Political Mediation Research Articles

Dimensão Ética da Mediação da Informação

Analytical study of literature that focuses on information as a social phenomenon, in comparison with others about mediation of information, socio-interactionist theories, social protagonism, education, culture and politics. Put in evidence the relevance of mediation of information when it reaches its dialogical, aesthetic, formative, ethical and political dimensions, having the ethical dimension as the ruler of the interference action, ensuring the exercise of problematization that contributes of the appropriation of information, and práxis for the awareness of those involved in the mediating action, favoring the development and strengthening of social protagonism as mediation intentionality, demanding the performance of the organic intelectual, under the conception of Gramsci.

Problematization of Social Reality in Communicative Practices of Conflict Mobilization in Communities Social Networks in Germany

The results of studying the subject system-communicative dimension of conflict mobilization practices in social networks in Germany in the context of mediatization of politics and postulates of successful conflict communication of the Harvard School of Conflictology are presented in the article. The spheres of social life, characterized from the perspective of observers — members of mobilization communities — as a concentration of problem situations and phenomena are determined. The fact of achieving the planned impact when problematizing fragments of social reality is confirmed by the predominance of solidarity reactions of the addressees. The conclusion is made about the predominant presentation of fragments of social reality as a threat through a direct assessment, an indication of the need for confrontation as the main task of the community, broad calls for struggle and criticism of the opponent; about the dominant reinforced presentation of the assessment to the addressee. The consequences of modern mediation in the political sphere, which are reflected in the practices of conflict mobilization, including the changing characteristics and attitudes of communicants, are described. Mobilization practices are characterized as the practice of institutionalizing protest and conflict resolution. It is shown that the studied discursive practices combine the features of different conflict resolution strategies, re-veal partial deviations from the postulates of successful conflict communication, formulated by representatives of the Harvard School of Conflictology in the concept of “Principled Negotiations”.

Uneven and combined state capitalism

This article contributes to the development of state capitalism as a reflexively critical project focusing on the morphology of present-day capitalism, and particularly on the changing role of the state. We bring analytical clarity to state capitalism studies by offering a rigorous definition of its object of investigation, and by demonstrating how the category state capitalism can be productively construed as a means of problematising the current aggregate expansion of the state’s role as promoter, supervisor and owner of capital across the world economy. Noting some of the geographical shortcomings of the field, we outline an alternative research agenda ‘uneven and combined state capitalist development’ which aims at spatialising the study of state capitalism and revitalising systemic explanations of the phenomenon. Rather than the negation of an abstract model of free-market capitalism, or the rise of a nationally scaled variant of capitalism, we posit contemporary state capitalism as a global process of restructuring of the capitalist state (including in its liberal form) underpinned by secular transformations in the materiality of surplus-value production, such as the consolidation of new international divisions of labour driven by automation and labour-saving technologies. The political mediation of these transformations results in the combined expansion of state-capital hybrids and of muscular forms of statism, which develop in inter-referential and cumulative forms across territory, producing further state capitalist modalities. This is a particularly potent dynamic in contemporary state capitalism, and its tendency to develop in a spiral that both shapes and is shaped by world capitalist development.

The word formation potential of politicians’ surnames on the example of the category of names of abstract features

Research has shown that in contemporary political communication there are often derivatives belonging to the category of abstract feature names derived from the names of politicians. In total, I amassed 166 such units. I analyze their word-formation structure and the meaning that results not only from morphology, but is also contextually conditioned. The most productive is the suffix -izm/-yzm (gierkizm, schetynizm, balcerowizm) and the suffix -izna/-yzna (komorowszczyzna, michnikowszczyzna). Formations formed with the help of other suffixes are definitely less numerous, e.g. -ość (kaczyńskość), -ada (kukiziada) or complex formants: -aizm (dudaizm), -stwo (kaczorstwo), -ostwo (pawłowiczostwo), - arstwo (palikociarstwo) and -olioza (palikotolioza). Other derivative mechanisms are used to create odantroponimic names of ideology and a set of views, e.g. paradigmatic derivation with the disintegration of the topic (olszewia) or complex derivation (korwinomania, wałęsocentryzm). The derivatives in question are most often used by people who do not accept the phenomena signed by these words. The high frequency of names is undoubtedly influenced by new forms of communication, especially the Internet, and the mediatization of politics.

