Mongolian People's Revolutionary Research Articles

What can we learn from indirect estimations on mortality in Mongolia, 1969-1989?

Abstract The closure of Mongolia to the international community during the 20th century resulted in a dearth of available data and analytic demographic studies. In the absence of mortality analysis during the socialist period, this paper proposes the use of indirect census-based techniques to estimate mortality levels and trends of the last two socialist decades (1969-1989). Due to census data quality and choice of model life table, results are not homogeneous. The respective effects of these two components are discussed in order to understand the results. However, despite these shortcomings, it is shown that during the last socialist decades in Mongolia, the health conditions of the population deteriorated. The Mongolian pattern is relatively similar to the situation documented for the ex-socialist republics. Causes of this similarity are discussed. (ProQuest: ... denotes text stops here in original.) 1. Introduction In 1921, the Mongol Ardyn Huv'sgalt Nam (MAHN) - the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party - along with Soviet Russian support, proclaimed the independence of Mongolia from Chinese rule.2 In 1924, Mongolia adopted its first constitution instituting a People's Republic, becoming the first nation of the world (after the founders of the USSR (Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, and Transcaucasia)) to choose a socialist way of development. Since then, Mongolia's destiny has been closely linked to the USSR. Until 1991, its 70-years experience of socialist political and economic systems resulted in the closure of the country to the international community. The relative inaccessibility of demographic information and data resulted in a dearth of knowledge about demographic evolution during Mongolia's socialist period. However, in order to answer and foresee the needs of the centralized and planned economy, population has been considered a central variable by the successive socialist governments. The knowledge of national and regional population growth, population repartition by residence (urban-rural), and economic characteristics of population were prerequisites for the orientation of the Mongolian People Republic's development (Neupert 1996). During the past century, Mongolia conducted 9 population censuses: in 1918, 1935, 1944, 1956, 1963, 1969, 1979, 1989 and 2000. With the openness (il tod - Mongolian glasnost) and restructuration (iirchl i n baiguulalt - Mongolian perestroika) of the country during the 1980s,3 Mongolian demographic data have been more easily available, enabling demographic analysis of the socialist period. Surprisingly, the large amount of data collected by the National Statistical Office of Mongolia has been underused. In fact, as Neupert states (1996: 24), [s]tudies on the population dynamics of the country or on relationships between socio-economic and demographic variables have never been conducted. The huge amount of population data accumulated since the 1950s has never been used for any analytical purpose. Hence, the aim of this paper is to propose the use of population censuses to appraise through indirect estimation techniques, mortality levels and trends during the country's last decades of its socialist period. Among the few demographic studies on Mongolian socialist and post-socialist periods, mortality has not been a subject of intense attention. Studies conducted on mortality in Mongolia have focused exclusively on young age or maternal mortality, using mostly survey data (for early-age, Dashtseren 2002, Neupert 1995, Pandey 1997; for maternal mortality, Janes and Chuluundorj 2004). In fact, little is known about general mortality levels and trends in Mongolia, both during and after the socialist era. Usually, in international comparisons, Mongolia - which is included in East Asia according to convention - is never taken into account due to lack of reliable detailed information (Zhao and Kinfu 2005). After introducing national population censuses in the past century, demographic analysis is employed to evaluate their quality. …

Mongolian Politics in the Shadow of the Cold War: The 1964 Coup Attempt and the Sino-Soviet Split

After Nikita Khrushchev's condemnation of some of Stalin's crimes in 1956, the Mongolian People's Republic, following in the footsteps of the “fraternal” Soviet Union, also succumbed to the “thaw.” Khrushchev used de Stalinization to discredit his hardline opponents. Mongolia's leader, Yumjaagiyn Tsedenbal, was a Stalin-era holdover who came under criticism from his rivals for being unenthusiastic about political reforms. Tsedenbal had good reason to downplay de-Stalinization:He shared responsibility with Marshal Horloogiyn Choibalsan for violent repressions in the 1940s. But Tsedenbal outmaneuvered and eliminated his opponents in the late 1950s and early 1960s and consolidated his grip on power by 1964.Toward the end of that year, however, Tsedenbal once again was challenged, this time from an unexpected direction. Several members of the Central Committee of the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party (MPRP) used the precedent of Khrushchev's forced retirement from his leadership posts in Moscow in October 1964 as a pretext to overthrow Tsedenbal. At a plenum of the MPRP Central Committee in December 1964, Tsedenbal was accused of incompetence, corruption, disrespect for principles of “party democracy,” lack of economic discipline, and overreliance on the Soviet Union for credits. But Tsedenbal rebuffed the “anti-party group” and depicted the affair as an attempted coup engineered by pro-Chinese sympathizers and spies. Soviet leaders were wary of Chinese efforts to “subvert” Moscow's in fluence in the socialist camp and were therefore willing to endorse Tsedenbal's version of events.

