Multiparty System Research Articles

Towards an evaluation of the nexus between unfettered, unregulated capitalism, donor aid and debt relief inconsistencies, and the problem of post-election violence in Kenya

ABSTRACT Although internal structural factors in emerging democracies and factors related to the electoral process and contest remain indispensable in understanding post-election violence, they are not sufficient in an era of full-fledged neoliberal globalisation, enshrined in the Washington Consensus and the productivist development model enforced by the World Bank. Accordingly, this paper approaches electoral violence in Africa through the lens of unfettered, unregulated capitalism. Based on insights from Belgian historian Éric Toussaint, it assumes the posture that violent contestation of state power, in Kenya, is also indicative of the insatiable pursuit of profit, by global capitalists. Grounded in historical data from Human Rights Watch annual reports (1991–2008), it tests, through Kenya’s first four multiparty elections conducted during the Moi and Kibaki eras, covering the period 1992–2007, the hypothesis that ‘Aid and debt relief inconsistencies by donors and international financial institutions have emboldened the Kenyan government to disregard human rights, leading to impunity, which has yielded post-election violence’. It finds, partly, that ‘donors seem willing to countenance harassment and intimidation of the Kenyan government’s critics as long as the government continues to liberalize the economy and retain a multiparty system in name’, an element that could also explain post-election violence.

An Anomaly in Political Recruitment: The Logic of Cross Candidacy in 2020 Jambi Provincial-Local Election

When political parties are more open in political recruitment, anomalies sometimes occur, as happened in the 2020 Jambi local election (Pilkada). Political parties nominated other party cadres as candidates and produce the phenomenon of cross candidacy. By conducting a document study in qualitative research, this article finds that cross candidacy occurs because the nomination system is not in line with the multi-party system and the proportional electoral system. In response, the rules of political parties have become more elastic. This phenomenon is also influenced by the dynamics between internal party actors at the regional level even though decision-making is ultimately centralized. Cross candidacy is also supported by the perception that the Pilkada takes place as a contestation of candidate figures rather than a representation of the ideology and platform of political parties.

The Impact of Undecided Voters in Israeli Elections

This paper examines the impact of undecided voters in elections campaigns in Israel. The question asked here is if undecided voters can break the political dead-lock which became evident in four consecutive elections in just two years – between 2019 and 2021. The paper argues that the crucial role of undecided voters is the result of four main developments. The first is the multi-party parliamentary system, which allows the voters to swing between different parties and influence on handful of options to form coalition government. The parliamentary system emphasizes the excessive and crucial role of small parties to determine who will be in power – which means that they are in a position to impose their extreme ideology on the entire society. The second is that participation in elections is constantly declining, increasing the impact of motivated voters who follow the campaigns closely before making their final decision. The fact that this audience is persuaded by specific events and not by ideology or social identity allows to maximize the impact of their vote. The third is related to technological and cultural changes. Digital and social media have become popular among Israeli young people and first time voters, allowing them to promote new social and political behavior and bypass the censorship of traditional media and the traditional ideology of non-first time voters and the old political establishment.

DILEMA SISTEM MULTIPARTAI DALAM SISTEM PRESIDENSIAL DI INDONESIA

There are several kinds of governance systems in the world such as the presidential and parliamentary. Each system has advantages and disadvantages of government, characteristics, and individual differences. But it also has a system of government which makes it a perfect indicator, while Indonesia adheres to a presidential system and a multiparty system as well. The problem is when these two systems can not run well because the two systems should not constitute a suitable system.

