Multiparty System Research Articles

Affective Polarization Between Opinion-Based Groups in a Context of Low Partisan Discord: Measuring Its Prevalence and Consequences

Abstract Affective polarization has been primarily studied as a phenomenon between partisans. Recently, Hobolt, Leeper, & Tilley (2021) showed in the context of Brexit that affective polarization can also materialize around opinion-based groups, that is, political identities that form around extraordinary issues and cut through partisan lines. We generalize their findings by documenting the emergence of affective polarization around a new political conflict in a national context of low partisan discord. Specifically, we study divisions around the government response to the COVID-19 pandemic in Germany, a multiparty system where all established parties supported certain freedom restrictions to contain the pandemic. Drawing on numerous indicators and a survey experiment from a representative online panel study, we explored the (a) prevalence, (b) consequences, and (c) context of affective polarization between supporters and opponents of COVID-19 containment policies. We found that the majority of supporters and a minority of opponents showed indications of affective polarization. Affectively polarized citizens showed various group biases that make productive political and social interactions less likely. Affective polarization was stable over time and different from partisan and sociostructural conflicts. We raise questions for future research and discuss what it means for democracy when deep political rifts are not captured by main parties in a party system.

STURSHEL SATIRICAL NEWSPAPER – POLITICAL TRANSITION AND HUMOUR STANDARDS

The article focuses primarily on the Bulgarian satirical newspaper Sturshel (Hornet) – the most famous and one of the longest-lasting humorous editions in Bulgaria, which was first published in 1946. During the communist regime in the country the Sturshel was an edition of the Central Committee of the Bulgarian Communist party, which was the ruling party for 45 years. The political transformations in 1989 led to dramatical changes in the public life and the freedom of speech that had not been allowed during the previous historical period. The editors of the newspaper started their fight for independence and a few months after November 1989 the Sturshel was free from the Party’s guardianship and became one of the most trusted editions according to the statistical data and market results. Some of the short sentences, caricatures’ captions, and anecdotes published in the newspaper achieved huge popularity and many of them were turned into slogans born by people during political rallies and strikes. On the other hand, the Sturshel published many short reports from different street events and encouraged people to fight for new ethical values, based on the principles of political freedom, multiparty system and personal dignity. Laughter was used as a powerful instrument by the journalists and caricaturist to help people overcome the fear imposed by the totalitarian regime. Some of the mechanisms of this process are also analyzed in the article.

Does the Reform of the Parliamentary and Presidential Threshold Strengthen the Presidential System in Indonesia?

The attempt to purify Indonesia's multiparty presidential system was only reflected after the Third Amendment to the 1945 Constitution. However, it took work to implement it. In practice. Various measures have been taken, including party alliances and introducing voting barriers in parliamentary elections. Therefore, analysing the relationship between electoral thresholds and their ideal proportions in the form of legal-political reforms to strengthen the Indonesian presidential system is interesting. This is in line with the purpose of this study, which is to uncover and analyse the legal politics of electoral thresholds in an attempt to strengthen the presidential system of government in Indonesia. The approach adopted in this study is a theoretical approach with legal, conceptual, comparative and historical approaches. This study concludes that the legitimate political renewal of the electoral vote threshold is not closely related to efforts to strengthen Indonesia's system of multiparty presidential government. The ideal way to reform the legal, political threshold for electoral votes would be to set the parliamentary threshold at 2.5%, but at the same time tighten controls over the parties participating in the election, and the 2.5% threshold serves as President to maintain a balance between the parliamentary and presidential thresholds. In addition, it is also important to strengthen consensus (consensus democracy) among coalition political parties. There is still a desire to abolish the presidential threshold through the People's Representative Council (DPR) instead of the Constitutional Court (MK).