The 2004 parliamentary election in Mongolia: Big surprises and small victories

On 27 June 2004, some one million voters went to the polls in Mongolia to elect 76 members of the Great State Hural, Mongolia's parliament. It was the fourth election held in Mongolia under the 1992 constitution. In the previous election, the former communist MPRP won a landslide, ousting the government of former democracy activists. Under the MPRP, Mongolia's economy performed extraordinary well. Surprisingly, the ruling Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party (MPRP) lost its two-thirds majority and half its parliamentarians in the 2004 election. But the Motherland Democracy Coalition (MDC), a coalition of Mongolia's most influential opposition parties, fell short of achieving a majority of its own. After the election, a grand coalition government was formed, paving the way for profound legal, social, and economic reforms.

Blame, Guilt and Avoidance: The Struggle to Control the Past in Post-Socialist Mongolia

So ran part of an interview with three young members of MAHN (the Mongolian acronym for the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party) in the party newspaper Ünen (Truth) at the end of November 1997. It was a short comment, tucked in among various other questions about life and politics in post-socialist Mongolia. I had almost missed it when I first flipped through the paper one afternoon. The comment was not followed up, but this was not surprising. Youth defending MAHN on this issue was enough. The interview itself merited front-page coverage, headlined with an excerpt of this quote, and was part of MAHN's attempt to argue for its own relevance in the current political atmosphere.

Parliament in Mongolia

After 70 years as a one‐party state with a Soviet‐style legislature, Mongolia held its first ever multi‐party elections in 1990. The country's fourth constitution adopted in 1992 provides for a single‐chamber assembly, the Great Khural, with 76 members elected for a four‐year term. The new constitution opened the way for legislative and market reform, but the general elections in 1992 were won by the ex‐communist Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party (MPRP) and the reform drive slackened. In the 1996 elections the Democratic Alliance (DA) won 50 seats and the reform drive was restarted, but after a mid‐term cabinet change in April 1998 the DA lost the initiative. Amidst MPRP boycotts of the Great Khural and protracted tussles over interpretation of the constitutional roles of the government and president, the second DA cabinet was defeated on a vote of confidence in July and four months later the issues were still unresolved.

Politics and Economics of Mongolia's Privatization Program

While decisions on the scope and speed of privatization remain central to the politics of most of the ex-Soviet bloc, in Mongolia such decisions are now largely moot. Despite difficulties in implementing many aspects of the reforms introduced after the elections of 1990, Mongolia proceeded with remarkable swiftness to privatize state assets. In private shares of capital, Mongolia resembles Japan or Western Europe more than its erstwhile socialist comrades. This paper examines the remarkable story of Mongolian privatization, placing it in the context of the sweeping program of political and economic reforms implemented since 1990. Looking back to 1990, one would hardly have predicted fast progress on the divisive issue of privatization. The Mongolian Constitution had state ownership as its fulcrum until 1992. The lurking influence of the USSR suggested restraint on reforms, and the ruling Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party (MPRP) had won the first democratic elections with a program embodying scientific socialism and dialectical materialism. The notion of privatization was just entering the political vocabulary; private ownership of even the smallest assets had only just become a reality. However, in a move interpreted variously as reflecting its disarray or its statesmanship, the MPRP invited members of the new parties into a coalition government. The most influential of these, the National Progress Party (NPP), was formed around a group of young economists whose leader, Ganbold, became first deputy prime minister in charge of economics. A month after the new government's

Political Reform in Mongolia: Between Russia and China

Transforming socialist regimes can be broadly characterized in two ways. The Chinese model in which economic liberalization is adopted without political competition has been replicated to varying degrees by other Asian socialist regimes in the Lao People's Democratic Republic and the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. In contrast, the Eastern European model is one of political change proceeding apace with economic reform. An interesting case combining elements of these two models of socialist transformation is that of Mongolia, formerly the Mongolian People's Republic. For 70 years a client state of the Soviet Union, Mongolia was sometimes known as the unofficial sixteenth republic of the USSR. Following the radical changes in Eastern Europe in 1990, Mongolia's Communist Party introduced political pluralism but unlike its counterparts in those countries, the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party (MPRP) has retained power since 1990 despite allowing electoral competition and political freedom. It has introduced significant economic reforms, which may soon begin to produce positive growth. Among former Soviet bloc nations, Mongolia's economy was the most dependent on outside assistance measured as a percentage of GDP. When the Soviet bloc disintegrated and cut off its aid to poorer socialist countries, Mongolia experienced the most serious peacetime economic collapse any nation has faced during this century.' Yet Mongolia's political road has proved remarkably smooth compared to most of the former Soviet republics. There have been no violent attempts to overthrow the government, and although the opposition has been active and vocal, political conflict has by and large been