Elections as a means of citizens political education: a comparative study between Indonesia and Malaysia

The purpose of this study is to compare Indonesian and Malaysian elections in terms of (1) legal basis, (2) organizing institution, (3) implementation, (4) political party function, and (5) public participation. It was a library study using a qualitative approach. Documentation was used to gather information. The data were analyzed descriptively using the Miles and Haberman model. The data were collected, grouped, reduced, interpreted, and concluded. The data were interpreted based on concepts, theories, and critical analysis. Cross-checking was used as the data validity technique. The results of this study are (1) Indonesia has hosted 12 elections, some of which have been influenced by political dynamics, including Law No. 12 of 2003 concerning Elections for the 2004 Election, Law No. 10 of 2008, and Law No. 7 of 2017 concerning Elections. Malaysian elections are governed by two laws: (a) the Malaysian Law on General Election Deed 1958 and (b) the Malaysian Law on General Election Error Act 1954. (c) P.U.(A) 293/2002 concerning the General Election (Voter Registration) Regulation last amended by P.U.(A) 106/2012; (d) P.U.(A) 185/2003 concerning Election Regulation (Post Elections) 2003; (e) P.U.(A) 386/1981 concerning General Election Regulations (Execution of Grand Elections) 1981, last amended by P.U. (A) 134/2013. (2) General Election Commission (KPU) is the name of the election organizers, whereas General Election Institute is the name of the election organizers in the New Order Era (LPU). Suruhanjaya Choice Raya is the Malaysian election organizer (SPR) (3) The election system in Malaysia is simpler and more efficient. Malaysia uses the District Election System which is based on the location of the election district, not the population. The election system in Indonesia uses the proportional election system. (4) Malaysia is a constitutional monarchy and adheres to a parliamentary democracy system. Both Indonesia and Malaysia adhere to a multi-party system. (5) The average voter turnout in Malaysian elections is 85 percent, while voter turnout in Indonesia is only 74 percent. In general, Malaysian elections are worse than those in Indonesia. In Malaysia, election organizers tend to favor government parties. Suruhanjaya Choice Raya Malaysia (SPR) barred Diaspora residents in other nations from using the post in 2018, claiming that the Diaspora favored opposition parties.

The Political Cartel of Presidential Candidacy through Threshold Brings Up a Single Candidate

AbstractThe practice of presidential nomination by using a threshold through political parties or coalitions of political parties in Indonesia is still carried out because Indonesia adheres to a multi-party system. However, the regulation regarding the threshold for presidential nomination is prone to political transactions between parties. The reason is that there is no equality of access to presidential nominations between new political parties and old political parties considering that political parties are a defining element of representative democracy (Political parties are a defining element of representative democracy), this practice threatens the rights of minority political parties and limits the emergence of presidential candidates. The threshold in the nomination of President based on the decision of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia Number 74/PUU/XVII/2020 regarding the review of Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning Elections is referred to as an open legal policy which is the authority of the House of Representatives in forming the Law on Elections. This study aims to evaluate the application of the threshold in the nomination of President with the principle of justice. This research is a doctrinal research using a case approach and a law approach. This study was conducted by looking at the development of the application of thresholds in elections and the provisions stipulated in the Election Law. The results of the study indicate that it is necessary to establish an ideal implementation model based on the principle of justice in order to guarantee the rights of minority political parties and avoid the emergence of a single presidential candidate.Keywords: Political Cartel; President Threshold; Single Candidate.

