Authoritarian Model Research Articles

Contestations of Internet Governance and Digital Authoritarianism in Pakistan

AbstractThe existing literature on Internet governance offers important insights on the relationship between state and society in China and the West. It is important to explore this relationship in the developing world. This study focuses on Pakistan, exploring the role of relevant legal frameworks, political authorities, and institutional structures in relation to monitoring and regulating telephone traffic, legal compliance, and consumer interests. By focusing on the interplay between political dynamics, international partnerships, and evolving digital landscapes, this study examines the evolution of Internet governance model in Pakistan. While Pakistan appears on a trajectory to digital authoritarianism, its journey is hampered by structural limitations, resistance from democratic forces, concerns about data protection and privacy, pushback from the judiciary, and the emergence of a vigilant civil society. Challenges in establishing a coherent authoritarian model of Internet governance have resulted in an ad hoc approach. This study offers a nuanced understanding of multifaceted factors influencing Internet governance in a developing country.

Chinese state media persuades a global audience that the “China model” is superior: Evidence from a 19‐country experiment

AbstractMany are skeptical of the appeal of authoritarian political systems. We argue that global audiences will embrace authoritarian models when they believe that autocracies can meet governance challenges better than democracies. We collect comprehensive data on the external messaging of the Chinese and American governments. We then conduct a randomized experiment in 19 countries across six continents exposing global citizens to real messages from the Chinese and American governments’ external media arms. We find that exposure to a representative set of Chinese messages strengthens perceptions that the Chinese Communist Party delivers growth, stability, and competent leadership. It also moves the average respondent from slightly preferring the American model to slightly preferring the Chinese model. In head‐to‐head matchups, messages from the US government are less persuasive. Our findings show how autocracies build global support by selling growth and competence, with important implications for democratic resilience.

К вопросу о проблематике отечественной бюрократии: социально-философское рассмотрение

The article is an attempt at an unbiased assessment of the role of the Russian bureaucracy in the context of the socio-historical process. Despite the diversity of the available theoretical approaches to the phenomenon of domestic bureaucracy, the analysis of historical facts shows that only a centrally soldered authoritarian model that ensures the realization of mobilization potential demonstrated effectiveness. In the course of the historical evolution of the state apparatus, a political and managerial tradition has been formed – a historically established, stable and repetitive system of norms and rules that determines the type of relations primarily within the political and administrative sphere. At present, the domestic bureaucracy is one of the main contradictions for the national social system, playing the role of thesis and antithesis at the same time. On the one hand, the established state administrative apparatus is organically connected with society, and its destruction will inevitably lead to the social system into a systemic crisis, or even to a rapid collapse. On the other hand, the destructive influence of bureaucratization is obvious and boils down to the following points: 1) a lack of flexibility and speed in decision-making, which is relevant in today’s rapidly changing world; 2) a tendency to minimise grassroots initiatives, the potential of which is not adequately understood by the majority of the population; 3) alienation between the population and administrative officials, who are increasingly becoming a separate group, working against social unity and integrity.

Iran’s digital authoritarianism as the Blueprint for National Sovereignty

As the technological landscape undergoes continuous transformation, nations are seizing the combination of technology, governance, and sovereignty in their strategies. Following the Arab Spring, a movement primarily focused on overthrowing oppressive regimes in the Middle East, Iran took a distinctive turn by establishing a digital authoritarian model. Fueled by concerns stemming from democratic reforms worldwide - especially those facilitated by the Internet and social media, which have played a pivotal role in the collection and dissemination of information - the Iranian government perceived a potential threat to its national security and sovereignty as well as its political survival. In response to the above, Tehran implemented a range of strategies and measures in Internet governance, which represent a form of oppressive control. To regulate the Internet and control the flow of data, Iran established the National Information Network, known as the ‘Halal Internet’. This effort aims to safeguard national sovereignty through persistent control, shield political ideology, and promote a particular religious behavior within cyberspace. These developments have a noteworthy impact on individual rights, liberties, and privacy. This paper aims to explore the methods through which Iran exercises digital authoritarianism.

