Authoritarian Model Research Articles

Communication in Authoritarian Parenting on Learner Participation in Early Childhood Education Science Class in Homabay County, Kenya

Communication is the process of reaching mutual understanding where participants not only exchange information, ideas and feelings but also create and share meaning. Effective communication imparts knowledge and paves way towards building and strengthening relationships which uphold peace between parents and children for lasting associations. However, the authoritarian parenting style tends to manipulate communication which creates fear and compromise learner participation in class. The study explored the relationship between communication in authoritarian parenting model and participation of learners in Early Childhood Education (ECE) science classroom in Homabay County, Kenya. The population of the study involved 314 respondents including 4 County education officers; 60 head teachers; 60 ECE teachers attached to public primary schools; 120 learners and 70 parents. The teachers’ questionnaire was used as the main data collection tool. Correlation analyses were performed to determine which demographic characteristics should be used as control variables. Regression analyses were also performed to examine the relationship between communication in authoritarian parenting model and children’s participation in class activities. Data was gathered, summarized and analyzed by reading the information collected through the research instruments and pattern trends and relationships from the information gathered were established. Descriptive statistics were used to analyze qualitative data while quantitative statistics were employed to match authoritarian parenting numbers to learner participation attributes. Frequency distribution tables were used to present the data. Anchored on social learning theory, the study findings supported the view that communication in authoritarian parenting model is negatively related to children’s participation in class. The 91% of ECE teachers confirmed that learners from authoritarian settings could not express themselves well as a result of limited communication existing between the child and the parent and only 9% observed eloquence in the learners of authoritarian parents. For further research the study suggested that since authoritarian mothers and fathers behave differently, studies should be done separately to assess consistency of the parenting model in both parents.

The Entanglements of Europe: History, Geography, Identity

Europe is a continent of extraordinary variety and diversity geographically, ethnically, nationally, culturally, economically and politically. Yet at the same time all its parts are and always have been so deeply linked by their destiny that this continent can accurately be described as a single albeit complex political entity. Anything crucial in any area of human endeavour occurring anywhere in Europe always has had both direct and indirect consequences for our continent as a whole. The history of Europe is, in fact, the history of a constant searching and reshaping of its internal structures and the relationship of its parts. Today, if we talk about a single European civilization or about common European values, history, traditions, and destiny, what we are referring to is more the fruit of this tendency toward integration than its cause.

Foreign direct investment in the Chinese outbound tourism industry: the policies, participants and possibilities

ABSTRACTThis paper examines the regulatory policies surrounding foreign investments in the Chinese tourism industry. It describes the key regulatory agencies involved in the policy-making and looks at how foreign investors have adapted to these policies since the late 1990s. The paper describes how the VIE structure and the free trade zones were used to attract foreign investments into the Chinese travel industry. Moreover, the paper argues that the current joint venture structure available to foreign investors is problematic seen from a foreign travel investors perspective. The author uses a hermeneutical interpretation of the topic. In addition, the social science model of fragmented authoritarianism is used to describe how the mentioned regulatory agencies interact.

Przyczyny i przebieg dyktatury jugosłowiańskiej w 1929 roku

<p>W artykule zatytułowanym „Przyczyny i przebieg dyktatury jugosłowiańskiej w 1929 roku” zostały omówione przyczyny, motywacje, okoliczności i konsekwencje przewrotu w państwie jugosłowiańskim, który został dokonany przez króla Aleksandra I w dniu 6 stycznia 1929 roku. Głównym celem artykułu było dokonanie oceny decyzji podjętych przez monarchę i ustanowionych przezeń rządów, które bezpowrotnie przyczyniły się do zmiany ustroju państwa.</p><p>Król Aleksander I w wielonarodowej Jugosławii ustanowił autorytarny model rządów, który według niego miał służyć uzdrowieniu i ochronie państwa znajdującego się na skraju przepaści wobec kryzysu wewnętrznego. Zaognione stosunki polityczne pomiędzy Serbami i Chorwatami groziły rozczłonkowaniem państwa, a niestabilna sytuacja międzynarodowa wokół Jugosławii to zagrożenie pogłębiała. Król Aleksander I podjął więc trudną decyzję o ustanowieniu dyktatury w państwie, której rezultatem było także stosowanie opresyjnych metod wobec zwolenników rozbicia państwa.</p><p>W najbardziej wzmożonym okresie swoich autorytarnych rządów w latach 1929–1932 król Aleksander I starał się budować wizerunek opiekuna wszystkich narodów w Jugosławii. W istocie monarcha miał na sercu dobro swojego wielonarodowego kraju i zdołał ochronić Jugosławię przed rozpadem na przełomie lat dwudziestych i trzydziestych XX wieku. Jednak sposób jego rządów wzbudza do dziś niejednoznaczne osądy, które ponad trwałością Jugosławii często stawiają wąskie interesy narodowe.</p>

