Military Instruments Research Articles

The Changes of United States Foreign Policy in The Arctic in 2022

The United States' (U.S.) attention to the Arctic region has intensified in recent years due to the opening of vast natural resources and the potential for new shipping routes resulting from global warming. As an Arctic nation, the U.S. has actively focused on the region. From its initial Arctic policy in 1971 until 2021, U.S. foreign policy remained relatively passive, merely outlining the general U.S. position in the region. However, in 2022, without significant changes or upheavals in the Arctic region, the U.S. significantly altered its foreign policy by incorporating military instruments To explore that factors that influenced the change in U.S. policy in the Arctic in 2022, this study employs the decision-making process theory. Utilizing qualitative research methods, the study relies on both primary and secondary data, drawn from official U.S. policies, supplemented by credible articles, news, and scholarly writings. The research identifies three factors that led to the U.S. altering its foreign policy in the Arctic in 2022: domestic political conditions, economic and military factors, and the international context.

The Contribution of Naval Diplomacy to Regional Maritime Security

In the context of the military conflict in the Black Sea region, with implications for regional security, the approach proposes a solution to strengthen international relations by capitalising on the non-coercive potential of the naval presence on the maritime communication routes in the Black Sea, starting from the premise that the Romanian Navy is the military instrument of power through which the state projects its naval diplomacy, a mission manifested under the auspices of ways of asserting national maritime and fluvial interests. With a wide range of diplomatic instruments through which the Romanian state manifests and consolidates its geopolitical position and interests in the Black Sea and the Danube River, at the political-military level there is the possibility of using specific ways of contributing to the consolidation of regional maritime security. Practically, the proposal to carry out a regional cooperation initiative in the Black Sea, by establishing an air-land-naval battle group, under the auspices of the collaboration of allied partners, candidates, and the riverine countries of the Black Sea Extended Area. Punctually, through this approach, a solution is presented regarding the contribution of the Romanian Navy to the consolidation of regional, maritime, and fluvial security, through simple steps, resuming a previously applied model, and effectively using military instruments through regional cooperation.

Contribuția diplomației navale la securitatea maritimă regională

In the context of the military conflict in the Black Sea region, with implications for regional security, the approach proposes a solution to strengthen international relations by capitalising on the non-coercive potential of the naval presence on the maritime communication routes in the Black Sea, starting from the premise that the Romanian Navy is the military instrument of power through which the state projects its naval diplomacy, a mission manifested under the auspices of ways of asserting national maritime and fluvial interests. With a wide range of diplomatic instruments through which the Romanian state manifests and consolidates its geopolitical position and interests in the Black Sea and the Danube River, at the political-military level there is the possibility of using specific ways of contributing to the consolidation of regional maritime security. Practically, the proposal to carry out a regional cooperation initiative in the Black Sea, by establishing an air-land-naval battle group, under the auspices of the collaboration of allied partners, candidates, and the riverine countries of the Black Sea Extended Area. Punctually, through this approach, a solution is presented regarding the contribution of the Romanian Navy to the consolidation of regional, maritime, and fluvial security, through simple steps, resuming a previously applied model, and effectively using military instruments through regional cooperation.