Diffusion of digital authoritarianism? Censorship, surveillance and beyond in Türkiye

The expansion of authoritarianism in the world has led to increased debates about digital authoritarianism as well as the diffusion of authoritarianism. However, these two topics have not been addressed together despite the digital world being a strong candidate for diffusion. This study explores whether digital authoritarian diffusion occurs from China and/or Russia to Türkiye by examining the models of China and Russia and unpacking the Turkish model of digital authoritarianism. We argue that the Turkish model is inspired by the Chinese and Russian models, but without the active promotion of those models by authoritarian centres. Instead, analyses of the legal framework, technology and surveillance practices suggest that there is an indirect and passive as well as internally driven process at work.

PREDICTORS OF ATTITUDES OF JUNIOR VOLLEYBALL PLAYERS AND THEIR PARENTS TOWARDS THE ROMA

The aim of this research was to examine the contribution of features of the five-factor model of personality and the model of right-wing authoritarianism in junior volleyball players and their parents to the prediction of the variance of social distance towards Roma. The pertinent sample of participants consisted of (N = 120) adolescent athletes from the Kolubar district (M age = 14.90, SD = 0.68 years), as well as one parent of each volleyball player (age 37 years ± 4.78). The following measuring instruments were applied: A social distance scale, Big Five Inventory – BFI, and Right-Wing Authoritarianism – RWA scale. The findings of the hierarchical regression analysis, with a statistically significant 21% variance, showed that the authoritarianism of volleyball players is a dominant significant positive predictor (β = 0.24, p ≤ 0.01) of the criteria of parental social distance. This suggests that as the dimension of authoritarianism increases, individuals report greater social distance. Also, the personality trait extraversion of the fivefactor personality model, with 29% of the variability, proved to be a relevant negative partial predictor (β = -0.29, p ≤ 0.01), which signals that young athlete with a pronounced lower score on the variable extraversion express worse social distance, that is, they more often see it as a loss. The interaction function of personality traits - the Big Five (extraversion, openness, onscientiousness, neuroticism and agreeableness) is not statistically significant in the prediction of the construct parental social distance and the construct child’s social distance, and therefore requires further studies. The results of internal consistency indicate that the used measuring instruments are adequate for future research on the Serbian sample of athletes in adolescence. Finally, methodological limitations in this empirical study are given, its theoretical and practical implications are analyzed, as well as guidelines for further and relational research.

The Supply of Digital Authoritarianism to Africa: an Empirical Study

Abstract Over the last two decades, there has been a remarkable increase in the practice of digital authoritarianism in Africa. Yet researchers remain divided as to the drivers of this trend, especially as it relates to its international origins. Some scholars have portrayed China as a foreign supply-side driver of the technologies and the practice of digital authoritarianism in Africa. However, others argue that such origins are overstated, contending that little evidence exists for a direct role of China in Africa’s increasing turn towards digital authoritarianism. In this paper, I use a norm diffusion and order project approach to propose and test an innovative theory of China’s strategic supply of its model of digital authoritarianism to Africa. China, I argue, supplies such technologies and expertise to Africa to shape international norms in a manner that favors its geopolitical goals. Consequently, I hypothesize that the more likely an African country is a regional norm diffuser, the more likely it will be that China supplies it with its model of digital authoritarianism. To test this theory, I conduct a statistical panel analysis of African countries for the years 2000–2020. My results confirm my hypothesis and present novel findings that have implications for technology governance, African politics, China’s rise, and China’s strategic contestation of international norms.

Art education in the context of the modern educational process

Relevance. The relevance of the research topic lies in the fact that in the field of modern education there are numerous discussions and study of such an aspect as updating the education methods. The leading task of educational policy is to ensure a high-quality level of education at all stages of education � from preschool to professional. The above also applies to arts education, as it is part of the general education system.Purpose. The purpose of the study is to study the issue of modern art education, to analyse further possible directions in which it can develop.Methodology. The leading approach to the study of the problem is the use of art as a teaching method.Results. The main results that can be highlighted in the analysis of aesthetic education at the present time: education in the field of creativity is underestimated in the learning process, although it is an important aspect of the development of a particular individual; artistic and aesthetic education in the context of modern educational activities is not a primary task of society; current principles embedded in education provide for the dominance of authoritarian models of regulation; art education is insufficiently equipped with a material, technical and personnel base within the framework of the general educational process.Conclusions. Prospects for further development are based on the resolution of the above dilemmas and represent: the necessity to form a level of special significance for art and aesthetic education at the level of the entire state; expansion of the general educational program in the creative and aesthetic profile and the arts by increasing the time allotted for the study of these areas.

