LXX Translation Research Articles

Substituting Vorlagen

Abstract This short note responds to Ellen De Doncker’s recent VT article, “Substituting Anthropomorphisms? God’s Mouth in Num 20:24 and the Possibility of a Different Vorlage.” It proposes an alternative Vorlage for LXX Num 20:24 that offers a better semantic match with the LXX translation of this verse.

προαίρεσις πνεύματος im LXX-Ekklesiastes

This article examines all evidence of the word combination προαίρεσις πνεύματος, which represents a linguistic and intellectual peculiarity of the LXX Ecclesiastes. It explains in which way the choice of words and the stylistic devices of the LXX translator, who is also a poet, puts into context the relation of προαίρεσις πνεύματος in LXX Ecclesiastes to Genesis 2–3 (serpent) and Job 1–2 (Satan), as well as to 1Sam 16:14 etc. (evil spirit), 1Kgt 22:19–23 par. 2Chr 18:18–22 (lying spirit) and Zach 13:2 (unclean spirit) and traces the vanity and nothingness in this world back to the purpose of the spirit.

Intercultural Translation Criticism of the LXX Nomos

Using intercultural translation criticism combined with the functional equivalence translation theory, the present article argues that the LXX nomos (law, instruction, statute) with its derivative nomimos (law, ordinance) serves as a better functional equivalent for the Hebrew counterparts tōrâ/ḥûqqâ/ḥoq (law, ordinance, statute). Moreover, the Latin Vulgate and the Kiswahili Union Version echo a similar functional equivalence in their rendering of tōrâ/ḥûqqâ (Exod 12:43–49) with religio (ritual) / lex (law) or amri (commandment) / sheria (law), respectively. Consequently, the findings of this study invite LXX scholars, literary translation theorists, and practitioners to join hands and share their inputs for an improved understanding of LXX translation techniques and better translation practices.

Νόμος/νόμοι in the Septuagint and the Letter to the Hebrews

Abstract This article explores the usage of plural νόμοι versus singular νόμος throughout the whole corpus of the Greek Bible. Obviously, the singular is predominant. If we put aside later variants and textual traditions, the rare passages where the plural νόμοι is used (in Proverbs, Jeremiah, Esther, and 2 Maccabees) mutually elucidate each other: the plural occurs where the translators wanted to stress that the law(s) in question should be distinguished from the Torah. With respect to Jer 31:31–34 (LXX 38:31–34) and the quotations from it in Hebrews, the article demonstrates that the plural νόμοι in the LXX cannot be explained by the Vorlage, as many modern researchers suggest, but was a conscious device used by the LXX translator. The aim of the translator, followed by the author of Hebrews, was to stress the distinction between the Law of Moses and the Laws of the New Covenant.

Variatio Theologica in Libro Iob? An Analysis of the Translation of ’Ĕlōhîm by Kurios in LXX Job

The default Greek equivalents of yhwh and ’ĕlōhîm are respectively kurios and theos. However, throughout the LXX, yhwh is often rendered by theos and ’ĕlōhîm by kurios. In an article dealing with divine names in LXX Pentateuch published in 2007, Martin Rösel concluded that this variation can be explained on the basis of theological motivations. Nonetheless, my own study on the translation of yhwh/theos and ’ĕlōhîm/kurios in LXX Proverbs has indicated that this variation in Proverbs is not influenced by theological motivations but that both Greek divine names have been used interchangeably by the LXX translator. In order to see whether this is also the case in other LXX books, this paper will examine the rendering of ’ĕlōhîm by kurios in LXX Job. By doing so, this paper aims to obtain a better characterisation of the translation technique and theology of LXX Job.

«В соответствии с образом Божьим…» или «В качестве образа Божьего…»? (Быт 1:26-27)

