Town Lots Research Articles

The Plat of Zion and Urban Development in Salt Lake City

The Plat of Zion and Urban Development in Salt Lake City

Methodical Tools Research of Place Marketing Via Small and Medium Business Development

Abstract. Introduction. In recent years, along with the brands of companies and celebrities, there are brands of territories. The only way to compete for resources, investments, and partners is through well-thought-out place marketing and place branding. There are a lot of small towns that no one can guess, and they are gradually disappearing. And first of all the local business suffers from it. That’s why it is important to analyze the positive experience of cities that have stood out among thousands of others and attract funds and resources to them. Purpose. The study aims is to determine the role of small and medium-sized businesses as a component of place marketing. Results. In the work it was systematized the goals, models of place marketing, target audiences and compared marketing strategies. It was analyzed examples of different image types: positive, weakly expressed, excessively traditional, contradictory, mixed, negative, and excessively attractive. It was considered examples of successful application of marketing tools for unknown territories. Also, it was systematized the image strategies and marketing tools used in the place promotion. It has been developed the recommendations for small and medium businesses to improve the place image. Conclusions. It is recommended to determine the most attractive target audience, competitive advantages underlie the image, and place marketing strategy to strengthen it. It is necessary to develop a visual brand concept for the selected area: a logo, a slogan for each target audience. One of the visual image strategies: multidirectional, consistent, humorous, or negative visual series can be used to place promotion. From marketing tools, it is expedient to use events and actions, legends, to involve celebrities in advertising campaigns, to use branded goods, discount cards, and others.

Суспільно-географічний підхід до оцінки атрактивності туристичного потенціалу Карпатського регіону

Tourism is one of the most important sectors of the Ukrainian economy. Analysis of the tourism potential of the country and its individual regions, in particular its attractiveness – the ability to attract potential tourists, is necessary for the effective functioning of the tourism sector. The purpose of the article is to justify the socio-geographical approach to assessing the tourist potential’s attractiveness of the region and analyse the conditions and factors for such estimation in the objective (quantitative) and subjective (qualitative) dimensions on the basis of factor criteria and performance indicators. The tourist potential’s attractiveness of the region is the degree of attractiveness of the natural, ethnocultural, socio-historical and other tourist resources of the region, its socio-economic and transport infrastructure, reception places and attendants. The tourist potential’s attractiveness of the Carpathian region is ensured by its diversity of relief forms, the picturesque of landscapes, the presence of unique wild nature areas, a significant amount of rivers, the purity of natural waters, a lot of forests, and the richness of flora and fauna. The wealth of anthropogenic tourism resources of the Carpathian region leads to a high attraction of the social segment of the tourist potential of the Carpathian region. All regional centres, a lot of small towns and villages, which have survived, the samples of Old Ukrainian church wooden architecture, castles, religious buildings, defensive structures, old residential and economic buildings of the region have a high attraction. The attractiveness is also ensured by the presence of numerous parks, cafes, restaurants, theatres, museums, cultural and lifestyle habits of local residents, including Hutsuls and Boyks. Along with this, a combination of natural and social tourism resources created in the Carpathian region favourable conditions for the development of all kinds of ethnic and event tourism, rural green tourism. Based on the analysis of approaches to the component of the tourism potential’s assessment and attractiveness, own socio-geographical approach to the construction of a system for assessing the tourist potential’s attractiveness of the region has been formed. These include natural tourist resources, tourist resources of anthropogenic origin, tourist infrastructure, marketing and pricing policies, labour resources, provision of catering facilities, sports and entertainment facilities, the level of transport infrastructure’s development, tourist safety, environmental quality, finance, investment in tourism sphere, general image of the region, economic attractiveness, management, state support and political stability, information. The peculiarity of the proposed approach is to assess the conditions and factors of the tourism potential of the region in an objective and subjective way. Each of these characteristics is described by relevant factor criteria and may be defined by specific quantitative and / or qualitative indicators. With the help of the constructed indicators’ system of tourism potential attraction estimation, we are able to quantitatively and qualitatively estimate the level of tourism industry development in the Ukrainian regions; to highlight the causal relationships in determining the level of tourist potential’s attractiveness; to identify the factors that influence the development of tourism activity, in that destabilizing; to carry out monitoring of tourism activity in the region with the possibility of predicting changes in tourist activity taking on its basis optimal managerial decisions at the state and regional levels. Key words: tourist potential, tourist potential’s attractiveness, Carpathian region, natural and anthropogenic tourist resources.