Peculiarities of Professional Training of Future Teachers for Innovative Educational Activities in an Intercultural Environment

The European integration policy of Ukraine, the “New Ukrainian School” Concept, and the institutional documents adopted for their implementation simultaneously motivate and aim the national education system at the implementation of the competence paradigm and the professional training of future teachers who are ready to live and work in an extremely globalized, intercultural and dynamically changing world. to perceive it between culture and variability as essential components of one’s own way of life. That is why the main attention in higher education should be paid to the issue of overcoming conservatism in approaches to educational activity, existing stereotypes of pedagogical work and the thinking process of all subjects of the educational process. Only an inherently innovative education and an appropriately trained teacher can raise a young person who is able to live according to modern laws and taking into account the development trends of an intercultural society. The new Ukrainian school needs new approaches to learning, which are based on the principles of partnership pedagogy, moving away from the authoritarian model.

Discussion aspects of combating corruption in the conditions of martial law in Ukraine

Modern Ukraine has become a training ground for various social experiments. Therefore, it is not difficult to find different types of models for fighting corruption in its history. Turning to the comprehensible historical period in modern Ukraine and the former USSR, several such conceptual models can be distinguished.
 The totalitarian model of the fight against corruption involves comprehensive control by the state over the behavior of officials and a tough response to any deviations from accepted norms (written and unwritten) that they have allowed. This model was mostly implemented in the era of „Stalinism”.
 To combat corruption, human rights are violated, as totalitarianism is fundamentally incompatible with their observance.
 However, such a model also has positive features: it ensures a close correlation between the level of authority of an official and the degree of responsibility. The risk of being prosecuted and punished increases for individuals who are closer to the top of power - the closer to the top, the greater the risk. In other words, the principle of implementation of responsibility works: „from top to bottom”, which is an ideal means of optimizing any social system.
 The authoritarian model of combating corruption has its own fundamental feature - the implementation of responsibility is selective, according to the attitudes of the „leader”. For a long time, such persons were representatives of the party elite. This model was typical during the reigns of Khrushchev and Brezhnev.
 It is worth mentioning two more features inherent in the authoritarian model: firstly, the rise of an official to a certain level of authority actually provides legal immunity, secondly, money in this model plays a secondary role or has no importance at all.
 The considered model of combating corruption motivates the desire to get into power structures for reasons of personal safety and impunity; therefore, the processes of power degradation and its successive corruption are embedded in it.
 The liberal model of fighting corruption means complete irresponsibility, impunity and permissiveness. Such circumstances occur in periods of revolutionary upheavals, when the new government has not yet mastered the functions of management or deliberately initiates destructive processes. The historical periods of the existence of this model are the time of the Provisional Government, reforms are actively taking place.

The impact of political, military, and social factors on the repositioning of Belarus within the regional security architecture

The next phase of Russian aggression against Ukraine demonstrated that despite lacking a large military, territorial, population, or raw material potential, Belarus could play a significant role in the project to construct a new regional, continental, and even global security architecture. The purpose of this article is to discuss the problem of repositioning Belarus, which was affected not only by the multidimensional change in Belarusian-Ukrainian relations as a result of the war but also by long-term efforts to elevate Belarusian-EU relations. In this area, the fundamental research question is whether the war in Ukraine, the breach of the so-called Budapest Memorandum and the deepening of the multifaceted Russian-Belarusian integration within the Union State (including the militarisation of Belarus and the allocation of tactical nuclear weapons) will cause the projects for the redefinition of Belarus-EU relations (which are instrumental in reducing the intensity of political turbulence in the region) to disappear from the EU diplomatic agenda for a long time, with a direct negative impact on the future of European security. The article verifies the hypothesis that due to the specificity of the Belarusian authoritarian model, despite the systematically deepening Russian-Belarusian integration and the ever-expanding sanctions policy towards Belarus, (2) due to the shape of Belarusian-Ukrainian relations after 2014 and the periodically satisfactory Belarusian-EU relations, (1) there are still prospects for Belarus to pursue foreign policy diversification and repositioning of the European vector in it.

