Military Junta Research Articles

Globalization, deglobalization and human security: the case of Myanmar

Abstract Increased nationalism, greater protectionism and a gradual move away from a rules-based international order by some members of the international community do not bode well for vulnerable populations around the globe. Human security is threatened by a host of non-traditional security challenges catalysed by the growth of physical technologies and require multifaceted responses from a variety of actors. Many of those actors look to transnational networks built on globalized liberal order's social norms—what we call social technologies—for protection. The dwindling interconnectedness of deglobalization is likely to further empower corrupt governments at the expense of vulnerable citizens. This results from a decreased willingness by states and international institutions to defend human security. Whether one looks at the plight of persecuted citizens during Burma's military junta, human slaves in the fisheries off the coast of Indonesia, or farmers uprooted from their land by palm oil plantations, without social technologies to counterbalance the negative implications of physical technology the international community will lack the political capacity (sanctions, arms embargoes, travel restrictions, etc.), to aid those most in need. Ultimately, the effects of deglobalization on human security will depend largely on the trajectory of social technology developing alongside advances in physical technology.

Overwriting the Memory of a Modern Ruin in Chile: From UNCTAD III to GAM

Located in central Santiago, the Gabriela Mistral Cultural Centre (GAM) is in fact the latest renovation of a building that embodies several historical shifts affecting Chile since 1972. Originally conceived as an emblem of modernisation during Salvador Allende’s presidency, it became the headquarters of the Pinochet military junta after the 1973 coup d’etat. In present times, due to the October 2019 social protest movement, the building has been transformed by activists into an impromptu platform for protest art. This essay explores the discursive and spatial relationships between the latest renovation of the GAM building and past events through an analysis of the renovation’s design, its socio-political and cultural context, and its impact upon Chilean collective memory. Archival research for the essay encompasses governmental documents, press releases, and architectural drawings – in conjunction with newspaper articles and television clips. Furthermore, three figures involved in the renovation were interviewed: Christian Yutronic, one of the architects responsible for the redesign; Felipe Mella, the current director of GAM; and Caiozzama, a prominent protest artist who has transformed the building’s facade. This study reveals the links between architectural form and collective memory in contemporary Chile, interweaving topics such as remembrance and erasure, the conservation of ‘difficult’ heritage, and the role played by ideology within current architectural discourse.

Language of Grief and Body in Translation


 Argentina’s 1976-1983 military dictatorship was, in the words of scholar Marguerite Feitlowitz, "an intensely verbal takeover" (Feitlowitz 22). The language of the military junta was one that spun an illusion of reality out of abstractions and absolutes, while in fact, it cloaked real events to produce a culture of denial. I discuss my translation of María Negroni’s lyric novel about The Dirty War, The Annunciation, which enters the dysfunctional language of dictatorship as a site of poetic play. Negroni dramatizes how this language prohibits, above all else, grief. Specifically, it deploys a language of melancholy as a radical gesture in a linguistic-political context where the body, and the embodied, have disappeared. Drawing from passages in my translation I highlight translation as it participates in problems of loss, silence, and absence, and ultimately, as it performs the recuperative work of mourning.

Hyperreal homoerotic love in a monarchized military conjuncture: a situated view of the Thai Boys’ Love industry

ABSTRACT The rise of Boys’ Love (BL) TV series in Thailand over the past decade has sparked critical attention from both academics and journalists alike. Rather than rehashing the trajectory of this development, we analyze Thai popular culture as a contested sexual and political space in which BL performs a paradoxical function within Thailand’s contemporary crisis dominated by a royalist military junta with a penchant for pinkwashing. Through adopting and reappropriating Korean and Japanese BL aesthetics, we argue that BL culture in Thailand recasts such East Asian idolization with its own characteristics, yielding the dual effect of simultaneously bolstering yet challenging Thai discourses on both homosexuality and monarchized military politics.

Dictatorships and universities: The 1980 Turkish military coup d’état and Turkish geography

This paper examines the relation between abrupt, often violent political change producing dictatorships and the effect on universities, including the organization and content of academic disciplines. Those disciplines, we contend, can be radically altered, reshaped to conform to the state's new political imperatives. Our case study is the effect of the 1980 military coup d’état in Turkey on that country's tradition of academic geography. The coup was to quell Turkey's social unrest and political-economic instability of much of the 1970s. During the 1980-83 military junta that followed, political dissent was squashed, civil liberties removed, a Nationalistic-Islamic discourse (the Turkish-Islamic Synthesis) enacted, and higher-education centralized and brought under strict state control. The response of Turkish geographers was to turn inward, to practice an earlier regional descriptive tradition underlain by environmental determinism, which, seemingly neutral, bolstered the coup's political nationalism, diverting critical analysis. As a result, Turkish geography became ever-more intellectually distant from Anglo-American geography that during the 1970s increasingly repudiated its own earlier regionalism. Rather than moving forward, in order to survive Turkish geography returned to its past. It pursued a strategy of La Jetée after the 1962 French new wave film of the same name. It summoned the past in order to come to the aid of the present.