Values, interests and power: the politics of integrating services

PurposeDifferences in professional values, organisational interests and access to resources are key issues to be addressed when integrating services. They are widely seen by service planners and commissioners to be matters of governance. However, they also inform critical debates in political science. In essence they revolve around the question of distribution, or (how to decide) who gets what. The purpose of this paper is to re-frame the subject of inter-organisational governance in integration by conceptualising it through the lens of three prominent politico-theoretical approaches: the liberal, the authoritarian and the radical-utopian.Design/methodology/approachA discussion paper that proceeds by utilising political science terms of reference and applying it to a public management problem.FindingsAll three theories provide particular insights into the way in which service planners and commissioners may think about the inescapable plurality of values and interests in integration programmes. Where the liberal perspective places particular emphasis on the purpose and utility of organisational autonomy and self-direction, the authoritarian model highlights the need to produce results within tight timescales. It also accords with the manner in which integration policy is normally implemented, top down. The radical-utopian model is built on the least realistic assumptions but offers researchers a useful framework to assess the rationale and effectiveness of value-based policy in integration programmes wherever robust inter-organisational structures fail to materialise.Originality/valueWhilst there has been significant research on how to conceptualise integration programmes, scholars have usually championed a public management approach. The potential insights of political thought have not been explored until now. The paper demonstrates that the wider conceptual framework of political theory has significant purchase in the field of integration studies and can help us understand the benefits and limitations of an interdisciplinary approach.

All is Flux: A Hybrid Media Approach to Macro-Analysis of the Turkish Media

Since 2002, when the Justice and Development Party (AKP) came to power, the media in Turkey have undergone significant transformation. Drawing on the historical background of Turkish media and including the coup attempt on July 15, 2016, this article focuses on the changing role of newspapers and television channels, as well as the journalism profession. In-depth interviews lead the way to an analysis of the media sector’s function at the intersection between clientelism, authoritarian tendencies, and capitalist market rules. The concept of ‘hybridity’ used for this study offers a theoretical framework for discussing how Turkey fits into the model of competitive authoritarianism and Andrew Chadwick’s hybridity media framework.

Лингвопрагматические и структурные особенности нарративных жанров коллегиальной и авторитарной модели устного медицинского дискурса

Лингвопрагматические и структурные особенности нарративных жанров коллегиальной и авторитарной модели устного медицинского дискурса

Анализ взаимодействия государства и общества в Рунете (2000-2016 гг.)

В данной статье объектом исследования выступает коммуникативное взаимодействие власти и общества - совокупность практик обмена информацией и способов его регулирования между органами власти, общественными структурами и индивидами. Разрабатываются модели коммуникативного взаимодействия государства и общества в Интернете. В основе моделирования лежат такие параметры как государственное регулирование интернет-пространства и уровень политического участия граждан. Таким образом, выделяется 4 модели: «тоталитарная», «авторитарная», «партнерская», «либеральная». Предлагаются также дополнительные критерии анализа коммуникационного взаимодействия, позволяющие более четко идентифицировать и охарактеризовать каждую из моделей. Сделан вывод о том, что в России с 2012 г. наблюдается переход к авторитарной модели взаимодействия государства и общества в Интернете. Основаниями для данного вывода являются запретительные тенденции в регулировании Интернета, низкий уровень отклика на низовые инициативы, упрощение процедур ограничения доступа к информации.