Military affairs in the Golden Horde and Turan: a comparative analysis

The purpose of the article is a historical reconstruction of the most important components of the military affairs of the Golden Horde and Turan, their comparative analysis, establishment of common features and differences, as well as clarification of the social and military-technical reasons that led to the military defeat and subsequent decline of Ulus Juchi. The research methodology, in addition to observing the principles of objectivity and historicism, consisted in the consistent application of the historical comparative method, its heuristic, analytical, descriptive functions and the function of identifying borrowings and influences. The scientific novelty is contained in the systematic application of a comparative analysis of the military affairs in Ulus Juchi and in the state of Timur, revealing the effectiveness of transfers and durability of elements of the military art of the Mongolian and Turkic ethnic communities. Conclusions. The author has found the military affairs of the Genghisids to be based on Mongolian military traditions and experience. Decimal system and the left-right arms and the center structuring underlay the military organization of the countries. Golden Horde and Ulus Chagatai preserved general military duty. Mobilization resource comprised hundreds of thousands of prepared warriors called horse-soldiers. The paper has identified that the would-be reinforcement training was naturally held in professional and living environments of the Nomads. It was battue hunting that played a significant role in military organization and tactics. The armies of Golden Horde and Turan consisted of light and heavily armed cavalry. The article has demonstrated that the Tymur’s infantry was of great importance and performed special vital urgent tasks but supporting role. Being a general, Tymur among the followers of Mongolian war principal was the first to take notice of the new tendency in military affairs. The army of Golden Horden was proved to successfully know the Nomads’ basic tactical techniques – “round dance”, “crow’s flock”, “shiuchi” and “tulgam”. “Tulgama” known as bypassing the enemy from one or two flanks and getting behind his lines when battling, was the most effective tactical military instrument of the Genghisids states. The Turan army lead by Tymur, was able to contrast “tulgama” with their own organizational and tactical innovations. Tymur covered cavalry corps of the left and right arms were by “canbulas” – protective corps with the number no less than the main divisions. Their clear task included to prevent the enemy’s cavalry from going around from the flanks. They fought together with the vanguard corps. The most important Tymur’s innovation was introducing a powerful rearguard – a corps of patches of twenty koshuns. Unlike the Golden Horde warriors, Tymur enriched the Mongolian art of war with systemic use of reserves. The paper has found that military organization of Golden Horde and Turan was tightly connected with the social structure. In the middle of the 14th century Ulus Dzhuchi survived the political crises “Great Confusion” that provoked increasing of centrifugal motion. After political anarchy, uluses were assigned to the Juchid clans. Bekliarbek (a stoker) position creation was a sign of feudalization and central power weakening in Golden Horde. The way Khan Tokhtamysh had distributed suurgals (patches) in order to increase the number of his adherents, didn’t bring power consolidation, but loose it contrariwise. In the Tokhtamysh army it was revealed with commanders (oglans and beks) betrayal. The Tymur’s state was in the ascendancy; allowance of uluses and suurgals was developed with establishing clear and definite military duties. Feudalization tendency hadn’t appeared clearly in Turan yet. That lead to more solidarity and motivation of the Tymur’s army in his resistance with Tokhtamysh.

ВОЕННАЯ ПОЛИТИКА КНР: КАК ПЕКИН ГОТОВИТСЯ К ОБОСТРЕНИЮ КОНФРОНТАЦИИ? РЕЦЕНЗИЯ НА МОНОГРАФИЮ И УЧЕБНОЕ ПОСОБИЕ ДОКТОРА ВОЕННЫХ НАУК ГОРДИЕНКО Д. В.

The review examines those published in 2023-2024. works of the prominent Russian scientist D.V. Gordienko, devoted to the study of the military aspects of Chinese geopolitics. An analysis of the foreign policy guidelines considered by the author that determine the geopolitics of the PRC, as well as military instruments that ensure its guaranteed implementation, is carried out. Particular attention is paid to the approaches of the Chinese leadership identified by the author to interaction with global and regional players in matters of defense and security.

Considerations regarding Logistic Support for a European Union Battle Group

The requirements of the current security environment have significant effects not only in all social domains but also at all levels of decision-making. The effects of the COVID-19 pandemic, the challenges caused by the conflict in Ukraine, and the ongoing technological transformations compel the involved actors to identify measures to adapt to current situations and increase their level of resilience. The deadlines for the crisis responses and for the potential military conflicts reactions become vital factors in reducing costs, decreasing consumption, and saving human lives. As the primary actor in region, the European Union is re-evaluating its available tools in order to be capable to anticipate, deter, and provide a rapid response to current security threats and challenges. In this context, this article aims to analyse, from a logistical perspective, one of the military instruments of the European Union – the EU Battle Group. Even if it was conceptualized over two decades ago, it regained relevance in the new security context.

Considerații privind sprijinul logistic al structurilor militare de tip grup de luptă constituit la nivelul Uniunii Europene

The requirements of the current security environment have significant effects not only in all social domains but also at all levels of decision-making. The effects of the COVID-19 pandemic, the challenges caused by the conflict in Ukraine, and the ongoing technological transformations compel the involved actors to identify measures to adapt to current situations and increase their level of resilience. The deadlines for the crisis responses and for the potential military conflicts reactions become vital factors in reducing costs, decreasing consumption, and saving human lives. As the primary actor in region, the European Union is re-evaluating its available tools in order to be capable to anticipate, deter, and provide a rapid response to current security threats and challenges. In this context, this article aims to analyse, from a logistical perspective, one of the military instruments of the European Union – the EU Battle Group. Even if it was conceptualized over two decades ago, it regained relevance in the new security context.