Mongolia in 1993: A Fragile Democracy

Mongolia held its first presidential election in June 1993, completing the institution-building process of a parliamentary democracy. The Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party (MPRP), which overwhelmingly won the 1992 parliamentary election, suffered its first defeat since the 1990 changes. Despite a tight monetary and fiscal policy, the economy has not yet been stabilized. Mongolia improved its relations with Russia by concluding a new bilateral agreement, and at the same time regained the confidence of developed countries by demonstrating a strong commitment toward democracy and a market-oriented economy.

Mongolia in 1992: Back to One-Party Rule

Mongolia adopted a new Constitution in January 1992 and held its second free election the following June, remarkable accomplishments in the time since the nation began its reform in 1990. The Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party (MPRP), whose almost 70-year rule was interrupted by two years of power-sharing with its opposition, was voted into office again. Mongolia expanded its relations with the developed countries by seeking new partners in Europe, and at the same time, made strong advances toward the Third World by participating in the activities of the Nonaligned Movement.

Mongolia in 1991: The Uneasy Transition

As it marked its seventieth anniversary, the Mongolian People's Republic in 1991 continued to undergo the political, economic, and social upheaval that began in 1990. The ruling Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party (MPRP), thoroughly discredited by its past failures, lost authority; the nation sought to adopt a new constitution, a new name (Republic of Mongolia), and a new political, economic, and social system; and economic reform was accompanied by serious, though perhaps temporary economic decline that required massive infusions of foreign aid to forestall collapse.

Mongolia in 1989: Year of Adjustment

The December 1988 plenum of the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party (MPRP) Central Committee was a milestone in the country's economic and political reform movement. The restructuring (oorchlon shinechlel) of government had been under way since the end of 1987, but the economic progress that it should have promoted was still being hindered by bureaucratic attitudes and lack of initiative among middle-level managers. Jambyn Batmonh, general secretary of the MPRP and chairman of the Presidium of the People's Great Hural (national assembly), said that the necessary popular drive could be encouraged by greater il tod (glasnost) in political and social affairs and the prospect of such moves toward democratic government as multicandidate election of officials for fixed terms. 1 Many letters on the themes of renewal and openness were published in the party and government newspaper, Unen, but except for general environmental issues, they remained largely confined to a fairly narrow spectrum of low-level problems arising in the daily life and work of individuals. However, for the first time the former Mongolian leader, Yumjaagiyn Tsedenbal, deposed in August 1984, was held responsible by name for the country's years of stagnation.2

Mongolia in 1988: Year of Renewal

Summing up the achievements of Mongolia's program of political and economic renewal in its first full year of implementation, President Jambyn Batmonh, the ruling Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party (MPRP) general secretary, claimed that basically it was proceeding successfully. However, it is only in the initial phase, and the results so far are not that tangible, Batmonh said. Besides the economy, the current reforms embraced ideology, education, and morality, in short, all spheres of public life. But for the moment it seems that we are talking in the new way but still working in the old way. Therefore we must begin renewal and restructuring with ourselves, and give up old-fashioned thinking and obsolete methods.l Today we have quite a lot of problems, Batmonh also said. It would be a serious delusion to imagine that restructuring will take place by itself according to our wishes and everything will turn out for the best.2

Mongolia in 1985: From Plan to Plan

In 1985 Mongolian People's Republic (MPR) finished last year of its 7th five-year plan and finalized preparations for beginning of its 8th. Jambyn Batmonh consolidated his position as leader of Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party (MPRP), and Mongolia continued to express ambiguity about a developing Sino-Soviet relationship. Upon taking office in August 1984, Batmonh had decried mismanagement, waste, and nonproductive losses and stated that system of economic management was the weakest link in all our economic work.1 By June 1985, a major reorientation of economic work was announced during 10th plenum of MPRP Central Committee. The new plan, commencing with upcoming 1986-90 f ive-year plan but actually extending up to year 2000, focuses on developing agriculture and improving food supplies for population. According to Batmonh's report to plenum, much had been achieved in Mongolian agriculture but level was still short of requirements. Investment in agriculture will be increased dramatically by more than 30% in 8th five-year plan as compared with 7th. Planning, management, and economic stimulation would also be improved. Moreover, there will be a concerted effort to change popular eating habits so that people increase their consumption of starches (flour and noodles) and vegetables and consume proportionally less meat. The plan calls for a daily per

