Lower Castes Research Articles

Studying the Poetics of Violence: A Critical Take on the Selected Works of Dalit and Tribal Women Poets

Toni Morrison’s The Bluest Eye helped me to understand what it meant to be born black, poor woman in the USA. Her work gave me an ideal platform to explore what it means to be born a poor Dalit woman in contemporary India. In order to understand the layered connotation of the lives of Dalit women, I deliberated upon the selected poetry by Dalit and tribal women poets and came to the conclusion that apparent similarity between the two contexts comes under scanner and ends abruptly with the following comment by Bell Hook in her book Feminist Theory: From Margin to Centre. She writes, ‘when the child of two black parents is coming out of the womb the factor that is considered first is skin colour, then gender, because race and gender will determine that child’s fate’. On the contrary, a child of two parents from a lower caste will remain a low caste because caste is infallible and independent of the truce of fate-determining the skin colour that may redefine the gender experience. As a Telugu Dalit poet, Chillappa Swaroopa Rani laments, ‘Stamped with a low caste, I was born/that day it-self branded slut.’ Thus, the thrust of this article is not to bring forth the comparative study between the two contexts but to crystallize the issues of Dalit women as enunciated in their poetry and to engage with the nuances of gender and caste that punctuate their day-to-day lives. This article encompasses the post-colonial feminism theoretical framework that resists the universalization of feminist issues seen and perceived only from the ‘Euro-American feminists’ point of view and ignores the differences in race, ethnicity, regional diversity, etc., through which a woman experiences her gender biases. The selected Dalit poets are Rajni Tilak, Poonam Tushamed, Rajni Anuragi, Sushila Takbhure, Kunti and Nirmal Putul. The main issues expressed in a tribal poet’s works remain Jal-Jungle-Zameen, human trafficking, a lack of legal documentation, witch hunting, etc., while Dalit poets stress on police atrocities, a lack of basic amenities, a lack of quality schools for their children, a lack of access to health care, the domineering influence of patriarchy that punctures their private and public domain, etc.

Understanding Social Exclusion of the Low-caste Muslims in Kashmir

This paper attempts to establish the prevalence of the caste system among Muslims in Kashmir. This has been achieved by pointing to aspects like endogamy, ghettoization as well as hereditary passing of ‘menial’ jobs among the ‘low caste’ groups. Further, these findings have been substantiated by the fieldwork done over three months. The essential premise borrowed here to understand caste in Kashmir is that of social exclusion, which the low-caste groups face. Social exclusion, in the context of this study, can be understood as a process that places certain caste groups in a disadvantaged position. This especially stems from being kept out of the larger social networks, in addition to not being able to access employment and education. It is also rooted in the overlapping layers of socio-cultural and economic deprivation. Poverty, in terms of material depravity, is starkly reinforced by such a socio-cultural identity of being a low-caste person employed in a ‘menial’ job. The objective of this paper, as such, is to theorize social exclusion faced by low-caste groups in Kashmir through a capability framework. This paper also investigates the importance of relational deprivation which leads to the capability failure and hence poverty, as well as the dynamics of caste-class interaction in the similar framework of social exclusion.

Narayana Guru and the Formation of Political Society in Kerala: Anti-Caste Revolt, Religion and the Untouchables

This article is an attempt to examine the salient features of a lower caste revolt began in Kerala in the nineteenth century. It was led by Narayana Guru (1854–1928), a spiritual leader with a distinctive urge to break free from the rules of pollution demarcated by Brahmins in the practice of knowledge. I argue that in the wake of this movement, a strong assertion of community was represented by the Ezhava, a caste which suffered pollution in Hinduism. The defining characteristic of this community today is that of a class—the OBC. In the existing lacunae of non-governmental categories to define the nature of this community, and the philosophy of Advaita remaining an impediment rather than an empowerment to expand the central notions of his thought, I argue that the transition from caste to community represented by Narayana Guru can no longer be situated in the discourse either of Sanskritization or of subalternity, but of the use of technologies of deification.