The concept of human being as the image of God forms the basis of anthropology of all religions that belong to the tradition of the Bible. The key place for this concept is Gen 1:26. The detailed analysis of this verse must take into account both the history of “crystallization” of the concept in the development of the religion of the Ancient Israel, and the later exegesis. The article classifies interpretations of the meaning and function of the expression “the image of God” in the context of the Creation narrative. The difference between these interpretations may be clarified by an analogy with a coin having a king’s image. What exactly is meant by “king’s image”? The coin itself? The features of the king’s face represented on the coin? The stamp which impressed the king’s image upon it? Following this analogy we identify three models of understanding the wording of Gen 1:26 and trace their place in the history of interpretation of the verse. The first part of the article is devoted to linguistic aspects of interpretation of the Hebrew text with a special emphasis on the semantic of the Hebrew prepositions. The second part looks at the place of the concept of Man as God’s image in the development of the religion of the Ancient Israel. The third part analyses the treatment of this concept in the Greek translations. Of special interest for us are the texts of the Judeo-Hellenistic (Wisdom of Solomon) and early Christian (Paul’s letters) literature that reflect the interpretation of the Biblical text different from the LXX. The fourth part is devoted to the Platonizing interpretation of the LXX translation, represented, first of all, by Philo. The final part of the article summarizes the individual conclusions of specialists in the Hebrew Bible, LXX, Judeo-Hellenistic and early Christian literature and relates them to the three models of understanding the wording of Gen 1:26.

Theologica variatio? An examination of the variation in the Greek rendering of יהוה and אֱלהִים in LXX Proverbs

In recent years, there has been a growing interest in the theology of the different Septuagint (LXX) books. In an attempt to examine whether the LXX Proverbs attests a different theology than the Masoretic Text (MT), I have recently analysed the plusses in LXX Proverbs containing ὁ κύριος and ὁ θεός. The results of these studies have indicated that the LXX translation of Proverbs attests a more nuanced theology than its Hebrew counterpart. However, these studies only focus on the attestations of κύριος and θεός in LXX Proverbs without a Hebrew counterpart in MT and do not examine the rendering of Hebrew divine names into Greek. It is generally accepted that the Greek equivalents of יהוה and אֱלהִים are, respectively, κύριος and θεός. However, in LXX Proverbs, יהוה is rendered 18 times by θεός and אֱלהִים three times by κύριος. In order to come to a more precise understanding of the translation technique of the LXX translator, this article tried to formulate an answer to the reason behind this variation in Greek translation equivalents by examining the usage of κύριος and θεός for יהוה and אֱלהִים in LXX Proverbs and especially those instances where the translator deviates from the standard procedure. This examination has indicated that both the divine names have been used interchangeably by the LXX translator and, contrary to the additional attestations of the divine name, do not reflect a nuanced theology vis-à-vis the MT. Contribution: This article fits perfectly within the scope of HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies because it focuses on the translation technique and theology of the LXX translator of Proverbs and thus contributes (a) to research regarding historical thought (textual transmission of biblical texts) and (b) source interpretation (because the LXX does not only reflect a translational but also an interpretative process, and this article in particular focuses on whether LXX Proverbs attests a different theology than its Hebrew counterpart).

The Book of Obadiah in the Septuagint

The Book of Obadiah, although short (it has only 21 verses; the shortest in the Hebrew Bible), is at the same time very difficult. The difficulties are manifested in its linguistic and textual layers, but above all in what concerns its content, theology and interpretation. The Greek translation of Obad contained in the LXX is particularly important because it represents a way of understanding the Book going back to pre-Christian, Hellenistic times, which strongly emphasised the theme of threats to Israel from other nations. In the Greek translation (LXXObad), the cursing character of the Book is radicalised and the guilt of the enemies (Edomites – Idumeans) is highlighted. The article presents the Book of Obadiah in its historical context (both the Hebrew original and the Greek version), and presents its text, content and character in the Septuagint version. It compares it with LXXJer 29 (LXX numbering) and shows how the challenging theology of the Book was understood among the Jews of Hellenistic Alexandria. The universalisation of the message of the Book by the LXX translation was later continued in its patristic and rabbinic interpretations.

Vom Recht des Proselyten in LXX-Maleachi 3:5

On the right of the proselyte in LXX-Malachi 3:5. This article deals with Malachi 3:5 from the perspective of language theology. An attempt is made to answer the questions of how the LXX translator of the Malachi book came up with the reading ‘bend the right of the proselyte’, how this reading can be correctly interpreted and in which way it relates to the question of proselyte law and theology, the language of the Septuagint.Intradisciplinary and/or interdisciplinary implications: The focus falls in the contextual-hermeneutical study in the translation in the Septuagint of Malachi 3:5 in the Old Testament, posing the question on how the translator conceived of the right of the proselyte and how it can best be understood. The interdisciplinarity of the article touches on both the Hebrew Bible and the Septuagint (LXX) texts.