Political parties in Indonesia through the elections (1945-2019)

Indonesian political parties were born early and are closely associated with historical periods of Indonesia. In the pre-independence period, some political parties in Indonesia appeared, but their struggle goals and action programs were not clear and not recognized by the Dutch colonial government because they were considered against the authorities and destabilized the security situation. In the post-independence period, Indonesian political parties flourished and played a certain role in the Indonesian political system. In each period of Indonesian history after 1945, the number of political parties as well as their goals were also very different. The multi-party or single-party system in the Indonesian political system is dominated and controlled by the government. Using the historical research method and interdisciplinary approach, especially political sciences, the article studies Indonesian political parties through 3 periods.: (1) the Old Order, (2) the New Order, and (3) the Reform. In each period, the article examines the existence and role of Indonesian political parties through elections as well as their participation in legislative institution. At the same time, the article also examines Indonesia’s democracy through elections in the above three periods.

Regulatory mechanism of vulnerability disclosure behavior considering security crowd-testing: An evolutionary game analysis.

The security crowd-testing regulatory mechanism is a vital means to promote collaborative vulnerability disclosure. However, existing regulatory mechanisms have not considered multi-agent responsibility boundaries and stakeholders' conflicts of interest, leading to their dysfunction. Distinguishing from previous research on the motivations and constraints of ethical hacks' vulnerability disclosure behaviors from a legal perspective, this paper constructs an evolutionary game model of SRCs, security researchers, and the government from a managerial perspective to propose regulatory mechanisms promoting tripartite collaborative vulnerability disclosure. The results show that the higher the initial willingness of the three parties to choose the collaborative strategy, the faster the system evolves into a stable state. Regarding the government's incentive mechanism, establishing reward and punishment mechanisms based on effective thresholds is essential. However, it is worth noting that the government has an incentive to adopt such mechanisms only if it receives sufficient regulatory benefits. To further facilitate collaborative disclosure, Security Response Centers (SRC) should establish incentive mechanisms including punishment and trust mechanisms. Additionally, publicity and training mechanisms for security researchers should be introduced to reduce their revenue from illegal participation, which promotes the healthy development of security crowd-testing. These findings contribute to improving SRCs' service quality, guiding security researchers' legal participation, enhancing the government's regulatory effectiveness, and ultimately establishing a multi-party collaborative vulnerability disclosure system.

A Multi-Party Conversation-Based Effective Robotic Navigation System for Futuristic Vehicle

In response to the growing need for advanced in-car navigation systems that prioritize user experience and aim to reduce driver cognitive workload, this study addresses the research question of how to enhance the interaction between drivers and navigation systems. The focus is on minimizing distraction while providing personalized and geographically relevant information. The research introduces an innovative in-car robotic navigation system comprising three subsystem models: geofencing,personalization, and conversation. The dynamic geofencing model acquires geographic details related to the user's current location and provides information about required destinations. The personalization model tailors suggestions based on user preferences, while the conversation model, employing two virtual robots, fosters interactive multiparty conversations aligned with the driver's interests. The study's scope is specifically confined to interactive conversations centered on nearby restaurants and the driver's dietary preferences. Evaluation of the system indicates a notable prevalence of neutral expressions amongparticipants during interaction, suggesting that the implemented system successfully mitigates cognitive workload. Participants in the experiments express higher usability and interactivity levels, as evidenced by feedback collected at the study's conclusion, affirming the system's effectiveness in enhancing the user experience while maintaining a driver-friendly environment.
 Keywords: Human-Robot Interaction, Multiparty Conversation, In-Car Navigation

Establishment of multiparty system and ruling by dominant parties in Georgia

Establishment of multiparty system and ruling by dominant parties in Georgia

About the Problems of Party Representation in the Composition of Precinct Election Commissions