Modernización asincrónica de la prensa mexicana. Una comparación centro-periferia

Después de setenta años de una hegemonía casi total, en 2000 el Partido Revolucionario Institucional perdió la presidencia de la República ante el opositor Partido Acción Nacional. Ese momento fue considerado el sello distintivo de la transición política que comenzó en ciertas regiones hace dos décadas. De acuerdo con un grupo de académicos estadounidenses, la transformación del sistema político implicó también la modernización del sistema de medios, ya que la prensa mexicana en su conjunto avanzaba hacia su profesionalización. Sin embargo, diversos estudios de caso centrados en regiones específicas han encontrado evidencia empírica que demuestra lo contrario: que el periodismo local y regional sigue estando determinado por las costumbres del modelo autoritario. Con base en un análisis de contenido de la cobertura de las elecciones parlamentarias de 2015 en los periódicos nacionales y estatales, encontramos que aunque los medios nacionales mostraron un desempeño más profesional que los ubicados en otras regiones, ambos grupos compartían un sesgo político similar y una cobertura limitada de esas elecciones. Por lo tanto, la conclusión principal es que en lugar de una transformación o estancamiento general, la prensa mexicana desarrolla un proceso de modernización asincrónico en el que conviven simultáneamente rasgos liberales y autoritarios.

Venezuela: The Decline of a Democracy

The political crisis in Venezuela has been aggravating for the past 5 years; the economic imbalance has increased the chances of social disintegration while government focuses on holding to power. The institutional deterioration provides forms of control consistent with the authoritarian model in detriment of the values and principles of a democracy that was once a model for stability in Latin America.

Modifying Electoral Authoritarianism. What the 2016 Parliamentary Elections Tell us about the Nature and Resilience of the Putin Regime

Through a focus on the 2016 Russian parliamentary election, this article seeks to assess the strength of the Putin regime and the nature of the system itself. In contrast to those who have heralded its imminent decline, it is argued that the regime continues to display great resilience, the election providing evidence of the regime’s adaptability and its ability to cope with challenges. The nature of the regime is also questioned. It has become commonplace for scholars to refer to Russia’s political system under the presidency of Vladimir Putin as “electoral authoritarian”. The article examines the function of elections in such systems, with a particular emphasis on the way in which elections provide the regime with legitimacy. The conduct and outcome of the elections not only points to the confidence and resilience of the Putin regime but might also suggest that a declining reliance on elections to sustain the regime may lead to a re-appraisal of the electoral authoritarian model as a compelling conceptualization of the Russian political system.

Rethinking the Maghreb and the post-colonial intellectual in Khatibi’s Les temps modernes issue in 1977

ABSTRACTIn 1977, a group of North African intellectuals produced a special volume for the prestigious French journal Les temps modernes. Led by Abdelkebir Khatibi, they sought to ‘rethink the Maghreb’ as a way to counter the poisoned, divided and belligerent climate of the region, and to offer an alternative to the authoritarian models of the nation-state that took hold after political independence. When read through the lens of Rancière’s concept of the ‘dissensus’ concerning the interplay between culture and politics, this collective volume of Les temps modernes reveals the plight of a generation of post-independence Maghrebi intellectuals who questioned their own purpose in light of their countries’ national projects. This article claims that this group intervened in the public sphere as a way to reconfigure the intellectual’s purpose in their respective societies and political systems. Their case highlights an important chapter in the region’s social and intellectual history and demonstrates how intellectual actors seek re-integration in the national community after a painful period of exclusion.

Media and Politics: Re-Thinking the Indonesian Broadcasting System

The emergence of the policy of broadcasting liberalization in the established democracies of Europe and North America, which is indicated by the absence of state intervention to broadcasting governance has been influencing broadcasting policy in the new democracies, including Indonesia. Is it true that Indonesia adopts a liberal broadcasting policy? This paper outlines two issues. First, the academic debate surrounding broadcasting system in the world. Second, discussion as stated by scholars on a thesis of the enactment of the liberal media system in Indonesia that is primarily based on the broadcasting policies after Suharto’s reign of power, among others Law 32/2002 on Broadcasting. Based on the intensive literature review, it can be concluded that the broadcasting system prevailing in Indonesia is not purely liberal, but a mix of liberal and authoritarian model, a unique character that also occurs in the post-communist and post-authoritarian states in Asia, Africa and Eastern Europe. This mix is indicated within the last fifteen years through the adoption of public and community broadcasters and the establishment of Komisi Penyiaran Indonesia (KPI) as an independent regulator that were accompanied with the existing control of the ruling government to public broadcasters (RRI & TVRI); the weak mandate of KPI and the omission of commercial broadcasting domination.