The concept of war of the Russian Federation. Military instruments in the Russian power policy in 2014

The “Russian world” concept is constantly employed in political and media discourse. Despite its active use, no single comprehensive definition exists in scientific literature. In this study, a brief version of the “Russian world” term conceptualization was presented, including two categorical series of semantic formations (social groups and value systems) and three axiological conceptual functions of the “Russian world”. In addition, newly formed narratives in connection with the Russian-Ukrainian war encountered only within the framework of Ukrainian discourse were identified. As research material, Russian and Ukrainian-language texts from the Ukrainian media reflecting the consequences of Russia’s military actions on the territory of Ukraine through the prism of the “Russian world” concept were adopted. The work was conducted applying semantic analysis, contextual analysis, and the substitution method.

From Abrogation to Dominion: Navigating India’s Neo-Colonial Settler Agenda in Kashmir and Elimination of Kashmiri Identity

Abstract This paper examines the neo-colonial project of Narendra Modi implemented in Kashmir after the revocation of special status on August 5, 2019. The neo-colonial infrastructure supported by the threads of re-classification of legal residents and land designations intends to significantly transform the demography of Muslim majority Kashmir into a Muslim minority, consequently destroying the Muslim identity of the state. The abrogation of Article 370 and enactment of new domicile law has extended the legal and administrative control of New Delhi, making Kashmir indistinguishable from the Indian legal system and leaving no room for the local legislative assembly to make laws beneficial for the state residents. The paper asks how India is implementing the neo-colonial settler agenda in Kashmir. How and to what extent legal and military instruments are employed to disempower Kashmiris from territorial and cultural identity? The paper argues that Prime Minister Narendra Modi is pursuing a neo-colonial settler agenda in Kashmir through ‘destroy and replace,’ which is supported by the neo-liberal agenda, including; new land management policy, new domicile law, spatial planning and development, new settlements of Hindus, authoritative central control, and massive militarization to carry out gross human rights abuses and repression.

“Civilian” quadcopters (drones) and their role in modern military conflicts

The article is devoted to the analysis of the use of commercial quadcopters in modern military conflicts. The relevance of the work is due to the fact that the experience of a special military operation (SVO) in Ukraine, as well as other military conflicts, has demonstrated to the whole world that even such a seemingly harmless tool as a quadcopter can become a formidable military force used in battle. The object of the study is commercial (also called “civilian”) quadcopters (drones). The subject of the study is the use of commercial quadcopters (drones) in modern military conflicts around the world. The author has studied in detail the process of development of commercial quadcopters (drones) as military instruments, and determined the role of quadcopters in modern military conflicts. Also, the author describes in detail the areas of application of civilian quadcopters in military conflicts. The research methodology is based on general scientific methods (content analysis method), as well as on special historical methods (narrative and historical-genetic). The scientific novelty of the article lies in a detailed study of the use of civilian quadcopters in modern military conflicts, namely: in a special military operation (SVO) on the territory of Ukraine, in military clashes between the Sudanese rapid reaction forces and the Sudanese armed forces, which began in April 2023, as well as in the Arab-Israeli conflict escalated again in October 2023. The author’s special contribution to the study of the topic is a detailed description of the use of civilian quadcopters in all of the above conflicts. The work also contains a large corpus of photographic materials on the use of quadcopters in military conflicts. Based on the study, we can conclude that the role of civilian quadcopters in modern military conflicts has significantly increased.

El instrumento militar en la política internacional de los países sudamericanos

The aim of the article is to analyze the forms and scope of the use of the military instrument in the international policy of South American countries. Based on quantitative and qualitative data analysis and the comparative method, the author verifies three research hypotheses, according to which, firstly, in the last two decades, the importance of the military instrument in the international policy of the countries of the region has increased, but its effectiveness remains at a low level, secondly – it plays a significant role in the policy of building alliances, and thirdly – it is used only indirectly and selectively, mainly for defensive purposes. The article focuses on analyzing selected forms of the use of the military instrument in international politics, such as deterrence with military potential, the development of military potential and transfer of weapons, and the demonstration of strength and participation in UN peacekeeping missions.