Modernist Art in Ethiopia

Modernist Art in Ethiopia

From Confrontation to Cooperation

Why and how did the International Labor Organization and the military junta of Myanmar transform their relationship so dramatically, from confrontation to cooperation, between 2007 and 2010? What insights can be drawn from this case regarding the successful operation of an international organization in an authoritarian environment? By investigating the evolution of the military leadership’s perception, this article aims to demystify authoritarian decision-making and identify the interactive mechanisms operating between internal and external dynamics and between an authoritarian regime and an international organization. The qualitative fieldwork includes direct interviews with former top military government leaders, who provide valuable insights into the decision-making logic at the highest level.

The contradiction of international trends in freedom of association

ABSTRACT There is a contradiction in international patterns: freedom of association seems, if anything, to have been enhanced, yet union rights appear to have been under increasing threat. The existence of full freedom of association rights is normal in developed countries. The imposition of major restrictions on freedom of association is typically associated with military coups, juntas, martial law or dictatorships. As countries become more economically developed and more democratic, rights to freedom of association are generally enhanced if they are not already ubiquitous. Yet union rights and union density are in decline. This pattern seems to be part of the contradiction of the move to greater marketisation, relating to a separation of industrial relations issues from human rights.

“Un millón de chilenos”: Testimonios del exilio en la Revista Araucaria de Chile

One of the political consequences of the repression experienced during the years of the Chilean dictatorship established after the 1973 coup d'etat and led by the military Junta, was the phenomenon of exile. Through the study of the journals created by Chileans in exile in the most remote places of the planet, it is possible to recompose the cultural and political history of Chile. In particular, this article proposes cultural journals as fundamental spaces for recognizing how the common experience of a past of Unidad Popular is approached from exile, together with the horror of a present marked by the coup d'etat, persecution and exile. In this sense, the journal Araucaria de Chile (1978-1990) coined in its pages the writing of the outside, pierced by the modes of saying dependent to a great extent on the concrete experience of the social disarticulation of a previous identity and its ways of re-articulation. Focusing the work on the section Un millon de chilenos will allow us to identify three dimensions within the set of testimonial narratives that deal with the experience of exile defined as uprooting, guilt and possibility.

Can ASEAN Play a Leading Role in Resolving Myanmar’s Crisis?

On 2 March 2021 representatives from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) member states convened a meeting to discuss the situation in Myanmar following the military coup on 1 February 2021 where the Myanmar civilian government was toppled by the military junta. The outcome of the meeting did not deviate from the bloc’s traditional response of non-interference; they strongly encouraged all parties concerned to seek a peaceful solution through constructive dialogue and practical reconciliation in the interests of the people and their livelihood.

Myanmar Political Instability: A Threat to Southeast Asia Stability

This research aims to explain current Myanmar political instability due to the recent military coup d’état on February 1, 2021 led by General Senior Min Aung Hlaing follow with Aung San Suu Kyi and other pro-democracy elite leaders arrests. Domestically, up to present time, after the military coup, most Burmese supporters of Myanmar's democratization such medical doctors, teachers, traders, civilian political leaders, and university students balked and staged massive demonstrations against the military coup and demanded the return of civilian government authority by the military junta government. This research revealed that this unexpected Myanmar phenomenal political situation has impact on Southeast Asia regional security and ASEAN Unity.

Environmental Protection under Authoritarian Regimes in Cold War Chile and Hungary

Abstract Authoritarian regimes are often seen to be hostile toward the environment, albeit there is a growing body of literature suggesting a more nuanced image when it comes to authoritarian governments and the environment. However, several aspects of human-nature relationship need further clarification in non-democratic systems, both on the political left and right. In this article we aim to address that challenge by analysing Cold War economic and environmental goals and responses of the right-wing military junta in Chile under Pinochet and the Hungarian state-socialist, USSR-satellite regime under Kádár. By analysing two radically different political and economic approaches to economic catchup, while mitigating environmental costs on the way, this study aims to understand better the ecological motivations in authoritarian regimes operating diverse political and economic agendas.