Pola Asuh Anak Usia Dini pada Keluarga Buruh Pabrik (Studi Kasus di Desa Kedunglengkong Kecamatan Simo Kabupaten Boyolali)

This study aims to identify various parenting styles or models that are generally applied by parents and the supporting and inhibiting factors of early childhood parenting in factory worker families in Kedunglengkong Village. The research method used is a qualitative approach with data collection techniques through observation, interviews, and documentation. The subjects of this study consisted of 4 parents and 2 informants. Data validity uses triangulation and the triangulation used is method triangulation. Data analysis used in this research is data collection, data reduction, data presentation, and conclusion making. The results revealed that the parenting process. Broadly speaking, the parenting pattern generally adopted by parents in Kedunglengkong Village is to educate children with positive values, although an authoritarian model is also detected. Supporting factors include parents' high commitment to devote time and attention, while time constraints due to busy schedules are the main obstacle. Based on the evaluation results, the parenting process has gone according to plan.

CHALLENGES FOR THE POLITICAL COMPETENCE OF CITIZENS IN THE CONTEXT OF UKRAINE'S EUROPEAN INTEGRATION

The article aims at identifying the latest challenges for the political competence of Ukrainian citizens in the context of European integration. Russia's large-scale aggression is certainly becoming a major challenge for citizens, those who are forced to save their lives under daily cruise missile attacks launched from a terrorist country. At the same time, the war leveled differences between the regions on the issue of European and Euro-Atlantic integration, consolidated Ukrainian society around democratic values and democratic choice. Political competence of citizens is defined as a complex socio-political phenomenon that allows assessing the rationality and effectiveness of government actions and exercises the right to change government. Applying the institutionalism of rational choice, it has been determined that it is the ability of citizens to make democratic choices in difficult conditions that is a convincing evidence of a high level of political competence. Based on the method of historical institutionalism, the completion of the post-Soviet transformations stage is noted. Ukrainians have made their choice in favor of democracy. At the same time, new challenges arise for the citizens’ political competence. They are institutional in nature and are associated with the activities of such institutions as elections (electoral campaigns at the national and local levels), mass media, the institute of political education, civil society, and so on. It is proved that the political competence of citizens is manifested in the electoral process, but is not limited to just participation in voting. It consists in the implementation of a control function – a critical and rational assessment of the actions of public authorities and the opposition. This is the reason for the role of mass media and civil society. The challenges to the activities of the mass media institute are the mediatization of politics (media shows, media scandals) and, at the same time, attempts by the public authorities to restrict freedom of speech. Such restrictions, which are absolutely justified under martial law, potentially pose a threat minding a return to the authoritarian model in the relations "Power – Mass media – Society". Special attention is paid to the role of the institute of public intellectuals in the process of forming the political competence of citizens.

From genplan to master plan: the changing urban planning paradigm in Russia

ABSTRACT This paper discusses the recent introduction of master plans in the Russian system of urban planning which signals the emergence of a new urban planning paradigm. An ongoing paradigm shift is traced through the evolution of three major planning instruments: the socialist genplan, the post-socialist genplan and the contemporary masterplan. The results show that the inefficiencies of post-socialist urban planning were due to the deliberate actions of elites, whose rent-seeking goals required the possibility of direct intervention, more centralised decision-making and direct translation of government priorities into the spatial development of cities. The post-socialist genplan fails to address changing policy goals, while the spectacular and non-binding master plan better suits the authoritarian model of governance in Russia.