РОЛЬ ЦИКЛОВОЇ МЕТОДИЧНОЇ КОМІСІЇ З ХІРУРГІЧНИХ ДИСЦИПЛІН В ОРГАНІЗАЦІЇ НАВЧАЛЬНОГО ПРОЦЕСУ ВИЩИХ НАВЧАЛЬНИХ ЗАКЛАДІВ

Мета роботи – проаналізувати і оцінити роботу циклової методичної комісії із хірургічних дисциплін в організації навчального процесу вищих навчальних закладів.Основна частина. Проведений аналіз 18-річної роботи циклової методичної комісії з хірургічних дисциплін ДВНЗ “Тернопільський державний медичний університет імені І. Я. Горбачевського МОЗ України ».Результати та обговорення. Діяльність методичної комісії із хірургічних дисциплін спрямована на удосконалення організаційного та методичного забезпечення навчально-виховного процесу. Вона надавала рекомендації стосовно вдосконалення навчальних планів підготовки спеціалістів за відповідними напрямками та структурування змісту навчальних програм. Планування роботи методичної комісії здійснюється щорічно на основі рішень і рекомендацій ректорату, вченої ради університету, деканатів. План роботи складався на кожний навчальний рік у червні місяці. Після обговорення та схвалення методичною комісією план роботи затверджувався ректором. Засідання методичної комісії проводилися один раз на два місяці. При необхідності, скликались оперативні позачергові засідання. У разі необхідності на засідання методичної комісії запрошувались представники відповідних структурних підрозділів університету та окремі викладачі, які мають відношення до питань, що розглядались на методичній комісії. Рішення методичної комісії приймались відкритим голосуванням і вважались прийнятими тоді, коли за нього проголосувало більше половини присутніх на засіданні, доводились до відома працівників хірургічних кафедр університету впродовж 3-х днів. Однією з особливостей роботи комісії є реалізація навчально-виховних цілей. Зміст цієї роботи полягав у вдосконаленні методичної майстерності викладачів, зміні авторитарно-дисциплінарної моделі навчання на особистісно-орієнтовану.Висновок. Циклова методична комісія з хірургічних дисциплін повинна бути однією з ланок цілісної системи організації навчального процесу в медичному вищому навчальному закладі.

The police of the Sudan

The police force is one of the oldest institutions in modern Sudan. Since its establishment, political instability and internal armed conflicts have beset the country. Security problems and political instability have played a determining role in putting a centralised and militarised model of policing. Depending on archive materials and other sources, this article uses the historical approach to trace how centralised and military ideas have affected the police structure, role and practice. The impact of these ideas has contributed in establishing authoritarian model of policing rather than a professional one. Restoring peace and stability is a fundamental factor in any long-term plan of police reform.

The End of Bare Life?

Since Giorgio Agamben's influential critique of the liberal-democratic state, scholars have offered a more fulsome engagement with the ways that this formation extends Foucauldian biopolitical discourses by foregrounding the emergence of biological existence as “the new political subject.” InHomo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare LifeAgamben argues that it is impossible to understand the development, vocation, and contradictions of the modern state “if one forgets that what lies at its basis is not man as a free and conscious political subject, but, above all, man's bare life, the simple birth that as such is, in the passage from subject to citizen, invested in the principle of sovereignty.” Bare or pure life is the human as animal in nature without political definition or mediation. It is the isolation of the metaphysical from the various forms of concrete life that defines and conditions Western politics. Projects that imagine political communities as grounded in belonging or endeavor to found political rights in the citizen are in vain. The figure of thehomo sacer – the “sacred man” who “may be killed and yet not sacrificed” – is one of the most distinctive elements of Agamben's project of redefining sovereignty in biopolitical terms. Contra notions of collective political sovereignty as the basis of state politics, the figure of thehomo sacerattends to a more authoritarian model that pivots on the role of state authorities in simultaneously conditioning and dis/avowing the movement from bare life to rights-bearing subject.