Where Fanny Balbuk Walked: Re-imagining Perth’s Wetlands

Where Fanny Balbuk Walked: Re-imagining Perth’s Wetlands

Library Programs in Indiana in the 1850s

In 1806, the territorial legislature chartered the first library in Indiana. The Vincennes Library Company began with 210 books contributed by local residents, mostly business and professional men. Though the library was chartered by the territory, its founders considered it their exclusive organization; only later did tradesmen, farmers, and craftsmen become library members. In 1811, another early subscription library was formed in Madison, Indiana. The Rappites began the first communal library in Indiana after they settled in southern Indiana in 1815. Evidence indicates that the library at Harmony contained approximately 360 volumes. The state’s 1816 constitution permitted the sale of town lots in each county seat to generate revenue for public subscription-model libraries.

A Study on the Evolution Rule and Culture Analysis of the Spatial Form of Ancient Towns in Yuanshui River Basin

The drainage basin of Hunan Yuan River is mysterious because of its multi-ethnic culture. A lot of cities and towns were built along the Yuanshui River because of its convenience in water transportation. Yuanshui River is a complete, unique, diverse and an inseparable group culture system with a series of features like environment complexity, multi-culture integration and long history. This article aims at providing a reference to the construction of modern cities and towns in this drainage basin through a thorough study on the evolution rule of the form of the historical cities and towns along Yuanshui River and a study on the unique multi-ethnic culture features that influenced the form of the ancient towns.

Environmental Protection of Ancient Towns and Villages of China

China has a lot of ancient towns and villages that have been attracting international and domestic tourists. Tourism management in ancient towns and villages of China is crucial to delivering economic, social and environmental responsibility. The purpose of this paper is to describe and examine the problem of ancient towns and villages of China and to explain its underlying causes and the possibilities. Furthermore, the article argues that serious human damages, environmental pollution and ecological degradation are occurring ancient towns and villages at a rapid rate. The station has the potential to significantly undermine the prospects for tourism development of ancient towns and villages of China. In the light of this fact, it aims to make explicit the problem-solving principals, including the following recommendations: limiting business scope, infrastructure investment, green certification program, environmental education, inhabitant participation, and promoting tourism products. In the longer term, only when the stakeholders of ancient town and village tourism collaboration, will truly obtain integrated sustainable management.

Study on Low-Carbon Building Ecological City Construction in Harmonious Beibu Gulf Culture

Abstract Under the low-carbon time of globalization, Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region as the one of the many provinces in western China, it is necessary that to open Beibu Gulf for getting sustainable development in the new time and situation. Exactly the basic way for the development is the strategy of sustainable development that of construction Beibu Gulf economic zone consist of low-carbon, ecological and harmonious. With the development and construction of Beibu Gulf, a lot of towns are stepping into the progress of urbanization one by one. However, in the background for urbanization of ecological and low-carbon, study on low-carbon building and ecological city construction in harmonious Beibu Gulf culture that would be necessary and of great significance.

New Philadelphia Pedestrian Survey: Phase I Investigations at an Historic Town Site

The authors directed an initial archaeological survey of the New Philadelphia town site in 2002 to 2003. This pedestrian survey and related database work using Geographic Information Systems (GIS) computer software yielded detailed distribution maps of over 7,000 artifacts, and identified a large concentration of artifacts within the north-central part of the town site. These artifacts consisted mostly of nails, ceramics, and bottle glass, indicating that many of the town lots served primarily domestic and residential purposes, rather than craft or industrial functions. Material remains of some of the town’s businesses, such as a blacksmith operation, were also present. The methods used in this Phase I project, which combined basic pedestrian surveying techniques with sophisticated database and mapping programs, provided a highly valuable baseline for designing and undertaking later geophysical surveys and full excavations of residential and business locations within the town site.