THE POWER OF THAI DEMONSTRATIONS AGAINST THE ROYAL FAMILY

Thailand has a long history of political riots and protests, but the pro-democracy actions that took place for most of 2020 and are continuing today are the biggest actions in Thai history. The wave of actions bearing the 'Three Fingers' symbol began in February 2020 after the Thai Raksa Chart, the most outspoken opposition political party, was suspended by the Constitutional Court. This freeze is considered by democracy activists to increasingly benefit the ruler of the military junta, Prime Minister Prayuth Chan Ocha. There were at least 10 demands made by the demonstrators, among others, urging the ruling government to step down immediately, demanding amendments to the military product constitution which is not pro-people, immediately holding fair and fair elections, and pressing for reform of the monarchy that has ruled Thailand for decades. The demonstrators were worried that Thailand would again be trapped in an absolute monarchy system as it was before 1932, where the king held full power as head of state as well as head of government. In recent months, demonstrators have taken to the streets to resist resistance. Although the pro-democracy activists were responded to, the demonstrators, who were mostly students, students, and youth ranks, fearlessly continued to embrace to pressure the royal family. Actions against the monarchy like those of the country's demonstrators were both courageous and surprising. Why not, since birth in the realm of the body, Thai citizens have been instilled to love and obey the monarchy unconditionally and are instilled to be afraid to do things that are against or just talk about the royal family. However, the anger, disgust of the Thai people towards the feudal behavior of the royal family who are busier with self-interest coupled with the Military Junta ruling regime that is not pro-people makes their patience limit is on the limit.

Theophilus Owolabi Shobowale Benson and the Making of Modern Nigeria

Theophilus Owolabi Shobowale Benson, popularly known as TOS Benson, a prince from the Lasunwon Royal Family of Ikorodu, was one of the architects of modern Nigeria. A spirited nationalist, a pan–Nigerian nation builder, an inveterate antagonist of ethnic jingoism and a relentless crusader for the under–dog and the less privileged; TOS Benson made imperishable contributions to the growth and development of Nigerian politics and judiciary (law). This paper assesses the contribution of TOS Benson to the making of the Nigerian state right from September 1947 when he returned to the country from London where he had gone to read law. It points out that TOS Benson was a solid political bridgehead that held the ethnic groups in the country together and that, at the risk of incarceration and other forms of intimidation and harassment, he stood up against the colonial administration and certain policies and antics of the military junta following the incursion of the military into Nigerian politics. The paper concludes that the history of the making of modern Nigeria that does not give a prime of place to the contribution of TOS Benson will be riddled with noticeable gaps and embarrassing vacuum and that his sharing the February 13 death–date with General Murtala Ramat Mohammed – who, but for B.S. Dimka’s bullets, could have been Nigeria’s renaissance – is probably not a mere coincidence of history but a testimony of his imperishable contribution to the making of Nigeria.

Rethinking the Emergence and the Practice of Three Praetorian States in Southeast Asia: A Comparative Study between Indonesia, Myanmar and Thailand

Military forces have had many important roles in political life in Southeast Asia where the military has a full power or major role and influence in the domestic politics. These forms of military intervention in domestic politics are called praetorianism, which is characterized by the military being more inclined to take care of domestic political affairs rather than carrying out its professional duties as guardians of sovereignty from external threats. We can find this practice from seeing the New Order regime in Indonesia to the Military Junta of Myanmar and Thailand. This paper aims to analyze what factors are the background of the widespread practice of praetorianism and how the practice can last for a certain period of time, even still to this day in Southeast Asia. The main argument is the weak political institutions and the low political culture of developing country are the main causes of various intervention efforts made by the armed forces in the domestic political realm of a country.

Políticas educacionales y dictadura cívico-militar en Chile (1973-1990): El proceso de trasformación neoliberal y autoritario de los espacios formativos y de trabajo del profesorado

El objetivo de este artículo es analizar la política educacional dirigida hacía el trabajo docente y fundamentada en el modelo económico neoliberal que construyó e implementó la dictadura cívico-militar en Chile (1973-1990). De forma más específica, interesó conocer cómo fueron afectados los espacios formativos y los espacios laborales del profesorado por estas iniciativas. Para alcanzar este objetivo, se realizó un análisis de fuentes documentales jurídicas y de las actas de la junta militar de gobierno. Las conclusiones indican que los espacios formativos y de trabajo del profesorado chileno fueron profundamente afectados por las políticas educacionales de orientación neoliberal del régimen, principalmente en lo relacionado al deterioro de la institucionalidad dedicada a la formación inicial docente y a la imposición del carácter de flexibilización de las condiciones laborales del profesorado. Desde una perspectiva panorámica, las políticas educativas de la dictadura cívico-militar pueden ser entendidas como un esfuerzo sistemático de deterioro y maltrato al profesorado con el objetivo de construir una nueva forma de ser docente en Chile.