Social Mediatization of Politics: Take Taiwan 2019-2020 Presidential Election Campaigns as an Example

Social Mediatization of Politics: Take Taiwan 2019-2020 Presidential Election Campaigns as an Example

Mass Media Occurrence as a Political Career Maker

Ample work in political communication showed that high-level politicians get more media attention than their lower ranking colleagues. With power comes media attention. More than hard work, charisma, or experience, it is the political function performed by politicians that is the crucial factor in explaining how much media attention they receive. But what about the opposite relationship: does media attention also generate power? In this paper, we examine the media path leading to power. Basically, two important career steps of politicians are assessed: becoming a party leader and becoming a minister; we test whether, compared to those who did not make a top career, the politicians who came to take these steps were more prominent in the media before they moved up and became elite politicians. We draw on the case of Belgium here and leverage on a longitudinal automated media content analysis (2000–2020) combined with a data set of 532 national/regional politicians and their careers. The study finds that media occurrences matters for being promoted to a top function in Belgium, more so for becoming a minister than for becoming a party leader. Furthermore, rejecting our initial idea based on political mediatization theories, the influence of media occurrence does not seem to increase through time for both functions.

The Mediatization of Public Administration: A Scoping Review

This article presents an exploratory study of the concept of political mediatization. Using the scoping review method, we survey academic writings on this subfield of political communication. This research aims to highlight the dominant topics covered in the literature on the mediatization of politics, identify gaps in research, and provide a better understanding of how studies on mediatization align within the broader literature on political communication. With this systematic approach, we aim to better conceptualize the mediatization of public administration by identifying consensus on the concept in the existing literature. The scoping review process indicates that: (1) Studies analyzing mediatization focus on political actors and institutions, and the junction between political mediatization and public administration is rarely studied; (2) Approaches used to study the mediatization of politics are mostly qualitative; (3) The mediatization of public administration has only been analyzed quantitatively in European contexts, and; (4) Indicators used to measure the degree of mediatization in public administration differ widely between studies.

Hegemony and the neoconservative politics of early education policymaking

ABSTRACT This research explores the dynamics, actors, and political authority through which early education policymaking is formulated and negotiated using a Gramscian perspective. Drawing on interviews with teachers, teacher trainers, and parents, we argue that the educational landscape in Turkey is driven by a prevailing neoconservative and hegemonic agenda and is mediated by a domestic history and politics that produce a monolithic understanding. We first present the political mediations that shape the interplay between the conservative ideology of the care and childcare market and then tease out the complexities of the top-down policymaking approach that leaves little room for deliberation with civil society and various educational stakeholders. We conclude the paper by discussing the initiatives that allow social access and opportunities in early education along with the implications of how and why ‘early education policy’ seems to be trapped between discourses of the raw childcare market and neoconservative gender essentialism.

Leading with stories: Andrew Cuomo, family narratives and authentic leadership

The increasing mediatization of politics and government requires political actors to disclose aspects of their private and personal lives within their political communications. This article focuses on a sequence of personal narratives told by New York governor, Andrew Cuomo, in one of his daily press briefings during the early days of the COVID-19 crisis. I show how Cuomo enacted authentic leadership by mobilizing relational identities in a narrative segment. By telling three interconnected family stories, Cuomo provided evidence for his stay-at-home policy for New Yorkers during the pandemic. The performance of various relational identities in this narrative sequence helped construct Andrew Cuomo and his family members as ordinary citizens, making them relatable to viewers; at the same time, through the telling of these particular stories, Cuomo positioned himself as a trustworthy, effective leader and a prescient, reliable decision-maker. The study demonstrates how affective, relational discourse can be exploited by political leaders in the service of advancing their more transactional goals.

From the handshake to the kiss: Visual motifs of affect in representations of politics in the Spanish press

In the last few years, affect has entered the field of politics through both the media and political actors themselves. This article is based on the hypothesis that the images of affect that illustrate contemporary political narratives in the media reflect different visual motifs which are linked to an iconographic tradition that began in the art world. Through the iconographic analysis of images published in the three newspapers in Spain with the largest general readership (El País, El Mundo, and La Vanguardia) from 2011 to 2017, this article identifies three visual motifs of affect: the handshake, the hug, and the kiss. The study of these motifs highlights the survival of certain forms of emotion that are easily recognisable and engage with a longstanding iconographic tradition. At the same time, the article inquiries into the meanings derived from these iconographies and their implications on the representation of politics and of political leaders. The proliferation of motifs of affect in politics then connects with both the mediatisation of politics and an affective turn, which invites us to re-examine the role of emotion in the contemporary public sphere.

Performing Memory in Conflicting Settings: Russian Immigrants and the Remembrance of World War II in Finland

This article discusses public and mediatized memory politics concerning Word War II in Finland, particularly its transnational dimensions brought about by post-Soviet immigration from the former Soviet Union. Despite the ongoing multiculturalization of Finnish society, where Russian speakers have become the largest immigrant group, Finnish national identity is still constructed around the idea of national independence and its heroic defence. Finnish collective and public memory with its monuments and celebrations concentrates on the sacrifice the nation made for Finnish independence in the wars against the Soviet Union during 1939–1944. In turn, these (re)produce performative membership in the Finnish nation. Likewise, recent Russian memory politics that celebrate Russia’s “great victory” in World War II have become visible in the Finnish public and media space owing to the Immortal Regiment marches held in Helsinki since 2017. This event is embedded within a series of complex connections between Russian speakers, Russian mediascapes, and pro-Russian activists in Finland, and represents an instance of the mediatization of transnational memory politics.