Verba Rara Amicorum Iob: The Greek rendering of Hebrew absolute hapax legomena in the speeches of Eliphaz, Bildad and Elihu in LXX job

In 2011, Elke Verbeke has examined the Greek rendering of Hebrew absolute and non-absolute hapax legomena in the Septuagint (LXX) version of Job. This examination has indicated that the LXX translator of Job dealt with hapaxes in a variety of ways, that is, omission, transliteration, consistent rendering, association with a similar-looking word, contextual exegesis, approximate translation and paraphrasing. Although Verbeke’s study has shed more light on the translation technique of the LXX translator of Job, she has only examined the Hebrew hapaxes and their Greek rendering in the speeches of Job and God. In order to come to a more accurate description of the translation technique of LXX Job, this article has analysed the Greek rendering of Hebrew absolute hapax legomena in the speeches of Job’s friends. This examination has indicated that the LXX translator of Job has applied a diversity of techniques to deal with Hebrew hapaxes. Therefore, this article has obtained a more complete image of the translation technique of LXX Job.Contribution: This article fits well within the scope of HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies because it focusses on the translation technique of the LXX translator of Job and thus contributes to research regarding historical thought (textual transmission of biblical texts) and source interpretation (because the LXX translator does not only reflect a translational but also an interpretative process).

Zacharias Frankel’s Conception of the Septuagint in Context

Abstract Zacharias Frankel had a very low opinion of the abilities of the LXX translators, the quality of their work and the ensuing textual transmission. He considered the Septuagint only useful as a testimony to help prove the antiquity of the halakah, a notion with apologetic value. Methodologically, he conceptualized the genesis of the Greek Pentateuch through the theories of contemporary historical criticism. His monographs on the Septuagint display great continuity with early modern scholarship. This also holds true for the assumption that the Septuagint reflects Jewish interpretation, and the notion of five translators/editors for the Greek Pentateuch. Frankel’s works were considered important, but his innovations, viz. the insistence that all Jewish exegesis was Palestinian in origin and his rejection of textual criticism, were accepted by few and rejected by most scholars, Jews and Christians alike. Frankel’s boldness and his use of German helped to keep his ideas on the scholarly agenda.

마소라의 지리적 용어와 관련 지명에 대한 칠십인역의 번역 경향

There are many Hebrew toponyms in the Massora Text (MT) that reflect various geographical features. However, when such MT technical terms are rendered into other languages, it is not easy to translate them properly. For instance, the Septuagint (LXX) translators translated 129 technical Hebrew terms into 440 Greek equivalents, which is more than three times the number of Hebrew words in the original MT. This study therefore begins with a question of how 81 Hebrew MT terms (about 63% of the 129 original terms, which the LXX translated into 250 equivalents) reflecting Israel’s topography, water, and arable land were translated into later versions as based on A. Schwarzenbach’s list.<BR> This study further examines the trends and characteristics of the LXX translation. It also reviews the translation issues in modern versions of the Old Testament regarding terms that require geographical understanding, and also seeks the right understanding of the Old Testament for the revision of the Korean Bible.<BR> Geographical MT terms relating to topography, water, and arable land have traces of different names according to landscape, cause of formation, and place of topography. Among the 250 LXX equivalents for the 81 studied Hebrew terms, 80% match the original MT. The LXX translations also revealed stereotype equivalents, such as Har, Nahar, and Ain, and limitations in geographical knowledge, but by expressing the terms in Greek, the LXX enriched the MT’s interpretation and brought dynamics back to living languages.<BR> The LXX translators’ effort to understand the Hebrew terms were better revealed in discordance with the MT terms. Their different readings of the MT and transliteration occurred due to problems with the MT’s interpretation and textual corruption. These problems are not large in 20% of the LXX equivalents, but are also not small in terms of biblical hermeneutics and textual criticism.<BR> There are intentional cases that can be confirmed in examples of LXX transliteration, such as Bama, Nahal, and Araba, which are read or modified as a place name to harmonize with context. Aspects of different reading also vary, and some examples result from freely interpreting the context such as Bama, Ofel, and Gai. In some cases like Madrega, there are limitations of geographical knowledge, and examples that seem to be obvious errors like Ned and Shiha are also found.<BR> Comparing the LXX to modern MT translations, issues with the translations of geographical terms such as Nahal, Ashed (Ashedot), and Mishor still exist. The translations of these terms in the Korean Bible thus need to be reviewed professionally and carefully.

Did Artapanus Use the Septuagint?