Question of English Language and Higher Education: Early Twentieth Century Ezhava Women’s Magazines in Kerala

The emergence of magazines in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century opened up possibilities for the project of modernity among various caste communities of Kerala. Ezhava community has brought out a considerable number of magazines (Vivekodayam, Sahodaran, Sahodari, Sthree, Sanghamitra, Mitavadi, and the like) in the name of community and reform. My interest in the proposed paper is to critically engage with the discourse on English and higher education for women in the Ezhava women’s magazines such as Sanghamitra, Sahodari, Sthree. Women’s articles appeared in the Thiyya magazine, Mitavadi, and Ezhava magazines like Mitavadi, Vivekodayam and Sahodaran would also be referred as it addresses the question women’s education.[1] The paper argues that the resistance of Ezhava reformers in facilitating English and higher education to women needs to be problematized in the context of contemporary discourse on English education and lower castes in India. The paper also discusses the inextricable link between English language and caste. It brings out Ezhava women’s voice in the subject and records the historical wrong that discouraged Ezhava women’s access to the English language and higher education. 
 
 [1]Sanghamitra started publishing in November 1920 from Kollam. Though it was edited by P. K. N. Vaidyar, an Ezhava male, it is said that it was published for Ezhava women. We also see many articles by women from different communities in this magazine. Sahodari was published from January 1925, P. R. Mandakini being its publisher and P. R Narayanan as its manager. In the first issue of Sahodari, it is stated that “…communities like Nairs, Christians and Muslims have women's magazines. We do not forget the fact that there was Sanghamitra, a magazine for Ezhava women which ran for a short term. We introduce Sahodari because we feel that it is important and necessary to have a magazine with the aim of the progress of Ezhava women”. Another magazine, Sthree was edited by Parvathi Ayyappan, an Ezhava woman, and claimed to be a journal for women and all those who are keen on women's progress. The editorial stated that the magazine would deal with matters concerning women and argue for women's freedom/liberation. They also note that there is no space for community arguments in Sthree. Mitavadi (weekly) started at Thalassery in the year 1906, with Moorkkott Kumaran as its editor. T. Sivasankaran was the owner of Mitavadi. It is said that Moorkkot Kumaran was attracted to the policy of Mitavadis and to bring popularity for their arguments he desired to bring out a magazine called Mitavadi. Moorkkoth Kumaran and T. Sivasankaran with the interest in the progress of Thiyyas began this magazine. After some time, Mitavadi (Monthly) was published from Kozhikode in 1907, with Murkkoth Kumaran and C. Krishnan as its editors. It is said that C. Krishnan was strongly against Hinduism. In 1913 he started to publish Mitavadi on his own in and in 1921 he made it a weekly. Vivekodayam was the first magazine that was published for the Ezhava community's development. Vivekodayam began as a bi-monthly in the year 1904 from Thiruvananthapuram. In the first issue of the magazine Vivekodayam (1904), its founder N. Kumaran Asan called it the powerful mouthpiece for the Ezhava community reformation. Sahodaranwas edited by K. Ayyappan, a rationalist as well as a social reformer. Ayyappan was against Hinduism and he converted to Buddhism. This magazine was addressed to all outcastes. Though its primary aim was to fight against caste discrimination, various issues concerning Ezhavas were also discussed in this magazine. It should also be noted that very few issues of the magazines Sthree, Sanghmitra, and Sahodari (of which are said to be Ezhava women’s magazines) are available.

Exploring the Representations of Caste and Ethnic Relations in Nepali Short Stories

Hindu society has different castes although the exact date of the origin of caste system is not known. Literary writers depict characters of different castes representing a Hindu society. This paper explored the representations of castes and ethnic relations in Hindu society presented in Nepali short stories. The writers have not prioritized more on the themes of castes, but depicted the interactions and interdependence of various castes to expose the other themes. To explore the representations of castes in Nepali short stories, a few representative short stories translated into English are randomly selected; the qualitative descriptive method was exploited to discuss the stories. The findings of the study are that the interactions and interdependence of characters from different castes produce the distinctive themes of the stories. The writers gave good names like Deviraman, Sitaram Pandit, Padmanidhi Lamichhane to upper caste characters, but exotic names like Chame, Juthe, Lukhure, etc. to so-called lower. Upper caste the Dware exploits a lower caste person Lukhure. The upper caste characters dominate the lower castes. Thus different castes are portrayed in the stories to squeeze the themes. Understanding the representations of castes in literature aids to analyse the condition of castes in the Hindu society.