Mongolia in 1982: Looking Forward but also Back

an optimistic outlook toward economic development prevailed; nevertheless, uncertainties about political leadership remained. Further uncertainties stemming from changes in the Soviet leadership and changes in the Sino-Soviet relationship also clouded the horizon. The 18th Congress of the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party (MPRP), which met in May-June 1981, made significant changes in Mongolia's leadership. Tsedenbal remained the top man, but several promotions and demotions of Politburo members resulted in considerable realignment of its composition. Altangeral, head of the Ulaanbaatar Party apparatus, was promoted from candidate membership to full membership, ranking second in the hierarchy next to Tsedenbal, while Batmonh, previously ranked second, was dropped to third. Thus, in the two MPRP congresses since 1976 the person next to Tsedenbal has been demoted and a lower-ranking figure rapidly elevated. Also, Lubsandrabdan, who had headed the Party Control Commission, was removed from the Politburo altogether; he was replaced as PCC head by Dejid, a prominent figure in the state security apparatus, who also became a candidate member of the Politburo. Jagbaral, who had been responsible for agriculture, was demoted from the No. 3 spot to candidate membership. Gombojab, Chairman of the Mongolian-Soviet Friendship Society and former Deputy Premier was promoted from candidate to full membership.'

Mongolia 1978: Continuing the Transition

DURING MEETINGS OF the Executive Committee of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CEMA) in Ulan Bator in September 1978, Tsedenbal, First Secretary of the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party (MPRP) Central Committee and Chairman of the Presidium of the Great People's Hural, characterized Mongolia as having been transformed from an agricultural-industrial to an industrialagrarian country.' The Mongolian People's Republic (MPR) argues that its revolution is unprecedented in that it has bypassed the laterfeudal and capitalist stages in its transition to socialism. In 1978 the transition continued.

Mongolia 1977: Directive No. 14

The elections to the People's Great Hural (assembly) in June 1977, with the traditional 99.99% vote for the official candidates, brought few personnel changes at the top. The new (ninth) Hural, elected for a four-year term, has 354 deputies, 18 more than its predecessor; 328 are or candidate of the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party (MPRP). Most of the country's leaders and top officials were reelected-there are 152 members of the intelligentsia and employees (office workers), accounting for 43% of the deputies. On the other hand, the majority of deputies of the eighth Hural who were workers or herdsmen lost their seats; 245 of the ninth Hural's deputies (69.2%) were elected for the first time while 202 of the new deputies are workers and herdsmen. The first session of the ninth Hural reelected Yumjaagiyn Tsedenbal, First Secretary of the MPRP Central Committee, as Chairman of the Presidium of the Hural (President of the MPR), but chose two new vice-chairmen to replace Tsagaanlamyn Diigersuren (appointed Ambassador to Romania)-Sampilyn Jalan-aajav (for the first time) and Namsrain Luvsanravdan (for the third time), both of the MPRP Politburo. The Hural session was preceded by Vice-Premier Damdiny Gombojav's transfer from the Council of Ministers, but this was seen as a move to reduce his workload following his election as candidate member of the Politburo and Secretary of the MPRP Central Committee in

Mongolia 1976: Drawing Together Frankly with the Soviet Union

MONGOLIA IS DRAWING more closely together with its firm ally the USSR and the other countries of the socialist community, according to Yumjaagiyn Tsedenbal, First Secretary of the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party (MPRP) Central Committee, and Chairman of the Presidium of the People's Great Hural (President) of the Mongolian People's Republic. This process of drawing together is taking place in the political, cultural and ideological spheres, as well as in the economic field, he has said. It involves the further expansion of direct ties between government departments, ministries and individual industrial and agricultural enterprises of the two countries.

The Mongolian People'S Republic in the System of International Socialist Economic Integration

In July of 1971 the Twenty-Fifth Session of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance [COMECON], which met in Bucharest, adopted the Complex Program of Socialist Economic Integration. The Politburo of the Central Committee of the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party [MPRP] and the Council of Ministers of the Mongolian People's Republic [MPR] readily accepted the political and economic significance of the Complex Program and directed the appropriate organs to work out concrete measures for realizing those of its points which concerned the MPR as a member of Comecon.