Justinian und die Armee des frühen Byzanz by Clemens Koehn

Reviewed by: Justinian und die Armee des frühen Byzanz by Clemens Koehn Christian Michel Justinian und die Armee des frühen Byzanz Clemens Koehn Berlin/Boston: Walter de Gruyter, 2018. Pp. viii + 309. ISBN: 978-3-11-059701-1 The emperor Justinian I is perhaps the most prominent figure in the history of Late Antiquity. In more than 38 years of rule (from 527 to 565), he managed to recapture great parts of the former western Roman Empire, even if it were only to last for his reign. It is therefore not surprising that he has gained much scholarly attention in recent years. While the emperor can therefore be seen as well studied, the army that was the main guarantor of the great successes in Africa and Italy, as well as Justinian's relationship to it, has been somewhat neglected. This gap in the research defines the starting point for Clemens Koehn's Justinian und die Armee des frühen Byzanz. In a very short introduction (1–7) Koehn sums up the content to follow and proposes that the emperor was more of a military man than many think today, and that he followed the idea of "lean warfare" to achieve big strategic goals with small amounts of resources. The first part, titled "Die Armee als militärisches Instrument" ("The Army as a Military Instrument" 8–145), deals with the military reforms of the emperor. It analyzes the changes undertaken by Justinian regarding the different troops and contingents, as well as tactical aspects and the armament of the soldiers. Koehn identifies the increase in the number of the comitatenses (in part by incorporating the limitanei into them) as the biggest change because it enabled the [End Page 254] emperor to react more quickly to outside attacks (25–27). Another important aspect was the reformation of the funding of the army. The emperor cut payments to inactive soldiers and stopped the automatic promotion of young ones to redistribute the financial savings to the new troops (48–53). Koehn identifies the reason for these substantial changes in the military background of Justinian. The author can demonstrate that he was already involved in a restructuring of the military and military activities during the reign of his predecessor Justin (56–67). After dealing with the emperor and his reforms, Koehn looks at the structure of the army itself. He highlights the role of the foederati and shows that the emperor increased the numbers of barbarians (67–114). Another chapter concentrates on one special form of troops: the hippotoxotai. (115–145). As the name shows, the hippotoxotai were mounted archers. For Koehn, the use and further development of those cavalry units started with the conquest of Africa in the years 533/534. After the defeat of the vandal rulers, the Romans had to face the Moorish people, who were specialized in using throwing spears against their enemies, posing great problems for the Roman army and its tactics. The Romans reacted by equipping their mounted bowman with throwing spears—the idea of the hippotoxotai was born. Under Justinian, the number of hippotoxotai was therefore increased, but it was not before the end of the sixth century that the cavalry consisted of those troops exclusively. After analyzing the military function of the army, Koehn deals with "Die Armee als politisches Instrument" ("The Army as a Political Instrument" 146–274). He examines how Justinian used the army to pursue his political aims. Koehn starts by dealing with the idea of restauratio imperii. He states that the reconquest of the former parts of the Western Roman Empire was not—in contrast to the early and in accordance with the new literature—the result of a large plan but rather of contingent circumstances that the emperor was able to use wisely. While the recapture of Africa was the starting point for the restauratio of the empire, the emperor seems to have already developed the idea of universal rule earlier. This fact is shown in the imperial propaganda that exhibits clear parallels to the imperial self-representation of former centuries. An instructive example that Koehn presents is the defeat of the Tzanoi in 528 (148–156). While they...

A Resposta da União Europeia à Guerra da Ucrânia

The Russian Federation’s invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022 caused deep changes in the international security environment, particularly in geopolitical region of Europe. It would not, therefore, be surprising if the European Union and its member states were to mobilize in order to help Ukraine in several areas. This article seeks to map the main humanitarian, economic and military instruments that constituted the EU’s reaction to the main challenges that were posed in the first year of war.

Small States and the War in Ukraine

The War in Ukraine signals a return to the sphere of influence politics and great powers’ use of military instruments against their weaker neighbors. The consequences for small states are negative. Although some small states will find new opportunities for hedging and brinkmanship, most small states will see their chances of shaping international agendas reduced as they increasingly focus on defensive aims. To meet these challenges small states must work together to promote their shared interests: 1) A modus vivendi between the great power, which minimizes the risk of great power war as well as the annexation and invasion of smaller states, 2) a rule-based international order; 3) a relaunch the United Nations as the central arena for debates on international society among sovereign states.