A Subaltern Study on Dalit Women, Sangati: Culture of Silence

Dalit males are at the bottom of the pyramidical caste system in Indian culture, while Dalit women are allocated a place much below. Because they are at the bottom of the social hierarchy, Dalit women are often mistreated and exploited by Dalit men and higher castes. The women of the lower castes are well aware of the helpless situation in which they find themselves. In Bama's book Sangati: Events, Dalit girls and women are described as constantly remaining mute while being humiliated and reduced to the status of non-human beings. These silences are much more significant to them than words, and they use them as a weapon against all kinds of negativity until they reach adulthood. This essay builds on Bama's Sangati: Events by looking at Dalit women's situation and the manner in which they absorb, maintain, and combat the culture of silence.

A Subaltern Study on Dalit Women, Sangati: Culture of Silence

Dalit males are at the bottom of the pyramidical caste system in Indian culture, while Dalit women are allocated a place much below. Because they are at the bottom of the social hierarchy, Dalit women are often mistreated and exploited by Dalit men and higher castes. The women of the lower castes are well aware of the helpless situation in which they find themselves. In Bama's book Sangati: Events, Dalit girls and women are described as constantly remaining mute while being humiliated and reduced to the status of non-human beings. These silences are much more significant to them than words, and they use them as a weapon against all kinds of negativity until they reach adulthood. This essay builds on Bama's Sangati: Events by looking at Dalit women's situation and the manner in which they absorb, maintain, and combat the culture of silence.

Women's empowerment, extended families and male migration in Nepal: Insights from mixed methods analysis

•Combining qualitative and quantitative methods sheds new light on women's empowerment processes.•Upper caste Nepali women are disempowered by patriarchy; lower caste women by poverty and patriarchy.•Non-migrant husbands mediate the disempowering effects of living with in-laws.•Control over time, not just hours worked, is an important component of empowerment.

SAINT RABIDAS A SILENCE MOVEMENT: A CASE STUDY IN THE PERSPECTIVE OF BOTH LOCAL & GLOBAL ISSUES

In the first time of Indian history by choosing Bhakti as a path of social protest saint Ravidas (Shri Guru Ravidass Ji was born in the year 1377 CE. i.e. Bikrami Samvat 1433 (widely accepted by most scholars & institutions) to father Shri Santokh Dass Ji and Mother Kalsa Devi Ji in Chamar caste, also known as Kutbandhla, one of the Scheduled Castes in Uttar Pradesh) did not only challenge the Brahmanical tradition caste-based system of social exclusion and untouchability practiced for ages in India. Bhakti is considered to be a privilege of the upper castes only In the Brahmanical social order but how & What made him distinct from his contemporaries was his low caste birth and the unique method of Bhakti that he deployed to challenge the oppressive structures of social dominations. Saint Ravidass became prominent because he unleashed a frontal attack on the long tradition of social oppression and untouchability in the Hindu society. Though born and brought up in Uttar Pradesh province of North India, Saint Ravidass came to command large followings among Dalits of the state of Punjab, which he believed to have visited during his journeys towards Rajasthan. Another factor that made him further popular in Punjab is the inclusion of his Bani (spiritual poetry) in Granth Sahib, sacred scriptures of Sikh faith. His stature grew still further when the Ad Dharm movement made him its patron Saint and a political rallying point. His fellow low caste followers, who consider him Guru, dedicated to him temples, memorial halls, educational institutions/chairs, cultural organizations, and hospitals. They founded several missions to accurately establish facts about his life and works and to disseminate his message of compassion, equality, and brotherhood in India and abroad (Hawley 1988:270).[1]

ПЛОСКИЙ НОС В ПРЕДСТАВЛЕНИЯХ НАРОДОВ ЮЖНОЙ АЗИИ: ВОСПРИЯТИЕ, ОБЫЧАИ, ЛЕКСИКА, ФОЛЬКЛОР

The article deals with such a beauty “anti-standard” among a number of peoples of South Asia as a flat nose. Attention is paid to the contemporary functioning of the phenomenon in culture, as well as to its possible origin. The vocabulary used to describe such a physical trait, as well as the mention of a flat nose in folklore and the connotations associated with it, are analyzed. It is suggested that a flat nose as an “anti-standard” of beauty has been entrenched in the culture of South Asia since a very long time, and two main factors influenced its formation. These are physical characteristics of the non-Aryan peoples defeated in ancient times, some of whom later became low castes, and the practice of cutting off the nose as punishment for crimes related to the honour of the family and society