“We Cannot Please Everyone”: Contentions over Adjustment in EPRDF Ethiopia (1991–2018)

AbstractThis article looks at how rural inhabitants navigated state power under a regime led by a former socialist party that negotiated its conversion to a market economy while keeping tight control on the whole society. In that regard, it addresses adjustment in a very specific context, by analysing a distinctive chronology, raising the ruling party's ability to negotiate with the international financial institutions, and considering popular reactions from a rural point of view. The regime led by the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) managed to delay measures of structural adjustment during the 1990s and 2000s while deepening structures of state control it partly inherited from the former military junta. Brutal structural adjustment plans were refused, while international financial institutions were kept away from the Ethiopian government's policy mix, by way of elaborate ideological and institutional arrangements. The EPRDF coined its own version of the “developmental state” and renewed state control of the economy while deepening its articulation to global markets. Under the EPRDF, all sectors of society and especially peasantries were closely monitored and mobilized in the name of development. But although the open expression of dissent remained rare, peasants resorted to many strategies to cope with political control and to some extent divert it. By taking agricultural policies as a case study, the article describes peasant practices and questions differences between resistance, false compliance, and diversion, underlining how blurred such labels can actually be.

The Facets of Transitional Justice and 'Red Terror' Mass Trials of Derg Officials in Post-1991 Ethiopia: Reassessing its Achievements and Pitfalls

At the end of the state perpetrated largescale violence, two important puzzling questions need to be addressed by post-conflict states. The first one chiefly concern how to ensure accountability or fight impunity, and the second is concerned with how to transform a society wrecked by prolonged conflicts into a durable peace in a non-violent means (Jarstad & Sisk, 2008). One such effort to deal with these questions was implementation of a transitional justice measures which evolved to encompass broader themes in addition to criminal accountability and it has shown a considerable relevance and expansion since the end of Cold War. After the demise of Marxist military junta of Derg regime in 1991, the Transitional Government of Ethiopia attempted to respond to the Derg-era atrocities of Red Terror through the establishment of Special Prosecution Office (SPO) in 1992. Ethiopia’s SPO undertook one of the most extensive criminal investigations after Nuremburg trials by its own resources and domestic tribunals and the mass trials lasted for nearly two decades. However, the assessment about its significance for domestic political transformation and its legacy remained largely untold. The aim of this paper is to make a critical review of available works on the ‘red terror trials’ and reconsider its achievements and pitfalls and to interrogate as to whether it can still provide important lessons for today’s reality. By critically reviewing available literatures and official reports, the paper found that the efforts of Red Terror trials partly succeeded in ending impunity, averting tendency of summary executions and revenge killings, and in eliciting some ‘truths. However, the measure was affected by severe limitations including the adopting the narrower model of transitional justice measures chiefly focusing on criminal prosecutions, and also questioned legitimacy of trials amidst human rights violations by the new regime itself. These limitations coupled with other factors constrained the capacity of the Derg’s Red Terror trials so that it remained short of being translated into a lasting legacy in terms of meaningful political transformation.

The Civil Law Tradition, the Pinochet Constitution and Judge Eugenio Valenzuela

The depersonalization of the courts that the civil law tradition encourages makes it less likely that judges in those types of jurisdictions will become towering judges or, at least, it will make their influential jurisprudence anonymous or less visible. By exploring the experience of Eugenio Valenzuela, a Chilean judge that served at the Constitutional Court in the 80s, this Chapter shows that, despite the limitations of the civil law tradition, sometimes it is nonetheless possible to identify a towering judge in a civil law country. The author studies how judge Valenzuela led a group of judges within the Chilean Constitutional Court and succeeded in challenging critical pieces of legislation enacted by the military Junta during the Pinochet dictatorship. By showing how the Valenzuela jurisprudence helped to advance the transition to democracy against the interests of the authoritarian regime, the author claims that founding moments in fragile institutional settings of civil law countries may provide an opportunity for a political towering judge to emerge.

Mental Health Interventions in Complex Political Contexts

Global mental health specialists provide mental health (MH) services worldwide in various settings with complex humanitarian needs. Tailoring MH interventions and psychosocial support to the context and culture is essential for ensuring safe and competent services. A complex political context (CPC) is characterised by complex political dynamics, social instability and political violence resulting in gross violation of human rights and massive trauma. Examples of such settings include dictatorships, military junta and other forms of government-sponsored, sectarian or ethnic violence towards marginalised groups who are targeted, oppressed and discriminated. In some countries, receiving MH services can expose beneficiaries and put them at risk. Scaling up MH support is needed when serving persons with special needs and those at particular risk for discrimination and victimisation. The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic has worsened the situation and been used by unscrupulous politicians to tighten governmental control, blame already marginalised groups and deny or further limit their access to resources and health care. These guidelines aim to equip MH workers with an understanding of the professional challenges and ethical dilemmas posed by CPCs. They offer recommendations for programming and delivering MH services in CPC. Providing MH interventions in a CPC calls for special professional expertise, extensive use of supervision and peer support, and personal competencies such as self-awareness and self-care.