Hybrid Democracies of the Western Balkans

The governance models of Western Balkan states are now based on a liberal democracy and the development of an open and free economy. In the early 2000s, the European Union was very active in the Western Balkans, strongly promoting democratic values for good governance and strengthening the implementation of the rule of law, democratizing state institutions, with the aim of creating a legal order to protect and respect human rights. Despite the engagement of European Union structures, it is now evident that in some countries of the Western Balkans, there are tendencies towards an authoritarian model of the state, away from a functional system for effective governance. The reasons are mainly due to internal factors and circumstances of the region. The international factor has consistently criticized these governance models being created in some Western Balkan countries, which take the form of hybrid democracies. This form of governance has already established its own status quo and is an approach that is resistant to change, both by international factors and by domestic governmental/political structures. The integration of Western Balkan states into Euro-Atlantic institutions, especially the European Union, remains the main topic of discussion for key leaders, not only within the region but also among the main leaders of the European Union member countries. Integration is a complex process that requires mutual cooperation. On the one hand, serious commitment is required from Western Balkan countries to meet the conditionality criteria, and on the other hand, the European Union must be willing to undertake concrete initiatives for their inclusion. These initiatives may also require reforms within the structures of the European Union. Diplomatically, initially, traditional bilateral relations were seen as the most reliable alternative to achieve Euro-Atlantic integration, which the Western Balkan countries aspire to so much. Despite numerous efforts, the Western Balkan countries now feel "fatigued" from the long wait, resulting from difficult conditions and technicalities. The governance of the region's countries is under constant pressure from bureaucracy and the weakness in decision-making of European Union institutions, as well as from the constraints and conditions applied over the years. This situation has led to an "internal upheaval" both within the political class and the civil society of Western Balkan countries. High-ranking political leaders of some Western Balkan countries have now taken joint political initiatives with regional significance. Based on the various developments in a complex region such as the Western Balkans, this paper aims to present the implications that may arise in the Euro-Atlantic integration process from the involvement of actors with different geo-strategic interests.
 
 
 Received: 05 May 2022 / Accepted: 16 May 2023 / Published: 20 May 2023

Sri Lanka’s political-economic crisis; corruption, abuse of power and economic crime

PurposeThis paper aims to examine the present Sri Lankan political-economic crisis and its connection to corruption. The paper will discuss the autocratic rule, elite domination of state extractive systems, which have been moulded and configured by Sri Lanka’s political environment over decades. Elite capture has become a significant factor. Sri Lanka’s authoritarian model exercised by Gotabaya Rajapaksa reduced competitive mode and shifted towards a monopolistic corruption structure, centralising on the first family and military rule where powerful elites supported the model. The paper attempts to find the connection between dysfunctional political model and economic crimes committed through several case studies.Design/methodology/approachThe paper discusses five case studies using qualitative analysis using secondary data. The insider trading case study is discussed with quantitative data. Several political and social analyses were carried out with primary data captured from field research by the author.FindingsSri Lankan economic crisis was triggered because of high-level corruption. The autocratic model introduced by the political authority failed to fight corruption. Transnational mechanisms will fail if there is no credibility and commitment in their own respective nations such as in the USA. External factors such as China in Sri Lanka did have an impact for elite capture.Research limitations/implicationsThis study is limited only to five case studies. Transnational mechanism and recommendations require a lengthy study. Only one external factor was assessed because of its significance; there could be other external factors for elite capture.Practical implicationsThis study has limited access to capture primary data because of sensitivity during a heavy autocratic regime. Because of state and self-censorship, secondary data had to be tested.Social implicationsEconomic crisis in Sri Lanka is an example to many developing nations fighting corruption. The autocratic family rule supported by external forces crippled the state anti-corruption processes. Economic crime is a key driver for poverty and economic crisis.Originality/valueThis is a unique paper that examines Sri Lanka’s present economic crisis and its political model and economic crime. The paper will discuss transnational mechanisms for anti-corruption and attempt to apply to the Sri Lankan crisis.

Cyfrowy nadzór w chińskim modelu autorytarnego kapitalizmu

This paper examines the rise of digital authoritarianism in the 21st century. In this political regime, the state authorities exercise control over society via digital technologies while governing the national economy based chiefly on free-market principles.
 The thesis consists of the statement that the elements of the digital economy, including artificial intelligence, digital platforms, and Internet of Things (IoT) communication, are the critical drivers of surveillance capitalism, characterized by unlimited access to any personal and business data. Subsequently, authoritarian governments benefit from possibilities of digital surveillance, including the control of media and the so-called behavioral surplus. It consequently leads to social manipulation, censorship, Internet shutdowns, and different kinds of punishment of citizens via social rating practices.
 The analysis presents the case study of a model of Chinese digital authoritarianism, taking into account the rising popularity of this kind of regime in other countries, where political power is highly centralized. At the same time, the economic transformation has occurred there due to historical or specific geopolitical conditions.
 The findings show that the development of digital authoritarianism is a consequence of surveillance capitalism, within which there is a global data flow via digital platforms. Although surveillance capitalism takes more sophisticated forms than digital authoritarianism, it still serves the same purposes of pursuing the interests of the political elites and influential market players, and it could be perilous for the democratic freedoms of citizens.