DALIT LITERATURE: A TOOL OF RESISTANCE

In Indian society, the Dalits who are known earlier as untouchables or Shudras have been suffering in the name of Casteism. Even after more than 70 years of achieving Independence, the Dalits are bearing the brunt of torture and humiliation at the hand of upper caste people in many states in India. Dalits, being born in lower castes, are the worst target of embarrassment, dishonour, torture and discrimination. They have been inflicted violence physically or mentally in such a cruel manner that their whole identity is trampled underfoot. For centuries their life has been an epic of traumatic experiences. Their survival was possible at the behest of upper caste people who otherwise treated them like beasts. The wishes and dreams of the Dalits didn’t matter as they had no right to dream for a world of joy and progress. With the passage of time, people in the Dalit community realised the traumatic situation and sufferings of their brethren and decided to give voice through literature to the worst kind of sufferings they had to undergo. It is painfully surprising to think how Dalits were made to bear silently the humiliation and ill-treatment. If one comes across the excruciating accounts of pain and trauma poured down in Dalit literature, one can easily feel the immeasurable pain. Their afflictions are laid open barely before the readers just to make them feel how they will feel, in turn, if they happen to replace their position.

Untouchable Spring (2000) offers conversion to Christianity as a means of Dalit resistance in Andhra Pradesh in contradiction to the conventional process of emancipation adopted by the lower castes

Untouchable Spring as a novel epitomizes the struggle of Dalits and their assertion for self-identity through the means of revolution. Religious conversion was seen as a primary source to gain social ascendancy hence large number of untouchables, specifically the Malas and Madigas in Andhra Pradesh converted to Christianity however it still did not provide them the deserved status. The novel presents how this means of resistance is radical and revolutionary as compared to the conventional forms of revolution undertaken by the Dalits. It not only exposes the plight of Hindu Dalits but also the humiliation faced by the Christian Dalits when they converted. Hence while recording the uprising of the Dalits, the novel also potrays an alternative history of generations of oppressed people and the means adopted by them to attain liberation. This paper aims to study the issue of Dalit oppression even after conversion and understand the impact of Ambedkar in adopting conversion as a solution.

GENDER EQUALITY IN HIGHER EDUCATION AND INDIAN GOVERNMENT MEASUREMENTS: A REFERENCE FOR PAKISTAN TO PROMOTE GENDER EQUALITY

In India's higher education, denotative and connotative gender inequality live together, more evident among vulnerable groups like lower Social Castes, Social Tribes, Muslims, and other minorities. The educational administrative framework with deep segmentation and various levels of government and the hierarchical class system with strong male preference has promoted to a certain degree, gender equality in higher education has been achieved via the formulation and implementation of a number of formal systems comprised of laws and regulations. However, these formal systems form institutional shackles, which hinder the implementation of further realization, affecting the higher education system. The present study aims to understand how India improved its gender equality in recent years and what measurements the government of India took so that we can fetch some experiences and lessons from India to promote gender equality in Pakistan's higher education. With this background, we use the All India Survey of Higher Education (2015-16 to 2019-20), Ministry of Education of India to calculate the gender equality status in Indian higher education by using Gender-Equality Index (GEI) method. The results show an improvement towards gender equality at all higher education levels. The Indian government has established a number of classifications, as well as associated laws and policies, and taken required actions to ensure compliance with applicable rules and policies. These systems have played a specific role in promoting gender equality in higher education.

Doings of Caste: An Analysis of Inter-Caste Violence among Dalits in Bama’s Novel, Vanmam: Vendetta

Caste carries a sort of symbolic value. For those who are at the top in the hierarchical Indian caste system have positive symbolic value of caste and those who remain in the bottom have negative value of it. It is so infectious that everyone in this system wants to assert his supremacy over the next one and this hierarchy goes on till the lowest of the low. Dalits are no exception to this rule. Dalits as a community has been victims of caste-based atrocities since the inception of caste-system but they do not hesitate to apply the same sort of caste rules among themselves. Having been beguiled by the Brahmanical ideologies, Dalits have divided themselves into many castes on the basis of high and low. By doing so, they have unknowingly reinforced their own torture in the hands of their oppressors. Bama is a prolific Dalit writer who has touched upon this very sensitive issue of inter-caste violence among Dalits in her third novel, Vanmam: Vendetta. In the novel, she has underscored how Dalits fight among themselves in the name of high and low caste falling prey to the ideologies of their oppressors. In this researcher paper, a genuine effort has been made to highlight how castebecomes functional in promoting inter caste violence among people of two Dalit castes in a village of Tamilnadu.