NORTH KOREA'S NUCLEAR THREAT TO UNITED STATES SECURITY DURING THE LEADERSHIP OF DONALD TRUMP

This paper attempts to look at the North Korean nuclear threat to the security of the United States during the presidency of the United States President Donald Trump by using the Security Dilemma, which is one of the concepts in realism theory that arises as a result of a country's actions to improve its country's security. Still, on the one hand, it creates a reaction. Other countries also want to improve their security, which will lead to a decrease in safety in the first country. In addition, the author also uses Balance of Power which underlies his view that every government or alliance of countries that feel threatened by increasing the military power of a country or a coalition of other countries will respond by increasing the strength of their country as a balancing effort. North Korea is again in the global spotlight for developing its nuclear program. This has created a reaction in the form of a security threat to the United States, so under the leadership of Donald Trump, various efforts have been made to offset this. This paper finds the results that the U.S. security dilemma is based on fear and threats due to the increasing power of North Korea. U.S. President Donald Trump tries to stop this by carrying out a Balance of Power. The forms of activity by Donald Trump include trying to combine diplomatic and sanctions with extreme measures in cutting economic resources, stopping food supplies, and diplomacy of isolation. Using military instruments to force Pyongyang to halt its nuclear weapons development program is also possible.

Military force development in New Zealand and Singapore: realising different influences on small state military capability

ABSTRACT New Zealand and Singapore are both capable small states with notably different security and defence concerns. The relative level of commitment that Singapore provides to its military forces in comparison to New Zealand is not only a reflection of the tremendous economic, social and technological development that has occurred in the city state since its independence, but is also due the different perceptions, discretion and motivation that each state has regarding the role and utility of their military instruments. The differences in their military capabilities also reflect how each has responded to their particular circumstances as small states. New Zealand has, to a large extent, worked within the constraints expected of small states while Singapore has striven to overcome them. However, the military capabilities of both states are significantly influenced by their characteristics as small states, and these form the basis of the challenges that they are likely to face going forward. This article examines key factors and elements underpinning why New Zealand and Singapore have developed markedly different military forces in the period from 1965 to 2022 in order to understand the extent to which their characteristics as small states have influenced their respective approaches to force development.

Трансформация политики США, ЕС и КНР в области содействия развитию на фоне междержавного соперничества

The paper deals with official development assistance (ODA) policies of the USA, the EU and China in the comparative context of latest developments. The development approaches of the three actors under investigation demonstrate common features as well as idiosyncrasies in terms of management, resources, and ideological justification. All actors strive towards complex model of influence through ODA including tying together economic projects with sociocultural heft and security. The underlying trends characteristic of the USA, and in significant degree of the EU approaches combine traditional aim of reshaping sociopolitical institutions of target countries with growing securitization concerns. In the case of the U.S., one can speak of ‘militarization’ of ODA which means blurring the lines between military aid (and goalsetting) and traditional development assistance. China is on the way of reforming its international development cooperation industry, seeking to transform it into a more complex toolset of influence, better coordinated, and more closely knit to foreign policy and security objectives. In contrast to the Western paradigm, Beijing avoids imposing its model of development and threat perception upon the aid-recipient countries. The analysis concludes that “soft power” concept is being sidelined in the world of great power rivalry by more complex and hybrid formats of foreign influence which combine sociocultural, political, geoeconomic, and military instruments, with development assistance playing a role of one of the primary foreign policy resources. New dimensions of rivalry associated with industrial and technological race in energy, climate, and supply chains are coming to the fore in ODA policies. The role of sociocultural influence toolkit is growing given information and communication technologies progress, proliferation of non-state actors in international relations, and increasing activity of China in the area, which challenges the dominant positions the Western actors have enjoyed for over 30 years.

SAN FRANCISCO PEACE TREATY IN THE LIGHT OF JAPANESE-CHINESE RELATIONS

The following article is devoted to the analysis of the San Francisco Peace Treaty of 1951 in the light of Sino-Japanese relations and those unresolved problems that originate in the ‘Time of Troubles’. According to this system, the states of East Asia and the Pacific region live to this day. Japan and China are the main players in East Asia and have a great influence on the international situation as a whole. The absence of the PRC, and the government of Chiang Kai-shek, at the conference in San Francisco gives rise to Beijing's desire to revise the results of the Second World War on the status of Taiwan and the Senkaku Islands. China's economic growth rate has averaged 10% per year since (1990), a clear indication that China will not be satisfied with the ‘modest role’ it was given in the region after World War II. China's demographic resource (1.5 billion people) and strong economic growth are the prerequisites that should ensure “the peaceful rise of China, the acquisition of the status of a world power without resorting to military instruments.”