The article analyzes one of the relevant problems for the current electoral law of the Russian Federation, the problem of ensuring party representation in the formation of precinct election commissions. In accordance with the current electoral legislation of the Russian Federation, at least half of the composition of each precinct election commission is formed on the basis of proposals from parties represented in the federal and regional parliaments. However, for certain constituent entities of the Russian Federation, the issue of ensuring the principle of guaranteeing representation of all parliamentary parties in precinct election commissions is acute, since the problem of disproportionate representation arises, to the point that individual political parties are not allowed to be members of the majority of precinct election commissions. The purpose of our research is to develop a legislative solution that makes it possible “painlessly” for the law enforcement officer to provide guarantees for equal party representation for everyone. The research methodology is based on a theoretical analysis of the legal acts of the Russian Federation on the issue of ensuring a multi-party system using the example of the formation of precinct election commissions in the Primorsky Territory. The object of observation is the precinct election commissions of the Primorsky Territory during their formation in 2023. The scientific novelty lies in the formation of the author's approach to the legislative solution to the problem of ensuring multi-party system in the formation of precinct election commissions. This study proposes a solution to the problem under consideration that is accessible to law enforcement officials.

POLITICAL OPPOSITION IN ARMENIA: CHALLENGES AND PROSPECTS FOR DEVELOPMENT / ԸՆԴԴԻՄՈՒԹՅԱՆՆ ՈՒՂՂՎԱԾ ՄԱՐՏԱՀՐԱՎԵՐՆԵՐԸ ԵՎ ԶԱՐԳԱՑՄԱՆ ՀԵՌԱՆԿԱՐՆԵՐԸ ՀՀ-ՈՒՄ

Political opposition plays a key role in the formation and development of a democratic political system. It so happened that the activities of the political opposition in Armenia are constantly assessed as failed especially over the past five years, especially in the last five years, the existence of constructive opposition, and therefore the existence of a constructive opposition, as well as its proposals for a clear and alternative policy have become more relevant. In such a situation, the freedom of speech for all groups of society, the right to freely express their own interests and views on key issues of social development, becomes urgent. Consequently, the imperative of our times is to amend Article 95 of the RA Election Code, which states the distribution of mandates using D'Hondt method. The aim of the proposed change is to eliminate the concept of an absolute majority, which in the countries with a parliamentary system of governance devalues the main principle of the functioning of such a system, namely the parliamentary consensus. The main goal of the presented article is to identify the characteristics of models of interaction between the authorities and the opposition and their manifestations in Armenia, for which the following objectives were set: • identify the place and role of the opposition in the political system of society, • present the patterns of opposition activity within the framework of a multi-party system in Armenia. The study is based on several methodological approaches, in particular structural, functional and comparative methods.

From Authoritarianism to Democracy in Poland Catholic church, the Union Movement Solidarity and the History of Democratic Change

The paper examines the complex process of transition from a non-democratic to a democratic regime and the consolidation of the government system in Poland. The specificity of the democratic transition in Poland, in relation to other transitions in Central and Eastern Europe, is reflected in the nature of the non-democratic regime, which was more authoritarian than (post)totalitarian. Hence, while the communist regime was in force, social pluralism managed to be preserved to the highest possible extent. Preserved social and even political pluralism later contributed to success in the transition process. The military-party regime in Poland, after Gorbachev came to power in the USSR, applied the strategy of getting out that took the form of negotiations between the political position and the political opposition at the Round Table. The compromise ended the negotiations and brought about semi-free elections, on one, and the controlled democratic transition in Poland, on the other hand. The event was accelerated when, in semi-free elections, the popular Solidarity movement defeated the then-ruling communist group. The provisions of the Agreement were fully respected by both sides. In the end, after the Second World War, it was Poland whose citizens were the first to overthrow at the regular elections. The Round Table Agreement established the function of a strong president, who was directly elected. That function was first used by Leh Valensa, the leader of Solidarity. The extreme proportional election method and the fragmentation of Solidarity, in terms of the creation of several political parties, resulted in the establishment of a multi-party semi-presidential system. The change in the electoral system and the inappropriate tactics of the political parties that emerged from Solidarity enabled the left-wing government to come to power and ensured the post of president to a post-communist candidate (Darmanovi?, 2002). The transfer of power from Solidarity to their former rivals, who fundamentally changed, managed to end peacefully and Poland slowly entered the phase of consolidation of the government system.