Features of the political regime of Russia

The authoritarian political Regime of Russia determines aggressive behavior of this country in the foreign and domestic politics. Because of this the studding of this regime is actual both in theoretical and practical points of views. The main features of this regime in Russian reality stems from its hybrid nature and they are: authoritarian autocratic characteristics; but it is not the traditional authoritarianism the theory and practice of which we know from history. First of all, its specificity follows from the propaganda load of the regime and due to the control over the state media, the government achieves an information dictatorship; which is enough to form public opinion and reduce the need for repression: The second feature is the coexistence of democratic elements (limited pluralism, multi-party system, opposition television) with the totalitarian ones (coalescence of ruling party and the state, secret police, servile political culture). The third feature is the autocratic nature, the Putin-tailored constitution, the legislative acts which in Putin’s view are necessary. To study the Russian regime we use the theory .of cyclic development, according to which authoritarian cycles of political modernization are associated with geopolitical successes, and short term liberalization efforts, which always ended in failures, are associated with unsuccessful domestic and foreign policy. In all these cases initiatives always comes from the political elites and people plays a role of their supporters. Because of this researchers believe that civic society could not acquire subjectivity. In our view, political culture has a decisive influence on the political regime in Russia. The characteristics of Russian political culture are: faith of a powerful state and leader; Great Russian messianic chauvinism, which is the idea of Russian identity and part of the mentality of the people, as well as the ideas of social equality of sovereign democracy, subjective orientations and imperial thinking, which playa dominant role in the public consciousness. Therefore, those researchers and statesman who believe that chauvinism comes only from Putin are wrong. The main reason must be the imperial consciousness of the people. The article confirms the hypothesis that the natural development of Russia is authoritarian. It will take decades (in case of the desire of the authorities) to eradicate from the minds of citizens the elements of authoritarian culture, which for centuries have been fixed in their minds and passed from generation to generation.

The Making of Radical‐Right Voters: Persuasion and Contrast Effects in a Dynamic Political Context

Under what circumstances do first‐time radical‐right party (RRP) voters become more identified with the right‐wing label? Also, when do they perceive the center‐right party as more left wing and evaluate it more negatively? To answer these two intertwined questions, this article leverages the dynamic political context of Germany during the 2013–17 election cycle. In this election cycle, the political arena became abruptly polarized, as the refugee crisis took place and the Alternative for Germany (AfD) broke into 13 subnational parliaments. Using a unique longitudinal dataset, I find that first‐time AfD voters experienced a persuasion effect in such a polarized environment, as they became slightly more right wing. In addition, I find a contrast effect among these voters, as they came to perceive the Christian Democratic Union as more left wing and judged it more negatively. These findings have important implications for understanding the psychological processes of first‐time RRP voters in a multiparty system, as they show how a polarized environment can shape RRP voters' ideological identity and motivate them to see the mainstream center‐right party as an outgroup.

Reflections on the Revolutionary Activities of László Iván Kovács

László Iván Kovács, commander of Corvin passage between 25th of October of 1956 and 1st of November and then second-in-command until 4th of November, was one of the legendary figures of the Hungarian revolution of 1956. He proved to be an able commander, who did not forget humanity even while fighting. He transferred wounded Soviet soldiers to the Soviet Headquarters. He forbade arbitrary punishment even against suspected of being members of the ÁVH.2 He wanted to preserve the purity of the revolution. He consistently stood up for the independence of Hungary, for a multiparty political system, for free elections and for the removal of Soviet troops he was willing to accept the government of Imre Nagy until the next elections. László Iván Kovács’s activities after the 4th of November were perhaps as significant during the revolution of 1956. During the revolution, he planned to rescue the Minister of Defence, Pál Maléter. László Iván Kovács founded the Turul party. He planned to establish a new revolutionary national army. He embraced the idea of Hungary as a democracy based on an independent and multi-party political system. These ideas weighed as heavily in the eyes of his interrogators and judges as his armed activities during the revolution. He set an example both during and after the struggle. His execution made him a martyr of the revolution.

The concept and types of guarantees of the right of political parties to participate in elections