Poiein and Infinite Identity: A Meta-critical Inquiry into Marginality

The paper argues that the theoretical ‘definitions’ of marginality assume a fixed essence to the experience of marginality. And such definitions necessarily contradict the experience of marginality: the social experience as well as the experience performed in literature. The paper traces the evolution of different theories of marginality to locate the inherent contradictions caused by the mismatch between theory and experience. Following that, the paper explores the representations of marginality in S Hareesh’s novel Meesha (Moustache (2018)) in the Malayalam language. The protagonist Vavachan belongs to a lower caste community and he often violates the caste equations and terrorises the social order with his uncanny appearance. This reading consequently shows that the literary experience of marginality does not ‘fit’ to a framework that theorises the ‘marginal’ as a finite category, and it necessitates a new framework to understand the 'marginal’ as well as the dynamic relation between the margin and the centre. To accommodate the dynamic nature of the centre-margin relations, we need a formative critical framework that changes itself when it encounters a new possibility of centre-margin relations. The critical framework is perpetually formative in relation to new readings and experiences; such a framework transcends all predetermined models of centre-margin relations in a community. Jean-Luc Nancy adopts a similar approach in his work The Inoperative Community (1986). According to him, the predetermined conception of society as an ‘essence’ or constituted in an essence leads to the ‘closure of the political’. Admitting the lack of an ‘essence’, the framework becomes open to differences and nuances of the experiences. The departure from ‘essence’ is also the departure from the theoretical fixities. In contextualising this idea in literary criticism, the primary inspiration of my paper is Stathis Gourgouris’ conceptualisation that critical frameworks are in ‘poiein’ state. The framework is always in a perpetual reworking or ‘in the making’ state and never finite. By incorporating the ‘infinite identity’ of the community within a ‘poiein’ mode of criticism, my paper attempts to forge a new critical framework that understands the dynamic nature of the centre-margin relations.

Single Caste Parties with special reference to Uttar Pradesh Assembly Elections 2022"

Political parties regulate politics in every modern democratic country. Since the 1980s, smaller parties based on caste have appeared in numerous states in India. They serve as a reflection of representational and recognition of politics. In Uttar Pradesh, people from the Most Backward Caste (MBCs) have been forming single caste-based political parties in large numbers over the last two decades to gain social, cultural, and political recognition. The BJP and Samajwadi Party formed a rainbow alliance of single caste parties ahead of the assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh in 2022. In parallel, the BJP significantly contributed to the state's growth of single caste parties. In the 2022 UP assembly election, single caste parties felt their presence in electoral and non-electoral politics. References Banerjee, Mukulika (2014), Why India Votes?, Routledge, New Delhi. Baxter, Craig (1975), ( The Rise and Fall of Bhartiya Kranti Dal), in Myron Weiner and John Osgoodfied, Electoral politics in Indian states: party system and cleavages volume-4 New Delhi. Beg, Mirza Asmer (2012), (The Muslim Parties in Uttar Pradesh and Assam), Economic and Political Weekly No 43, Volume,47 Oct, 27. Brass, Paul(1966), Caste, Faction and Party in Indian politics “ Election study, Volume 2 (Chanakya publication Delhi). Chandra, Kanchan (2004),Why Ethnic Parties Succeed: Patronage and Ethnic Head Counts in India, Cambridge University Press. Duncan, Ian, (1997), (New political equation in North India: Mayawati, Mulayam andgovernment instability in UP), Asian Survey Volume,37. Fickett Lewis, JR (1993), (The Rise and Fall of Jantadal),, Asian Survey Volume-33 No.12,December. G,S (1999), ( Rise of smaller parties: Uttar Pradesh), Economic and Political Weekly, Vol.34,No,41. Kumar, D. S. (2022). Election of State Assembly Held during February and March 2022: Study with Reference to Uttar Pradesh. Journal of Positive School Psychology, 3831–3843. Retrieved from https://journalppw.com/index.php/jpsp/article/view/6861 Hasan, Zoya (1997), Quest for Power: Oppositional Movements and Post Congress Politics in Uttar Pradesh, OUP Publisher, India. Hasan, Zoya (2004). Parties and party politics in India. New Delhi; Oxford: Oxford University Press. Jaffrelot, Christophe (2003), India's Silent Revolution: The Rise of the Lower Castes, C Hurst &Co Publishers Ltd. Kothari, Rajni (1964), Politics In India, Orient BlackSwan, New Delhi. Pai, Sudha (2002), Dalit Assertion and the Unfinished Democratic Revolution: The Bahujan Samaj Party in Uttar Pradesh, Sage Publications Pvt. Ltd.Delhi. ROUTLEDGE HANDBOOK OF THE OTHER BACKWARD CLASSES IN INDIA: thought. (2021). S.L.: Routledge India. Singh, Jagpal (1992), Capitalism and Dependence: Agrarian Politics in Western Uttar Pradesh, 1951-1991, Manohar Publishers and Distributors, Delhi. Singh, Jagpal (2021). Caste, state and society: degrees of democracy in North India. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge. Wiener, Myron (1968), State Politics in India, (Princeton Legacy Library), Paperback, Delhi.