The foundation of the independent Republic of Macedonia – A decade of international recognition (1991–2001)

The process of the disintegration of the multinational Yugoslav federation at the end of the 80s and the beginning of the 90s had a strong impact on the process of the constitution of an independent Macedonian state. In those years, the Yugoslav Federation underwent a transition from the one-party rule of the Union of Communists to the establishment of a pluralistic multi-party political system. After the legalization of the possibility to create new political parties in the Socialist Republic of Macedonia, various parties and associations emerged, which brought great diversity to the political life of the republic and laid the foundations of party pluralism in it. The grouping of the parties is based on the attitude towards the future development of Yugoslavia, which divides them into “pro-Yugoslav” and “national”. Along with the Macedonian national parties, political parties and associations on a national and ethno-religious basis are being created in the SR Macedonia. The difficulties in the Republic of Macedonia started parallel to the process of declaring its independence and especially after the breakup of Yugoslavia. Thus, in the early 90s, after the collapse of the multinational federation and the declaration of independence of some of its republics, such as Slovenia and Croatia, the Republic of Macedonia faced serious problems in its own state. Internally - the final independence of the state and liberation from the Yugoslav People's Army, and externally - its international recognition. And while the last decade of the 20th century was mainly related to the international recognition of the Republic of Macedonia, the first decade of the 21st century saw the country face serious international problems and confrontations mainly between the Macedonian and Albanian ethnic groups in the country, as well as the dilemma of further and steps towards membership in the Euro-Atlantic structures - in the EU and NATO.

Health Professional Education Alarming Crisis Knocking Our Doors

The education of health professionals was creeping before multiparty political system in 1990 and substantially changed after this political event in Nepal. Free market economy opens the avenue of privatization of different sector of business and education sector only was not an exception. Several transformative developments have happened in education sector but all of them were donor driven that is becoming unfortunate for the country. In the period from 1990 to 2015 so many policy reformations occur for the implementation of free market economic concept that foster mushrooming of private educational institutions especially in class 12 level (we denote it as plus two in Nepal) followed by flooding affiliations of different universities for private colleges and they are likely to have a long-term effect on education system including health-professional education (HPE). The quality of HPE imparted directly affects the people’s health and it is thus very important to focus our attention towards it. But there was critical imbalance between the education and business. Moreover, the curricula of HPE of many universities is outdated and the topic stays within the confines of the four walls of the classroom and has no relevance in their daily lives although these are matters of routine healthcare.

Zaken Cabinet Map and Presidential Prerogrative in the Perspective of Multiparty Presidential System in Indonesia

Constitutionally, the system of government chosen by the Indonesian people is a presidential system with a multiparty system. This system of government makes the President shackled by political parties when he wants to arrange the cabinet, which is his prerogative. This article will discuss the problem of how the zaken cabinet map of the multiparty presidential system in the perspective of scientific expertise or scientific approach/expertise approach can ve implemented side by side with the interests of coalition political parties in Indonesia. By using normative juridical analysis, it is concluded that the zaken cabinet map of the multiparty presidential system in the perspecive of scientific expertise or scientific approach/expertise approach can be implemented side by side with the interset of coalition political parties in Indonesia with minimum ratio of 32,35% (Thirty-two point thirty-five percent) filled by experts/professionals and the rest can be left to the political parties supporting the president / vice president as a manifestation of “political rewards”

Whom to trust and when? Party message perception in multiparty systems

Voters follow their in-group party no matter what they are talking about. But what if reality is more nuanced? In this study, I ask how the perception of party signals works in multiparty systems and whether voters’ trust in the communication medium matters. Thus, I combine party perception research with literature on the influence of trust in different channels to analyse the effects on agreement with a statement and its credibility. Using a survey experiment in Germany, I examine the extent to which the perception of party statements changes when the respective party label and the communication medium change. I find that higher trust in the medium has a positive effect on the perception of the credibility of a party message. Furthermore, a dichotomous in-group vs. out-group divide does not reflect the complexity of a multiparty system. The results have implications for the effects of party communication and voter polarization.