Participation in elections is the right of Russian political parties and their duty which they must fulfill in seven years. In the period from 2019 to 2021, 28 political parties were dissolved for non-participation in elections. Therefore, the guarantee of this right is an important issue. The establishment of system of such guarantees contributes to the further development of democratic institutions, broad representation of various groups of the population, and the qualitative development of multiparty system. The purpose of this study is to develop a theory on guarantees of the right of political parties to participate in elections, to formulate proposals for improving such system. The scientific novelty of the study is due to the following: the concept of “guarantees of the right of political parties to participate in elections” was introduced taking into consideration the content of the said right; a classification of guarantees of the right of political parties to participate in elections — guarantees of the acquisition, implementation and protection — was proposed; the position according to which in Russia there are special guarantees that are absent in the electoral legislation of foreign countries was reasoned; proposals to improve the system of guarantees were formulated. In the present research, the author’s theoretical provisions were formulated, deepening the knowledge on the above-mentioned guarantees, which will allow them to be used as a basis for further development in the field of constitutional and legal science. To achieve the research aims, method of formal logic, formal and legal as well as comparative legal methods were used. When studying the experience of foreign countries (Serbia, Denmark, Iceland, Finland, Spain, Italy, the Netherlands, New Zealand, France, Germany) classical guarantees of the right of political parties to participate in elections were revealed: guarantees of party autonomy, financial guarantees, guarantees of election campaigns and guarantees of publicity, guarantees of control during voting, guarantees of appeal. The study also determined that, in Russia, there are some special guarantees related to the historical and political features of the formation of the national multiparty system, as well as to the need to establish a balance in the interaction of the state and political parties. As a result, proposals were made to improve the system of guarantees of the right of political parties to participate in elections.

The political economy of partidariza��o within the postcolonial state in Angola

The partidariza��o has been central to state formation in postcolonial Angola. Previous research has highlighted how the MPLA has used its control of the postcolonial state to subvert its institutions. This article analyses how changes in the balance and distribution of power in Angola have led to different reconfigurations of partidariza��o over time. Whereas partidariza��o emerged as a tool of co-optation, first under President Neto and later under President Dos Santos, it was subsequently also crucial to securing the MPLA�s viability under the multiparty system. Finally, when the balance of power shifted towards Dos Santos in the post-war period, partidariza��o became an essential tool for the President to assert his personal control over the party and the state. Ultimately, it is argued that this new dimension of partidariza��o has contributed to the demise of President Dos Santos as calls for reform started to emerge from civil society.

Non-Repudiation-based Network Security System using Multiparty Computation

Security has always been a prominent concern over the network, and various essential requirements are required to cater to an efficient security system. Non-repudiation is a requirement about the non-deniability of services acting as a bridge between seamless relaying of service/data and efficient security implementation. There have been various studies carried out towards strengthening the non-repudiation system. There are certain pitfalls that render inapplicability on dynamic cases of vulnerability. The conventional two-party non-repudiation schemes have been widely explored in the existing literature. But this paper also advocates the adoption of multi-party computation, which has better feasibility toward strengthening a distributed security system. The current work presents a survey on the existing approaches of non-repudiation to investigate its effectiveness in the multi-party system. The prime aim of the proposed work is to analyze the current research progress and draw a research gap as the prominent contribution of the proposed study. The manuscript begins by highlighting the issues concerning multi-party strategies and cryptographic approaches, and the security requirements and standardization are briefly discussed. It then describes the essentials of non-repudiation and examines state-of-the-art mechanisms. Finally, the study summarizes and discusses research gaps identified through the review analysis.

A Secure Multi-party Data Federation System

In the era of big data, data is of great value as an essential factor in production. It is of great significance to implement its analysis, mining, and utilization of large-scale data via data sharing. However, due to the heterogeneous dispersion of data and increasingly rigorous privacy protection regulations, data owners cannot arbitrarily share data, and thus data owners are turned into data silos. Since data federation can achieve collaborative queries while preserving the privacy of data silos, we present in this paper a secure multi-party relational data federation system based on the idea of federated computation that ``data stays, computation moves.'' The system is compatible with a variety of relational databases and can shield users from the heterogeneity of the underlying data from multiple data owners. On the basis of secret sharing, the system implements the secure multi-party operator library supporting the secure multi-party basic operations, and the resulting reconstruction process of operators is optimized with higher execution efficiency. On this basis, the system supports query operations such as Summation (SUM), Averaging (AVG), Minimization/Maximization (MIN/MAX), equi-join, and $\theta $-join and makes full use of multi-party features to reduce data interactions among data owners and security overhead, thus effectively supporting efficient data sharing. Finally, experiments are conducted on the benchmark dataset TPC-H. The experimental results show that the system can support more data owners than the current data federation systems SMCQL and Conclave and has higher execution efficiency in a variety of query operations, exceeding the existing systems by as much as 3.75 times.