Re- Reading of Bhartiyar’s Education Thoughts

Bharathiyar’s thoughts on education are progressive in the educational environment that prevailed in Tamil Nadu centuries ago. They emphasized the social presence of the Tamils of the day and the need for social change. Through education, Bharathiar aimed to “teach that helping the poor, uplifting the lower castes, etc., enhanced the social and social duties”. Among the creators of songs and essays detailing the need for education in the early twentieth century, there is no one to compare with him. Bharathiyar, in his poems and essays, has emphatically recorded his views on education. In particular, Bharathiar describes the preferences and expectations about education in two articles, National Education-1 and National Education-2. Those essays explain the basis of Bhartiyar’s academic thoughts.

Theme of Resistance in Rohinton Mistry’s A Fine Balance

This research attempts to focus on the growing acts of resistance from the part of subalterns in A Fine Balance. Here, by criticizing the atrocities and perpetration of so-called upper class people and authorities over subalterns and showing the subaltern resistance, the writers try to show the growing subaltern consciousness in India. The marginalized characters undergo trial and tribulation in the novel. In the novel, Avinash is brutally murdered, Maneck commits suicide, Ishvar and Om are forced to undergo sterilization which leaves them deformed and destitute. Similarly, Dina loses her much needed independence and self respect and the society presented by Mistry is not an idealized one. Superstition, violence and gender inequalities are rampant. It is also the site of the repetition of caste-based brutality. The lower castes are beaten, tortured and killed for trivial reasons. By showing his characters in the position of resisting the brutalities and atrocities of upper class people and authorities, this research work argues that Mistry attempts to focus on the growing consciousness and resistance among subalterns in post-independent and Post Revolution Indian society, where subalterns want nothing but equality, justice, freedom, coexistence, and of course, communal harmony.

Hindutva and Islamophobia

This research paper is an attempt to understand rising Islamophobia in India in relation to Hindutva as a political ideology. It is argued that Islamophobia is inherent in Savarkar’s construction of ‘self’ and the ‘other’ that was reinforced by his followers Hedgewar and Golwalkar. These constructs are based on dominant Brahmanic traditions mainly used for political purposes to acquire and sustain power. The lower Hindu castes and minorities are primary victims in this homogenising project of Hindutva. Hindutva ideology emerged as a response to British colonisation based on politics of resistance. But in the post-partition era it evolved into politics of domination by a particular construct of ‘Hindu Nationalism’ comprising of Brahmanic, Aryan and Vedic components. Hindutva zealots equate an Indian with Hindu identity and Muslims are constructed as an internal threat to Hindutva ideology as they resist this homogenisation and continue to assert a separate identity for themselves.

Power dalam Kekerasan Seksual

Sexual violence has become a major issue in society after several cases of harassment often occur. The purpose of this study, first, is to find out the relationship between sexual violence in the theory of Michel Foucault and Johan Galtung. This study uses a qualitative method which is analyzed with a descriptive approach. The results show that Foucault describes this power relation in terms of Disciplinary Power which can be seen from the existing phenomenon that disciplines the internalization of the subjugation of lower castes into something that is considered normal, while in Galtung's view, the power relations between men and women have a tendency to maintain the status quo of men by oppressing women. Unfortunately, these actions are legitimized by elements of groups and institutions by normalizing these actions.