included the Irkutsk, Bratsk and Sayan dioceses.

Neo-Ottoman Nostalgia in Contemporary Turkey

The article examines the phenomenon of neo-Ottoman nostalgia in the context of attempts to shape a new post-Kemalist civil identity. Today, neo-Ottomanism is making itself heard in various spheres of life in Turkish society: in culture, cinema and literature, politics and elsewhere. The new Turkey is making every effort to tie together individual parts of its fragmentary identity. This being said, an ambivalent approach to the Ottoman heritage is widespread amongst various strata of Turkish society. Most of the founding fathers of the secular republic took a negative view of the Ottoman past and blamed the empire for a string of failures that beset it at the dawn of its new existence – extensive territorial losses and numerous military defeats. The Kemalist nation building project gave rise to a modern Turkish nation which was supposed to become part of the Western world. At the same time, the appeal to Ottoman narratives reemerged after the transition to a multiparty system in the 1950s; admiration for the Ottoman past increased noticeably in the 1980s and has now reached its peak under the Justice and Development Party (JDP). The party leaders are striving to create a new identity for contemporary Turkey, construing and interpreting history in their own way. It should also be taken into account that the growing interest in Ottoman history in contemporary Turkey reflects changes in both the state’s political discourse and popular culture. This nostalgia for the past reinterprets and decontextualizes previously clearly formulated and enshrined symbols, ideas and historical facts.

Некоторые особенности демократизации государственно-политической системы в республиках Северного Кавказа в постсоветский период

This article reveals the features and main trends of the process of democratization of the statepolitical system in the North Caucasus republics in the post-Soviet period. It is noted that the state-political systems of the North Caucasus republics are characterized by both democratic and authoritarian tendencies. The author emphasizes that in recent decades, the opportunities for democratic change of the political elite in the North Caucasus region have been significantly limited, which is primarily due to changes in legislation at the Russian and regional levels, primarily related to the actual abolition of direct national elections of heads of republics and municipalities. The national republics of the North Caucasus are characterized by a high concentration of power in the hands of top officials, which is due to the poorly established work of government bodies with appeals from citizens, the inefficiency of public chambers, the underdevelopment of the middle class, the unstructured civil society, and the lack of an effective multi-party system that can form a real opposition.

Трансформация партийной системы Германии

This article is devoted to the changes of the party system of Germany. In recent years, the transformation of the party system has caused several political crises. Party spectrum is pluralized and polarized in Germany. Regional differences also increase. In this situation, the German parties are in search of new dynamics. The consequence of this is that all the main parties are now factional. The system that existed in Germany for more than half a century, with the dominance of two political forces (CDU/CSU and SPD), gradually evolved into the “one and a half” party system (only CDU/CSU dominates). The question is whether evolution will continue towards simple multi-party system, or the “one and a half” party system will remain. With a significant degree of certainty, one can say that a return to a “two and a half” party system is impossible. Changes in the party-political system lead to an increase in the diversity of the composition of the coalitions ruling in Germany. German political parties should learn how to create coalitions of three political forces, also at the federal level. The main trend of the coming years for CDU, CSU and SPD will be an attempt to return to their traditional platforms. However, a full return is impossible. More frequent red-red-green coalitions can be expected, including the federal level. But, nevertheless, serious changes in the German party system did not lead to its chronic incapacity – the system adapted to them.

Further strengthening of the role of political parties in uzbekistan as an important factor in building civil society

The article analyzes the process of the formation and development of a multi-party system in Uzbekistan, as well as regulatory documents governing the activities of political parties. It also highlights the features of the country's political parties. This limits the direct participation of the population in government decision-making, which, in turn, leads to the emergence and spread of other forms ofpolitical participation to express individual and group interests. Thus, the ongoing political reforms provide for the emergence of political parties as independent political institutions. From the point of view of national politics, a political party operating in a country, participating in elections, trying to win a majority of seats in parliament, enter or influence government, is part of the national political system.

Legal restrictions on the right of association in political parties and their interpretation in court decisions: comparative legal analysis

The article examines the issue of exercising the freedom of association in political parties in Russia in a comparative analysis with the leading democratic countries of the world. Modern democracies cannot be imagined without political parties, which are the representors of the interests of their voters in legislative bodies and local government bodies. The development of civil society and the entire political system in the country depends on how the freedom of association in political parties and the access of parties to participate in elections is realized. The development of legislation on political parties in the Russian Federation proceeded unevenly. In the first years after the adoption of the Constitution the legislative body did not introduce strict requirements for parties. The adoption of a special federal law on political parties in 2001 became a turning point in the development of the party system. The author identifies two large blocks of restrictions on the creation of parties. The first is legislative restrictions, the second is the restrictions that arise from the unfair activities of legislative and law enforcement agencies. In this work, legislative restrictions are compared with restrictions in other democracies, as well as based on legal positions developed by the European Court of Human Rights. The author comes to the opinion that some restrictions on the creation of parties are not necessary now, in the meantime they significantly narrow the possibilities of party creation and political competition. First, we are talking about a ban on the creation of regional parties. The Constitutional Court in its legal positions indicated that this restriction is temporary and will be lifted over time. Within the framework of this work, the author will give suggestions on changing the approach to the creation of political parties in Russia, which should affect the emergence of new strong parties at different levels of public authority. The author believes that a system of “controlled multiparty system” has developed in Russia, which is implemented both in changing the legislation on political parties based on the interests of the “party in power” and the practice of the registration body, which prevents the formation of new parties claiming to redistribute the existing distribution of forces. Based on the analysis of the legislation on political parties, law enforcement practice, decisions of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation, the ECHR and the legislation of foreign countries, the author proposes approaches to reforming the existing party system, which include small cosmetic changes and large-scale changes in approaches to the creation of parties.