COUP OF 27 MAY 1960 IN TURKEY AND AMERICAN POSITION

The 1960 coup in Turkey is a turning point in Turkish political life, as it was the first and last military coup carried out by military personnel. In fact, the coup was surprising to everyone and a dangerous turning point in the development of events in Turkey, although the political and economic conditions that prevailed in Turkey in the second half of the fifties decade were foreshadowing a move by the army. The success of the coup raised many questions inside and outside Türkiye. The parliamentary life it adopted, which was entrenched in the multi-party system since the end of World War II, assumed the availability of constitutional guarantees to prevent the occurrence of such developments in political life. The United States of America, for its part, was supportive of the Democratic Party government throughout the ten years of its rule, but this support soon changed after the party government attempted to re-establish relations with the Soviet Union, and here the United States of America withdrew its support and this was evident in the success of the military coup, which resulted in the removal of the Democratic Party from the ruling power in Turkey on the morning of May 27, 1960

Multiparty Secure Broad Learning System for Privacy Preserving.

Multiparty learning is an indispensable technique to improve the learning performance via integrating data from multiple parties. Unfortunately, directly integrating multiparty data could not meet the privacy-preserving requirements, which then induces the development of privacy-preserving machine learning (PPML), a key research task in multiparty learning. Despite this, the existing PPML methods generally cannot simultaneously meet multiple requirements, such as security, accuracy, efficiency, and application scope. To deal with the aforementioned problems, in this article, we present a new PPML method based on the secure multiparty interactive protocol, namely, the multiparty secure broad learning system (MSBLS) and derive its security analysis. To be specific, the proposed method employs the interactive protocol and random mapping to generate the mapped features of data, and then uses efficient broad learning to train the neural network classifier. To the best of our knowledge, this is the first attempt for privacy computing method that jointly combines secure multiparty computing and neural network. Theoretically, this method can ensure that the accuracy of the model will not be reduced due to encryption, and the calculation speed is very fast. Three classical datasets are adopted to verify our conclusion.

SOLDIERS’ CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHTS AND MILITARY JUSTICE: COMPARISON BETWEEN THE REPUBLIC OF MALDIVES, MALAYSIA AND OTHER JURISDICTIONS

In 2008, Maldivians promulgated a revised Constitution. The updated Constitution introduced several democratic reforms, such as the establishment of independent institutions, the protection of human rights, the introduction of a multi-party system, and the strengthening of the rule of law. Mainly fair and transparent hearings and fair administrative action. These reforms have allowed the Maldives to achieve a more open and transparent government. Nevertheless, since 2008 many cases ruled by Maldivian military judicators have been acquitted by the Maldivian civil justice system, which includes trial courts, the high court, and the supreme court. The civil justice system has determined that the military judicators have not followed due process, and thus the cases have been overturned. Additionally, the civil justice system has implemented several reforms and safeguards to ensure all citizens have access to a fair trial. This resulted in prejudice against military justice in the army. The primary goal of the military judicator is to maintain good order and discipline in the army, as discipline is the sole of every army. Therefore, this article thoroughly analyzes the unconstitutional limitations on constitutional rights by the Maldivian military judiciaries and the legal implications that follow. It emphasizes the crucial significance of maintaining the rule of law, promoting good governance, ensuring military justice, and preserving national stability. Furthermore, it draws insightful comparisons between Malaysia and other relevant jurisdictions.