Abstract Many contend that the Hellenistic-era author Artapanus employed the LXX translation, albeit in relatively liberal fashion. Departures from LXX narratives are attributed to his literary and apologetic interests. Although he may have relied upon a combination of oral and written sources, most scholars presuppose his primary reliance upon the LXX. This paper evaluates arguments for Artapanus’s use of the LXX, highlighting the paucity of decisive verbal links and weakness of other proposed linguistic correspondences, and attributing the emergence of similar Greek naming conventions between Artapanus and the LXX to the shared Egyptian provenance. These findings challenge the prevailing consensus concerning Artapanus’s source for Jewish traditions.

Biblical Theology

Biblical Theology Christopher T. Begg, Joseph E. Jensen, Fred W. Guyette, and John M. Halligan 2308. [LXX; Demonology] Anna Angelini, "Demonic Agents in the Greek Bible. Evaluating the Role of the Septuagint in Creating a Hellenistic Demonology," Septuaginta, 701-13 [see #2431]. A. highlights the possible role that the Greek Bible played in "demonology" as a cultural category during Hellenistic times. She focuses on the LXX's translation of texts in which Yhwh is surrounded by a number of entities that could be considered demonic. Three passages are esp. relevant: Deut 32:24; Hab 3:3-5; and Ps 91:5-6 (= Ps 90:5-6 LXX); see also Exod 12:13, 23. After briefly contextualizing each of these passages in the Hebrew [End Page 828] Bible, A. concentrates on their reception in the Septuagint, discussing the translational choices made and highlighting similarities and differences among them. [Adapted from author's introduction—T.H.] 2309. Sabine Bieberstein, "'Da triefen die Berge von Wein, und alle Hügel fließen über' (Amos 9,13). Paradiesische Bilder von überfließender Fülle und ihr kritisches Potential bis heute," BK 75 (2020) 2-9. The Bible insists on adequate, good, and healthy nutrition for all human beings. The creation stories of the Primeval History mirror this ideal condition as humanity's ideal original state. Many other texts present God as the giver and guarantor of food and drink for humans and animals. As the postexilic period was characterized by the threat of land loss, the texts that originated in that era depict the promised land with images of overwhelming abundance of food and wealth. Furthermore, in times of poverty and hunger, imageries of eschatological feasts developed, offering both hope and a critical potential for the present. [Adapted from published abstract—T.H.] 2310. [Genesis 1–3; NT] Darrell Bock, "Thinking Backwards about Adam and Eve," TJ 40 (N.S., 2019) 131-43. I begin this essay on how Adam and Eve are to be understood by discussing some Jewish texts that are not part of Scripture, tracing the impact of the foundational Genesis texts on these materials, as yet another angle on how the ancients read those texts. Do these extrabiblical passages treat the figure of Adam (and Eve) as symbols or rather as part of a larger account of Israel's origins? Is there a consistency in how the Genesis texts are handled in the extrabiblical passages? Do they provide any indications or raise any questions about how the texts of Genesis were seen? My plan then is to work backward to the Genesis texts, looking first at the Hebrew and Jewish texts and then at the NT. This may seem an unusual way to proceed. However, since the NT uses of the Genesis texts often involve appeals to Jesus, who is not a symbol but a real figure, it may be important to see if anything changes as we work backward, and what was in place regarding the Genesis texts when Jesus appeals to such contexts. [p. 131, adapted] This brief overview of how the name "Adam" is used points to a consistency of referent given that the name is tied to genealogies and specific historical events involving an individual. The canon appears both internally consistent and in harmony with the larger ancient background of the history of how the name "Adam" was applied to a figure. If we catch on to this consistent use, the listing of generations, and the remembering of specific events, then Adam emerges as a singular individual, at least from the standpoint of the canon and the Jewish milieu that reflected on the Genesis text. Assertions that this "Adam" is the literary Adam versus a historical Adam divide what the material seems to present together. … Our essay suggests that Genesis 1–11 and Adam and Eve in particular are not primarily to be seen as a function of a literary classification of the above segment as myth. That classification misleads us or at least is too limiting for what is taking place in the Genesis segment. The segment may be mythic in its dealings with questions of origin in cosmic...