Key Theoretical Approaches to Conceptualizing Mediatization of Politics

In today’s world, political environment is closely linked to the media, which are integrated into a political system’s operation and transform communication processes. The phenomenon of mediatization, which represents interrelation between social spheres and the media, is currently in the focus of researches into the media, communications, and society. The article considers mediatization of politics as a key concept for understanding the importance of the media in the contemporary political communication. In the context of the numerous views on mediatization, the authors attempt to conceptualize the phenomenon. They study the emergence and usage of the term and key approaches to studying mediatization, analyze the weak and the strong theories of mediatization, and examine the contextual levels of social transformations within the process. The general theoretical framework allows for two possible lines of studying mediatization of politics: from media actors’ point of view, and from that of a political system. Basing on features of three models of media systems — liberal, democratic corporatist and polarized pluralist, the authors outline areal models of mediatization of politics and emphasize their importance for related researches. As stated, mediatization of politics, being an interdisciplinary phenomenon, is as a complex ambivalent concept with features of a process. A further research of the concept is necessary due to the development of IT-communications, which provides for media’s penetration into all social spheres.

‘미디어화’를 통한 정치ᐨ언론 관계의 이론화 : 조항제의 《한국의 민주주의와 언론》(2020)

언론에 대한 신뢰도가 바닥이고 언론 개혁에 대한 사회적 요구가 그 어느 때보다 높지만 학술적 차원에서 민주주의와 언론의 관계를 다룬 이론적, 경험적 연구는 의아할 정도로 빈약한 실정이다. 조항제 교수의 저서가 반가우면서도 특별하게 여겨지는 이유다. 특히나 후견주의, 권력화, 정치병행성 등등 일정한 시기나 국면, 영역에서 언론-정치 관계의 특징적 속성들을 기술·설명해 온 개념이나 이론들을 ‘미디어화’의 우산 아래 통합해 낸 후 1987년 민주화 이후 30년에 걸친 민주주의와 언론의 역사를 해석해 내려 했다는 점은 이론적 측면에서 큰 진전이라고 평가할 있다. 여기에 더해 제시된 언론의 권력화 모형과 보수언론의 권력 모형도, 미디어화와는 별개로, 언론과 정치의 관계를 분석하는 틀로서 설득력이 있다. 하지만 ‘미디어화’는 보편성을 획득한 이론이라기보다는 ‘맥락화’를 통해 ‘구체성’을 획득해야 하는 이론적 관점 혹은 접근 방식에 가깝다. 따라서 분석 대상에 따라 개념의 의미나 구성 요소를 구체화하는 이론화작업이 필요한데, 조항제 교수의 저서에서 그런 성과를 찾아보기는 힘들다. 그가 이번 저서에서 우리나라의 언론-정치 관계를 분석하기 위한 이론적 틀로서 미디어화를 도입했지만 실제 분석에서 제대로 적용하지는 못했다는 것이다. 비록 미디어화의 이론적 타당성이나 유효성에 동의하더라도 이러한 이론과 경험적 분석의 괴리는 여전히 채워져야 할 공백으로 남아 있다.

Technology of political branding during the parliamentary election campaign 2019 in Ukraine: an analysis of successful cases

The article is devoted to the study of features and patterns of formation of party brands, analyzes colors, party symbols, key slogans of parliamentary parties in 2019. The essence of the concept of "political brand" and "party brand" is clarified, their characteristics and structure are defined. Article outlines the features of the processes of virtualization and mediatization of politics, pointing to the place of the political and party brand in these processes. The author outlines the features of political branding as a technology of political marketing, analyzes the technology of formation and promotion of political and party brand. Examining the practical experience of using political branding by modern Ukrainian political parties during the parliamentary election campaign in 2019, the author points to successful cases and explains their features. Installed. that the party brand is a virtual social phenomenon that creates in voter a sense of belonging to a particular community.It was found, that the common features of all party brands include: the presence of integral components of the party brand, the hypertrophied nature of the personal factor in the construction and promotion of political and party brand, the use of political advertising, co-branding and "star brand". Established, that the party brands of modern parliamentary parties of Ukraine can be identified as those that are recognizable by the majority of the population, have similar popularity at both local and national levels, have potential for long stay in the political space, are constantly mentioned in the media. It was revealed, that the distinctive features of party brands during the 2019 election campaign are various communication channels in which the brand is popularized, as well as the dominant technology of brand construction.