CyberNSOF – A CRUCIAL FORCE MULTIPLIER IN MODERN WARFARE

Cyber security and special operations (CyberSOF) in the 21st century are constantly evolving and changing to meet today's threats. CyberSOF are constantly evolving as allied countries, strategic partners and key players in the Black Sea discover new tactics to achieve strategic objectives. So far, the one that has remained below the threshold of armed conflict by operating in the grey zone is the Russian Federation. The annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation is the first strong indicator that CyberSOF binomial operations have been executed. The Romanian Naval Special Operations Forces community is still developing specific guidelines or responses to deter or prevent a major cyber attack on Romania and its NATO partners. This research addresses an aspect of special operations and cyber community that has yet to be explained adequately. To achieve this goal, we will describe how the symbiotic relationship between Naval Special Operations Forces and Cyber Defense Command is crucial within the national military instrument of power at the strategic level and the impact of this binomial on the operational and tactical levels of hybrid conflict can be treated as both a force multiplier and force protection generator for Naval Forces and beyond. According to the specified causes to achieve our objectives, we will present the concept of Cyber Operations and Naval Forces for Special Operations (CyberNSOF), a novel concept that can produce strategic-level effects with minimal forces. Although the two entities presented above are services in the Romanian Military, used as a binomial (CyberNSOF) in support of the supported element, will be able to be used both as force multiplier, force protection element and last but not least as forces executing pre-emptive actions to deter the enemy. Taking these recommendations into account will increase the effectiveness of SOF maritime operations with the support of cyberoperations while ensuring the transition to a robust/ real joint capability in response to any emerging existing threats.

Yugoslav Communists between peace and dispute

The Yugoslav Communists, since their very appearance on the socio-political scene, have occupied a significant place in the historical perspective. During the Second World War in Yugoslavia, there was a significant change in political and social relations. The existence of ideological and civil war in the period 1941-1945 is crucial for understanding war and post-war events. The People's Liberation Army, ie the party's military instrument for the implementation of political and social changes, proved to be a key and decisive factor for the establishment of communist rule. The communist party did not observe the war in Yugoslavia through anti-fascism and anti-fascist struggle but through the so-called national liberation struggle and the socialist revolution. The key goal of the Communist Party was a fundamental change of social paradigm. In order to realize that idea, the party acted realpolitik. Initially, the party promoted common goals. Nevertheless, the party turned to its partial interests as soon as favorable military-political circumstances were created. The initial promotion of common goals was just a mimicry of the real intentions of the party. The Communist Party had a clearly defined political platform and goals for the national liberation struggle. These goals included taking over and establishing power, modeled on the Soviet Union. The conflict in Yugoslavia contained all the elements of an ideological-civil war because all the warring parties used the turmoil of war to carry out their political goals. In the context of the CPY, the basic form of the uprising was the partisan war, which escalated into a war against the enemy, those who were considered a threat to the party's future plans. In 1942, the People's Liberation Army was formed with the first divisions and corps (within it), while the decisive battles in 1943 definitely strengthened the People's Liberation Movement. A real understanding of the place and role of the Yugoslav communists, within the framework of historical reality, is the basic problem of this research. The aim is to review this phenomenon without any idealization, but also without the reduction of historical relevance, to review this phenomenon. There is no doubt that the Yugoslav communists achieved enormous success, in a political and social context. In the first years of first Yugoslavia, it was a marginal group, which was soon banned. However, during the great war, in which the collapse of the previous state took place, as well as the forms of civil war, the Yugoslav communists had the opportunity to reorganize the social, political, and economic order. The research within this paper is limited by the interest in the activities of the Yugoslav communists, from their appearance on the political scene to the moments when they become a powerful political force, without which the period behind us cannot be understood. The elaboration of the mentioned topic implied the application of all basic methods of scientific research. Of the general scientific methods, the hypothetical-deductive method and the comparative method were used. Obtaining empirical data was achieved by applying the method of analysis (content) of relevant documentation.