The Septuagint as a Hellenistic Greek Text

AbstractAs a response to the tradition of scholarship that focused on questions of LXX origins, translation techniques and textual criticism, this article looks at how the LXX translations in antiquity were already in certain respects marked as Greek texts at their production, constructed as Greek literary texts in their origins, and subsequently employed in the same ways as compositional Greek texts by those who engaged them. It shows how the author of Aristeas constructs the LXX as a Greek text, how it functioned as such for Aristobulos and Philo. Already the translators demonstrate in their use of poetic language that they could produce literary Greek. Subsequently, Jewish Hellenistic authors employed the LXX alongside other Greek texts, and treated it with the methods of Hellenistic scholarship.

Russian Sophiology and the Hebrew Poetry of Proverbs 8:22‐31

AbstractThe Russian Sophiological tradition, championed and dogmatically defined by Sergei Bulgakov (1871‐1944), continues to receive energetic responses from a wide array of theologians, philosophers and slavists. However, these responses have, until now, neglected the possibility of a Sophiological hermeneutic. This article, by applying the philosophy of Hans‐Georg Gadamer (1900‐2002), pioneers such a hermeneutic. From this point of departure it will be argued that the Hebrew text of Proverbs 8:22‐31 supports the theological claims of Russian Sophiology more so than the Septuagint. In other words, the Hebrew text is the more ‘sophianic’ scriptural variant. To demonstrate this claim, three key aspects of the passage will be analysed. These include its traditional poetic structure, its theme of ‘playful beauty’, and its language of fertility and birth‐giving. It will first be suggested that the poetic structure embodies the Bulgakovian distinction‐in‐unity of Divine Sophia and Creaturely Sophia. Thereafter, some characteristic lexical nuances of the Hebrew, such as the controversial ‘amon’, will be read as supportive of Sophiological ‘playful beauty’. Finally, it will be shown how the semantic field of feminine birth‐giving, so fundamental to Sophiology, is fully present only in the Hebrew variant. These investigations will altogether demonstrate that the sophianic narrative of Proverbs 8:22‐31 was diluted in the LXX translation, and that for a biblical‐based Sophiology, those interested would find more support for their arguments in the Masoretic text. An exploration of the above claims will not only supplement the current sophiological engagement with classical wisdom creation narratives, but could even reassess Orthodox theology’s broader attitude to the Masoretic text. Although Russian Sophiology provides the central axis of the article, particular convergences with modern ‘western Sophiology’ will be highlighted, especially where these complement the ideas of Russian sophiologists.

Regulating Sex in the Roman Empire: Ideology, the Bible, and the Early Christians by David Wheeler-Reed

Reviewed by: Regulating Sex in the Roman Empire: Ideology, the Bible, and the Early Christians by David Wheeler-Reed William Loader david wheeler-reed, Regulating Sex in the Roman Empire: Ideology, the Bible, and the Early Christians (Syncrisis; New Haven: Yale University Press, 2017). Pp. xxi + 177. $45. Wheeler-Reed’s book seeks to expose the reader to the “discourses from the Roman Empire, Judaism, early Christianity, and modern America that attempt to regulate marriage, procreation, and sexuality” (pp. xi-xii). In particular it addresses the extent to which what many contemporary conservative American movements claim about the uniqueness of Christian sexual ethics really existed and makes sense in the world of today. He does so by examining these discourses in four chapters: Augustan sexual ideology; Judaism and procreationism; conflicting values in the NT; and battles in the early church. A fifth chapter address contemporary discussion in American society. The discussion of Augustus concentrates on the lex Iulia legislation of 18 b.c.e. and 9 c.e., imposing procreation as a civil responsibility, divorce as mandated in cases of adultery, the requirement that widows remarry, and minimum quotas of offspring to be produced. Augustus promoted such law on the basis of the need to return to the true order of a harmonious society, evoking as did others like Virgil and Horace the ideal of an impending golden age. More grounded assessments have shown that, rather than “family values,” the driving concern was ensuring sufficient male offspring to enable Rome and its military to remain strong. Musonius Rufus, W.-R. demonstrates, is misunderstood when taken as an early proponent of feminism. Rather, Musonius’s comments about women and companionate marriage sit within the Augustan frame of reference. This he argues, was also true of the romantic novels of the period. The chapter on Judaism rightly highlights the similar focus on procreation across a number of texts, and especially in Philo. Some claims are debatable. CD 13.17b-19 need not imply that the Damascus Document saw divorce as sin. The discussion of Jubilees’ rewrite of Genesis 1–2 overlooks that celibacy is about being in sacred space, Eden being understood as a temple, and that the first couple’s coming together in sexual intercourse was clearly prior to their entry and also clearly prior to the prospect of their bearing children, thus reflecting a positive attitude toward nonprocreative sexual union. Some exploration of the implications for sexuality of seeing eschatological space as sacred, implied also in Jubilees 23 and reflected in the early Jesus tradition, would have strengthened the discussion. Treatment of the impact of the LXX translation of Genesis 1–2 is missing. Philo’s account of the Essenes focused less on the sexual danger women posed than on their quarrelsomeness. [End Page 544] In the discussion of NT texts, the author rightly notes that Paul does not use the argument for procreation, suggesting that his playing down family derives from imminent eschatology. I suggest it derives also from the belief that the age to come is sacred and so no place for sexuality and marriage. It is important to hear Paul’s insistence that marrying is not sin, despite Paul’s clear preference for celibacy. Paul’s view of marriage cannot be reduced to a strategy to avert sexual immorality. The book rightly notes the tension between what Paul says, preferring celibacy, and what those writing in his name propounded to order Christians households. The impact of an eschatology that saw a celibate future for all, expressed in Mark 12:25 and Revelation and assumed by Paul, needs more nuanced discussion. To be out of place in the holy has nothing to do with morality, nor did it imply deprecation of sex or family, but it could certainly lead in that direction. Celibacy, challenge to family power, and negative attitudes to sexuality are not necessarily the same thing and are in themselves complex. There are missing elements in this and the preceding chapter, many covered in my own research. The chapter on the early church highlights subsequent developments that partly perpetuate the trend to accommodation evident in the later NT writings, but also exploit the potential that eschatology...