Envy at Workplace: Examining its Sequential Effect on Cyberbullying, Organizational Politics and Job Satisfaction in University Teachers in Pakistan

Academic jealousy and politics is a well-known concept. Similarly, envy is a common human behaviour, however, research on these concepts, particularly on envy and its types has remained limited until recently. Envy can trigger harmful behaviours, such as workplace bullying and escalate political activity, especially when the envious intends to damage the envied. This study analyses the effect of malicious envy on job satisfaction with mediation of cyber bullying and organizational politics. A survey study of 359 questionnaires filled by university teachers in Pakistan was conducted. Analysis was conducted using structural equations modelling through Smart-PLS. Construct validity and discriminant validity were established for all constructs. Mediation was analysed through process approach specified by Preacher and Hayes (2006). Findings revealed that malicious envy positively influenced cyberbullying behaviour and increased organizational politics. Results also demonstrated that malicious envy at workplace does not affect job satisfaction when observed independently, however when the mediators of cyberbullying and organizational politics are involved, the relationship between malicious envy and job satisfaction becomes positive. It means that persons having malicious envy feelings towards their colleagues felt satisfied by engaging in bullying and politicizing activities.
 Keywords: Malicious envy, Cyber bullying, Organizational politics, Job satisfaction

Pandemia global y política mediatizada. La comunicación presidencial argentina y sus repercusiones en Twitter en el primer semestre 2020

El objetivo de este artículo es indagar en las discursividades del presidente argentino en Twitter en relación con su propia conferencia de prensa por la pandemia por Covid-19 —producida en mayo de 2020—, así como en las discursividades de los internautas durante la conferencia. También se tendrán en cuenta las que se produjeron con posterioridad al anuncio presidencial de extensión de la cuarentena, en reacción con el programa Intratables cuyos temas hicieron referencia a la conferencia. Se tiene en cuenta para el análisis el momento particular histórico de la mediatización de la política, así como el contexto de pandemia mediatizada en la cual proliferan en las redes sociales informaciones inexactas, cifras sin fuentes, noticias falsas, trolls, bots, etc. Se utilizaron herramientas de la socio-semiótica para realizar el análisis comparativo. Se concluyó en la existencia de operaciones de interfaz en la red social presidencial que conjugan una «enunciación coral», así como se determinó en la existencia de dos colectivos político-mediáticos en Twitter: uno adherente al presidente que se constituye como de «internautas militantes de la cuarentena» en la Argentina, y construye «micro-argumentaciones lógicas»; y otro opositor de la cuarentena que no se ancla a ninguna fuerza política pero emerge como opositor al presidente y postula «micro-argumentaciones pasionales».

Mediatization of politics as a factor of democratic transit

Mediatization of politics as a factor of democratic transit

Роль политической медиации в опосредовании системы властных отношений современной России

The authors study the phenomenon of “political mediation” and determine the mediation role of the subjects in the Russian Federation within the system “strong center – strong regions – effective local self-government”. The problems of changing the current model of the federal structure are identified.

Формы правления и партийные системы в Латвии, Литве и Эстонии: 30 лет независимости

This article focuses on the peculiarities of government forms in Baltic states that were once part of the USSR: Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia. The constitutional and legal bases of relations between presidents and their parliaments and governments are considered in detail, and the author makes a comparative analysis of institutions operating in these states. This article also examines the grounds for the resignation of governments, their heads, and individual ministers, as well as discussing the features of the party and electoral systems of these Baltic States. These systems’ functions face several problems, and forms of government like semi-presidential and parliamentary republics are shown to lack effectiveness across the Baltic States. It is important to note the instability of these governments, which changed every two and a half years on average, although this did not affect the countries’ economies. The presidents of these republics performed political mediation effectively and ensured a constant dialogue with political forces. Since national governments were formed on a non-coalition basis in all three States, an extensive practice of inter-party agreements and alliances began. This created a new type of political culture, where prejudice towards the Russian communities of the states in Latvia and Estonia was prevalent, and this issue is addressed in the article.

Karl Marx, força de trabalho e trabalho abstrato

A formação do pensamento de Karl Marx passou por momentos distintos e teve influências diversas. Dentre elas, destacam-se as chamadas “três fontes”: a filosofia alemã, a economia política inglesa e a perspectiva revolucionária. No caso da economia política, é possível visualizar três períodos centrais que demarcam diferenças importantes da relação de Marx com essa ciência: até 1844, entre 1845 e 1849, e a partir de 1857. Se, no trânsito desses períodos se destacam algumas categorias importantes, as formas de tratamento dados às categorias força de trabalho e trabalho abstrato anunciam importantes mediações teóricas e políticas.