The Evil of Authoritarian Education: Banality and Compliance in the Neoliberal Era

Education is widely seen as a force for good, associated with hope and optimism about better individual and social futures. By contrast, and controversially, this paper argues that education and education policy in recent decades has been far from benign, as evidenced in the growing alienation of significant numbers of teachers and students and, crucially for our paper, in the growth of authoritarian models of schooling, involving 'zero-tolerance', 'no excuses' disciplinary approaches. Against this background, and drawing on Hannah Arendt and the work of contemporary moral philosophers Elizabeth Minnich and Simona Forti, this paper diagnoses the nature and effects of school discipline policies in the neoliberal era, and in particular practices such as isolation, as a contemporary form of banal, or everyday, evil.

К вопросу о проблематике отечественной бюрократии: социально-философское рассмотрение

The article is an attempt at an unbiased assessment of the role of the Russian bureaucracy in the context of the socio-historical process. With all the diversity of the available theoretical approaches to the phenomenon of domestic bureaucracy, the analysis of historical facts shows that only a centrally soldered authoritarian model that ensures the realization of mobilization potential demonstrated effectiveness. In the course of the historical evolution of the state apparatus, a political and managerial tradition has been formed - a historically established, stable and repetitive system of norms and rules that determines the type of relations primarily within the political and administrative sphere. At the moment, the domestic bureaucracy is one of the main contradictions for the national social system, playing at the same time the role of thesis and antithesis. On the one hand, the established state administrative apparatus is organically connected with society and its destruction will inevitably lead to the social system to a systemic crisis, or even to a rapid collapse. On the other hand, the destructive influence of bureaucratization is obvious and boils down to the following points: 1) lack of flexibility and speed in decision-making, which is relevant for the modern rapidly changing world; 2) the tendency to minimize grassroots initiatives, about the possibilities of which the social majority does not have adequate ideas; 3) alienation between the population and administrative officials, increasingly closing in a separate group, which works against social unity and integrity.

COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF FUTURE FOREIGN LANGUAGE TEACHERS’ INDEPENDENT LEARNING ORGANIZATION IN UKRAINE AND GREAT BRITAIN

The article provides a comparative analysis of the experience of organizing independent extracurricular work of future foreign language teachers in higher education institutions of Ukraine and Great Britain. The analysis of educational and methodological support of the disciplines of the cycle of professional training of foreign language teachers of domestic higher education institutions gives reasons to assert that independent extracurricular work has a significant share in relation to classroom educational activities of students. There is a tendency to increase the hours of independent extracurricular work.Independent extracurricular work of future foreign language teachers in domestic higher education institutions, unlike British ones, has only a practical focus and is aimed at the formation of foreign language competence of future teachers. It was determined that in the organization of independent extracurricular work, Ukrainian scientists and practitioners adhere to didactic (individualization activities, a combination of individual, paired and group forms of the specified work, creativity, visuality) and methodical (autonomy, communicativeness, interconnected learning of speech activities and aspects of language, interrelated learning of language and culture, the dominant role of exercises, the authenticity of educational materials) principles.It was found out that Great Britain has developed quite a powerful experience of organizing independent extracurricular work of future foreign language teachers. Some features in this field are common to both countries, but in higher education institutions of Great Britain there is a much greater amount of work related to the formation of student independence, capable of consciously and responsibly performing various tasks outside the classroom. Changing the authoritarian model of professional education, characteristic of Soviet times, to a person-oriented one involves the maximum individualization of independent extracurricular work of future foreign language teachers, the creation of conditions for self-development and self-improvement, meaningful and independent determination of one's own educational needs, one's capabilities, and individual educational goals. In this aspect, work in higher educational institutions of Ukraine has begun and needs further improvement. In the higher educational institutions of Great Britain, a modern model of higher education has already been created, designed to provide the student with systematized, solid and at the same time operational knowledge, capable of providing conditions that contribute to the realization of a necessary and urgent requirement: to teach the student to learn independently. These processes have a certain tradition and are actively implemented.