Administrative Reform and the Transfer of Authority to Social Organizations in China

AbstractIn this article, we examine the administrative functions that have been carried out by social organizations (SOs) in China since 2013. We use evidence from Guangdong to demonstrate that the transfer of authority to SOs is selective, tends to create more burdens for local government, and generally does not lead to greater autonomy for SOs. We focus on five types of SOs that are undertaking new administrative functions with varying degrees of operational autonomy, which relates to the consultative authoritarian model proposed by Jessica Teets. Consultative authoritarianism allows for the expansion of relatively autonomous SOs and the development of indirect state control mechanisms. The model is designed to improve governance without democratization by expanding the role played by intermediaries such as SOs in public administration and service delivery. The evidence from Guangdong permits us to conclude that the transfer of authority to SOs allows for innovations in public administration, but that politics continues to motivate government decisions as to which functions are suitable for SOs to undertake, casting doubt on the ability of the Chinese Communist Party to achieve sustainable improvements in local governance and public service provision.

Le genre encadré

Dans les debats sur la transformation du groupe des cadres, de nombreuses etudes de la litterature de gestion indiquent qu’un « nouveau capitalisme » enjoindrait a passer d’un mode de management fonde sur l’autorite et la hierarchie a un management centre sur la cooperation interindividuelle et l’animation de reseaux. L’article se propose de confronter ce corpus gestionnaire a l’evolution des savoir-faire relationnels maitrises par les cadres, a partir de l’ethnographie d’une association parisienne promouvant l’apprentissage de competences au leadership. En croisant les dimensions de genre et de classe, l’enquete montre que ces competences n’aboutissent pas a une meilleure promotion des femmes, comme l’ecrivent les theoriciens du management. Les pratiques promues par l’association se trouvent reappropriees par les membres, qui developpent ainsi des pratiques diversifiees. Elles contribuent, comme nos observations le mettent en evidence, a asseoir la domination de certains profils d’hommes.

Economic reform as a precursor to political reform for development – does China have a model for resource-rich African Muslim countries?

Having gone through colonial exploitation for centuries, most of the colonies after independence from the West were confronted with two models. Contrary to the free market capitalist system based on power-sharing, some of the newly independent countries opted for an authoritarian model and ended up with unjust/distorted development based on exclusivist institutions. Despite having rich-resource endowments with less pressure of population, these countries essentially failed to promote inclusive economic institutions to ensure private property and an unbiased system of law which, in turn, would unleash the immense potentials based on incentives, talent and skills highly required for enhancing productivity and prosperity. The authoritarian but good governance (GG) under state-led development of East Asian miracle economies, in general, and China, in particular, pursuing the goal of economic modernisation before political reform made spectacular achievements in less than quarter of a century. But some of the resource-rich African countries, being unable to remain immune from the vested interest/political lobby groups, failed to make economic reform being promoted by agriculture-led development to facilitate political reform subsequently. Based on the main research question of this paper, it will be argued that the massive economic reform as that of China in terms of agriculture-led development can gradually set the stage for subsequent political reform. Based on the historical evidence of successful authoritarian development model, this paper argues in favour of Chinese style of gradualist development using incentives through empowering the households as well as individuals in materialising their potentials. However, only the effective inclusive institutions as experienced by way of ensuring all sorts of public and private goods can help the resource-rich African Muslim countries to pursue economic prosperity with fair distribution of economic, political and socio-cultural power resources. This, in turn, can help restore a ‘feeling of togetherness’ or what one of the greatest scholars of Islam – Ibn Khaldun – terms as ‘Asabiya’ for achieving a comprehensive, inclusive and sustainable development made possible by GG as opposed to liberal democracy.

Serving the Public in the 21st Century

The values, attitudes and behaviors of servant leadership are consistent with the public service ethic which values empowerment, justice and fairness in society, and community building achieved through participation; the attitude of stewardship; and the behaviors of compassion, love, sacrifice, and civic duty/service. We are beginning to see the application of servant ledership in public agencies and it may be our best hope to reengage citizens. Processes reflecting the values, attitudes, and behaviors of servant leadership enable public administrators to facilitate dialogue are available, such as Appreciative Inquiry and Open Space Technology. While information technology makes it possible to involve citizens from across a state in dialogues via interactive TV, we find the authoritarian model of leadership hard to let go. But if we are to develop a servant-leadership model, new skills are needed. We will need to engage in authentic communication, to interact with others with positive regard and respect, and to collaborate in problem solving. Servant leadership offers individuals in public service who value empowerment, justice, community building and stewardship the tools to achieve these values.