Датская народная партия и трансформации иммиграционной политики Дании

The author explores the history of the Danish People’s Party and its effect on Danish immigration policy. The DPP was founded in 1995. It successfully continued the anti-immigration course of the Danish Progress Party fallen into disrepair. The Danish People’s Party represented a synthesis of several political currents: the Lutheran movement Tidehverv and its journal, intellectual nationalists from the Danish Association, and conservative populists from the Progress Party. The DPP seeks to drastically reduce non-Western immigration, opposes Islamization and favors cultural assimilation of immigrants. For 25 years, the Danish People’s Party has managed to maneuver between establishment parties and their small partners in the complicated multi-party political system of Denmark. Dissociated from radical elements, the DPP has occupied a stable position on the right of the traditional bourgeois parties. It has broken the long-term influence of centrist parties, and especially radical left-wing parties, on Danish policy. Collaboration with liberal-conservative forces from 2001 to 2011 and from 2015 to 2019 was the most productive for the Party. The DPP played a key role in writing the rules and conditions for immigration in the immigration law that was established by the government in May 2002. Most importantly, the document provided for strong restrictions in immigration policies, which resulted in what is often described as Europe’s strictest immigration laws. The 24-year rule has drawn a lot of attention. Thanks to European migrant crisis, the 2015 general election was historic for the Danish People’s Party. It got unprecedented electoral support and became Denmark’s second largest political party. However, the Party suffered a major defeat in the 2019 general election, recording its worst result since the establishment by wining 8.7% of votes – down from 21% in 2015, for the following reasons: depletion of anti-immigrant rhetoric and seizing the traditional DPP initiative by the establishment, increased political competition and party’s collaboration with the Social Democrats, unexpected for the DPP voters.

Особливості формування партійних систем країн Тропічної Африки

The peculiarities of party building in the countries of Tropical (Sub-Saharan, Black) Africa are characterized. It is emphasized that party building takes place within the framework of a non-Western type of political process. The main features of the political process for the countries of Tropical Africa are highlighted: 1) a specific way of organizing power, which combines the principles and institutions of old (traditional, colonial) and new forms of autocracy and democracy; 2) the institution of elections is the only full-fledged democratic institution in Africa, although the procedures for their holding are constantly violated; 3) a long stay in power of one party and the constancy of political leaders; 4) presidential-parliamentary form of government, which is essentially presidential; 5) lack of stabilizing rational bureaucracy; 6) significant (sometimes dominant) influence of the army on the political process; 7) underdevelopment of civil society; 8) weakness of political parties, their clan nature, evolution towards the regime of personal power, populist strategies of their activities; 9) tribalism; 10) hybrid political regime. The main periods of the development of political parties in the countries of Tropical Africa are distinguished and studied: the first: between the First and Second World Wars (the birth of political parties); the second: 1945–1970 (formation of multi-party system); the third: the 80s of the XX century. (dominance of one-party systems); the fourth: starting from the 1990s, the main characteristic of which is the transition to multipartyism.The main characteristics of political parties in Tropical Africa are studied: the impossibility of determining the number of parties; weakness of the organizational structure; narrowed program and ideological spectrum of parties; great typological diversity. A typology of political parties is proposed: 1) Traditional parties of the local elite; 2) Customer batches; 3) Class mass parties; 4) Pluralist mass parties; 5) Nationalist parties; 6) Mono-ethnic parties; 7) Polyethnic (congress) parties (union, coalition of ethnic parties); 8) Religious parties; 9) Fundamentalist parties and neo-totalitarian religious parties; 10) Electoral parties; 11) Personalist parties; 12) Parties-movements; 13) Parties of "new politics"/ one or two topical issues. Conclusions are made regarding the peculiarities of the functioning of political parties in the countries of Tropical Africa in the conditions of democratic transit, as a rule, this is a hybrid political regime.