What Do Byssus and Crimson Imply about the Hebrew Bible and the Septuagint

Fabrics such as byssus and crimson wool can provide us with a surprisingly large amount of information about the circumstances of Biblical books origin. Analysis of lexis related to mentioned textiles, present in Exodus and in Chronicles, allows to notice a meaningful change, occurring in technical biblical terminology. In Exodus, byssus is represented by שֵׁשׁ and crimson – by תּוֹלַעַת שָׁנִי, whilst in Chronicles naming is changed respectively to בּוּץ and כַּרְמִיל. Analysis of etymology leads to the conclusion, that textiles mentioned in Torah belong to an early vocabulary, created in the times before the exile, in Chronicles, on the other hand, encountered terms belong to period of Babylonian captivity or after the exile. Confrontation of these textiles with the other, non-biblical sources, provides a confirmation of proposed dating and facilitates identification of mysterious biblical byssus, which turns out to be a very thin linen and not – as sometimes confused – sea silk. Juxtaposition of the Greek equivalents allows to draw a conclusion, that terminology of both Torah and Chronicles was known to the LXX translators, who – despite a clear caesura – translate terms consequently: שֵׁשׁ and בּוּץ to βύσσος/βύσσινος, and תּוֹלַעַת שָׁנִי and כַּרְמִיל to κόκκινος

Micah: A Commentary Based on Micah in Codex Vaticanus

In recent years no fewer than three series of commentaries on the Septuagint have begun to appear. This volume belongs to the Septuagint Commentary Series, a distinctive feature of which is that each commentary is based on one particular codex of the LXX rather than on a critical edition. In this case the text chosen is that of the Codex Vaticanus, which is regarded by many as the best surviving individual manuscript of the LXX. The text of the Codex Vaticanus is printed with a translation on the facing page. The text itself is accompanied by a few text-critical footnotes pointing out the main differences between B, other manuscripts, and the three modern editions of the LXX. Glenny, who has already contributed the volumes on Hosea and Amos to this series, believes that the LXX translation of the Twelve Minor Prophets was made in Egypt by a single translator (except possibly for Habakkuk 3) in about the middle of the second century bce.

Traces of Proverbs in Patristic Writings: Tracing Back Proverbs’ Greek Rendered Hebrew hapax legomena in the Commentary on the Book of Proverbs attributed to John Chrysostom

ABSTRACTThere has not been much research on the attestation of Proverbs in patristic writings in anticipation of the Göttingen edition of Proverbs. This preliminary and limited study examines the first 10 Hebrew hapax legomena found in the Book of Proverbs by, first, considering how the LXX has translated them, and second, by comparing the LXX translation of the hapaxes with John Chrysostom’s Commentary on the Book of Proverbs. Insofar as it examines the patristic writings, the present research can be useful for further text-critical studies on Proverbs as well as for research on the translation technique of LXX Proverbs.