ISSUES OF IMPLEMENTATION OF THE PRINCIPLES OF ELECTORAL LAW IN TERMS OF MODERNIZATION OF KAZAKHSTAN

The article examines some issues of the implementation of the principles of electoral law and modernization of the Kazakh legislation in this area. The purpose of this work is to analyze the problems of the content and implementation of election legislation, as well as to determine effective ways to improve it based on the study of the fundamental principles of the electoral process. The relevance of the topic is justified by the social and political value of the right to vote for society and the country in the light of its recognition as a necessary factor in the development of democracy in the state. The implementation of systematic and statistical methods is relevant to achieve the goal of the work, supporting the reasoning with practical data. The article examines the content of the principles of electoral law and issues of practical implementation, taking into account their features. The compliance of the principles of electoral law enshrined in the Constitution of the Republic of Kazakhstan with international standards and obligations of the state is indisputable. The article raises the problem of their interpretation and observance in the process of election campaigns. Recommendations on improving the electoral process in the state are being considered. In particular, special attention is paid to the stages of registration and implementation of election activities by candidates, as well as the issue of accreditation of observers. In addition, the article says that the possible inequality among the candidates may lead to difficulties in applying the capabilities of the media, namely, an unlimited number of paid speeches. With regard to the activities of political parties in the process under study, the dynamics of the distribution of votes and mandates shows the presence and preservation of multiparty system in the legislative body of the state. It is necessary to improve legislative activities to increase the number of mandates for each political party in order to reduce the monopoly of one political party over the others. The paper analyzes the conduct of elections for various historical periods, including recent ones.

Kampanye dan Perilaku Memilih di Indonesia Studi Kasus Pemilihan Umum 2019 Dapil Jawa Timur 11 dan Dapil 7 Sulawesi Selatan

The nature of democracy aims to present an organized government to realize the individual rights of citizens, so that an open proportional electoral system allows compulsory voting in democratic parties including choosing legislative candidates. In a more complex multi-party system such as in Indonesia, political parties are encouraged to be able to carefully understand the behavior of voters who sociologically and psychologically determine their political orientation not based on party identification but on the individual's leadership. Through this research, it is known that the quality of candidates' shops is based on endorsements or support from central figures in a constituency. From the perspective of symbolic convergence, it can be concluded that when campaigning, the basic message that is the main force of a political party today is about the ability of its cadres both in the region and in the center, the cadre in question can be from the class of legislative candidates or the Chairman of the party, which is then validated by regional figures. That issue is reflected in the success of Willy Aditya and Andi Izmand Maulana Padjalangi winning the 2019 elections, so the theory of symbolic convergence can be scientifically used as a reference for drafting campaign strategies.

Leading without position power: preliminary validation of the multiparty collaborative leadership scale (MCLS)

Purpose This paper aims to report the development of the multiparty collaborative leadership scale (MCLS) that assesses four dimensions of collaborative leadership that have been defined in the literature regarding the functions of collaborative leadership in intra- and interorganizational settings. Design/methodology/approach The authors have tested the validity and reliability of the MCLS in a sample of 110 managers and professionals who participated in five multiparty collaboration workshops, each lasting for two days. The authors used multilevel analyses to test the construct, discriminant and predictive validity of the MCLS. Findings The results generally supported the reliability and validity of the MCLS. The scale has good internal consistency and in terms of validation, the authors show that MCLS negatively predicts the conflictuality and positively predicts the collaborativeness of the leading party as well as trust in the multiparty system and its entitativity. Research limitations/implications The MCLS can be used to extend literature on collaborative leadership and generate insights on the antecedents and consequences of effective collaborative leadership in multiparty systems. Social implications Multiparty systems are set to deal with important societal challenges and mediators involved in multiparty issues are asked to settle important international disputes and conflicts. Understanding collaborative leadership in such systems and its role in establishing effective multiparty collaboration is key. The MCLS can be used as a research instrument and as a development tool toward realizing much-needed collaboration. Originality/value The authors present a first attempt to develop a short scale to assess collaborative leadership in complex systems in which participating stakeholders lack position power.