Mongolia: New Soviet Moves to Bolster Ruling Group

The political scene in Mongolia in 1965 was relatively quiet and routine when compared with developments in other recent years. Mongolia suspended polemies against Communist China in line with the early attempts by the new Soviet leadership to improve relations with Peking. Soviet-Mongolian relations were highlighted by the exchange of visits by high-level Party-government delegations. These visits resulted in the conclusion (in April) in Moscow of an agreement for substantial Soviet assistance for the Mongolian Fourth Five-Year Plan (1966-1970). On the domestic political scene, the ruling group followed up its purge of three Central Committee members (December 1964) by tightening the Party and state control apparatus, aimed at isolating nationalists and other critics of Tsedenbal's policies and at ensuring swifter and more effective compliance with national Party economic directives. The economy is believed to be recovering only slowly from the reverses of 1964, but the continued substantial infusion of assistance from the Soviet Union and other CEMA countries probably will speed recovery and bring about further development in the period immediately ahead. The Mongolian People's Republic (MPR) throughout the year continued its lavish praise of Soviet foreign policy and of the Soviet Union's unselfish assistance. Mongolian leaders and the Mongolian press frequently called for the backing of Soviet attempts to achieve within the Communist Movement. Unen on March 16 endorsed the communique issued (in March) by the consultative of representatives of communist parties held in Moscow. Unen called the halting of open polemies an important step toward promoting unity within the international communist movement, thus indirectly criticizing the Chinese for continuing polemies of an abusive nature. Montsame called the March plenum of the CPSU Central Committee clear confirmation of the great efforts by the CPSU to overcome differences in the international communist The Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party (MPRP) supports the convening of a new international meeting of communists to overcome the difficulties that have arisen in the movement. In February, at the conclusion of a visit to the MPR by a Soviet delegation led by CPSU Presidium member Shelepin, Tsedenbal said the Mongolian-Soviet talks affirmed a complete unanimity of views on questions of mutual interests. Tsedenbal stated that the Soviet Union bore the

Inside Outer Mongolia

THE Mongolian People's Republic, better known as Outer Mongolia, a purportedly independent country of over 600,000 square miles and less than a million people, is not administratively a part of either the Soviet Union or Communist China, and its location between these two countries lends it special political importance. Direct Russian influence in Outer Mongolia has clearly declined, but major legacies remain of the many years of Soviet dominance. Most important are the single Communist Party (called the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party) which dominates the political life of the country, and other concomi tants of a Communist system: high degree of centralization and discipline; an official line of interpretation of history, art and other aspects of life; a tightly controlled press, with Mongolian equivalents of Pravda, Red Star, Krokodil, etc. Terror, too, has in the past been an instrument of government, nor has Mongolia been spared the curse of secret police and purges. An internal pass port system does not now exist, but is being seriously discussed, and labor books have become important documents for many Mongols. The Party com prises 3 to 4 percent of the total population, and it operates an extensive set of mass youth organizations with nearly universal membership. Molotov still serves officially as the Soviet Ambassador in Mongolia, al though he has apparently been absent much of the time. The U.S.S.R. also maintains a consulate in the city of Choibalsan (formerly Bayan-t?men) in the eastern part of the country, where direct Russian-Mongolian trade makes use of the rail cutoff from the Trans-Siberian line constructed for military operations against the Japanese in the late 1930s. Russian-Mongolian trade also employs shipping on Lake Khubsugul in northwestern Mongolia (per sonal observation confirms this) and the old Kobdo-Biisk-Barnaul route in the far west also reportedly continues to operate. Russian goods are sold in Mongolian shops, although Chinese-made clothing and textiles occupy an im portant place, along with increasing amounts of products from East European countries. Russian machinery is the rule in the few industrial enterprises. Few Russians live in Mongolia now, and the number of Russian advisers has greatly decreased in the last few years. The Mongolian middle schools re quire Russian as the only foreign language, but surprisingly few Mongols speak the language well, and those who do have generally studied in the Sov iet Union. School textbooks are usually Mongolian translations of Russian originals. The Cyrillic script is in use, although there is opposition to it, along with related pressure to return to the old native alphabet. New school texts for the study of Mongolian literature employ the old script as a deliberate attempt to keep it alive, for Mongols consciously recognize that use of Cyril lic cuts them oif from their past. Furthermore, the Cyrillic script has been abandoned in Inner Mongolia, and a strong pan-Mongolist sentiment sur vives. Almost all of the more than 1,000 Mongols who study abroad pursue higher education in the Soviet Union, but Mongolian educational institutions have been deliberately expanding to reduce the need for foreign education.