Formation and Development of a Multi-Party System in Uzbekistan

Formation and Development of a Multi-Party System in Uzbekistan

On the role of multiparty system in the formation of civil society in the Russian Federation

On the role of multiparty system in the formation of civil society in the Russian Federation

Drivers of Chaos in the Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo Warfare

Eastern DRC is seriously affected by a protracted warfare involving illicit exploitation of natural resources, corruption, humanitarian crisis and terrorism carried out by armed groups including the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) and the Movement of 23 March (M23). According to DRC government, M23 is a terrorist group supported by Rwanda Defence Forces (RDF). Invasion and terrorism drive the war and the chaos. For Rwanda, fighting and chaos derive from ethnic conflicts over land, citizenship, local political power, and state failures. To many observers, ongoing violence and fighting are driven by rent seeking by Congolese military commanders, lack of State authority, distorted rule of law at both national and local levels, the abuse of public office for private gain (corruption), failed defence/security and justice sector reforms, undisciplined civilian armed and unarmed combatants, warlords and opportunist warmongers. Overall, state failures combined with globalized war diseconomy as conducted by multinational companies, failed multiparty system regarding democratic governance system drive ongoing chaos and armed violence, beyond government control and defence capabilities, despite peace agreements and the involvement of international and regional peace peacekeeping initiatives. Our analysis suggests that the war strategy being used resembles to what McKew refers to as the Gerasimov Doctrine, a chaos theory of political warfare which is used by Russia in Ukraine war. It is a silent total warfare combining politics and war activities with the objective of weakening, controlling and submitting an enemy by influencing its domestic politics and security. It creates a chaotic environment as a result of Clausewitzian friction. Hence, the search for sustainable peace and political stability needs to address factors which drive and sustain the chaos. Such strategic change requires top leadership involvement at the Head of State level, in his capacity of commander in chief of the armed forces. It is a matter of rebuilding the State, transforming non-state forces into a professional military and inducing few innovations into the defence reform process. Such innovations will include establishing territorial armies in eastern provinces where armed groups and foreign forces take advantage of State weaknesses to exploit resources and abuse local defenceless populations.

Democratization and the Revival of Multiparty System in Russia and Hungary on the eve of the collapse of the USSR: a comparative aspect

Democratization and the Revival of Multiparty System in Russia and Hungary on the eve of the collapse of the USSR: a comparative aspect

Pelaksanaan Sistem Pemerintahan Presidensial Dengan Multi Partai Di Indonesia

The government system in post-reform Indonesia is a presidential system with many parties. The advantage of this system is that it is more democratic because many parties are considered to accommodate the wishes and interests of people from various backgrounds through political parties, while the weakness is that it is difficult for the ruling party if it is not in the majority. The purpose of this study was to determine the implementation of a presidential system of multi-party governance in post-reform Indonesia. The results of the study are that in a presidential government system with many parties (multi-party system) such as in Indonesia, it will cause problems if no political party wins the election with a majority vote, the President must build a coalition with a number of political parties that have representatives in the House of Representatives (DPR). DPR). Since the holding of the 1999 and 2004 elections, there have been efforts to simplify political parties, by reducing the number of election participants through the electoral threshold and then changing since 2009 to reducing the number of political parties that may sit in parliament by using the minimum threshold requirement (parliamentary threshold). However, this method has not been successful because there are still relatively many political parties sitting in parliament, this is due to the parliamentary threshold that is too small. Ideally, the parliamentary threshold, which was previously 4% in the 2019 election, is raised to 8% in the 2024 election. Thus, a strong, effective and stable presidential government system with only 4 (four) to 6 (six) political parties will be realized.