Engaging Communities in the Heartland: An Archaeology of a Multi-Racial Community

In 2002, I received an invitation along with other colleagues to work with a non-profit group to help explore the history and development of a town known as New Philadelphia, Illinois. New Philadelphia is the earliest known town legally founded by a free African American, Frank McWorter. In the early 1830s McWorter purchased land, and by 1836 he platted and registered the town in the Pike County Courthouse. He sold town lots, and with the proceeds, purchased a total of 16 family members out of bondage (Walker 1983). I was contacted because the local community thought this heroic story should be part of the national public memory. The community asked professionals to help develop a long-term heritage project with the goal of making the place and its history part of the national public memory because of national significance. The town site has the potential to tell the story of freedom in a racist society.

William Trevor's <i>Cheating at Canasta</i> (2007): Cautionary Tales for Contemporary Ireland

Although William Trevor 's fiction about and the Irish has won him international acclaim, he has in fact lived outside of since the 1950s, when, like many young Irish, he left for economic reasons. Trevor's earliest fic tion was informed by his perspective as an unwilling expatriate confronting an alien culture, but since the 1960s he increasingly has turned to his native as a setting. Perhaps not surprisingly, the Trevor has depicted in recent years is frequently the country of his youth. Even when his fiction is not express ly set in the mid-twentieth century, the flavors of the past permeate his prose, with little evidence of the recent prosperity, technological change, and double barreled economic and cultural barrage of the European Union and the Unit ed States. In 1999, Dolores MacKenna observed that though Trevor's is still recognisable, it is a place viewed from a backward glance.1 When film maker Atom Egoyan adapted Trevor's 1994 novel Felicias Journey, he justified his considerable liberties with the text by asserting that the Felicia inhabits no longer exists: Ireland is very prosperous and a lot of towns are tarted up for the tourist industry.2 Trevor himself has declared, however, that his daily read ing of the Irish Times, listening to RTE, and periodic visits keep him attuned to Ireland.

A Reconsideration of the Survey of the Villa de San Fernando de Béxar in 1731

The plan of the two plazas ofVilla de San Fernando de Béxar in 1767. Reproduced with the permission ofthe British Library. Unless otherwise noted, all drawings are by the author. A Reconsideration ofthe Survey ofthe Villa de San Fernando de Béxar in 173 1 James E. Ivey* When the Villa de San Fernando de Béxar was founded next to the Presidio de San Antonio de Béxar in 1731, Juan Antonio Pérez de Almazán, captain of the presidio, prepared a clear narrative for laying out the plaza and streets, distributing town lots to the new residents, and surveying the lands of the villa. However, a comparison of this proposal with maps of San Antonio made thirty years later demonstrates that no trace of Pérez de Almazán's intentions can be seen in the actual plan of the villa.1 How can this difference between the narrative and subsequent survey and the later actual plan of the town be explained? As part of an effort to establish new towns on the northern frontier of New Spain, settlers from the Canary Islands were brought over. An examination of available evidence demonstrates that the islanders, for whom the new villa was to be established, elected to lay out their own plaza and principal lots within the already existing plan of the settlement rather than undertaking the laborious process oftearing down the old structures and building an entirely new town based on Almazán's plan. This meant that the central area ofmodern San Antonio does not reflect the plan of 1 73 1 , which was based on orders *James E. "Jake" Iveyis a research historian for die lntermountain Regional Office ofdie National Park Service in Santa Fe. He was a contract historical archeologist in Texas for ten years, worked on several Alamo excavaüons, and has specialized in the cultural and architectural history of die Spanish colonial soudiwest. He is finishing his Ph.D. in Spanish colonial architectural history. The author wishes to thank Lee E. Goodwin for her help in understanding some ofdie documentation used in diis article and Frank de la Teja for his advice and his guidance to manuscript material in die Texas General Land Office, die Center for American History, and the Nettie Lee Benson Latin American Collection. 1 See "Piano de la Villa y Presidio de S. Antonio de Vejar," ca. 1767,Joseph de Urrutia, in Max Moorhead, The Presidio, Bastion ofthe Spanish Borderlands (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1975), 156, plate 2 1; and Captain don LuisAntonio Menchaca, "Mapa del Presidio de San Antonio de Bexar, y sus Misiones de la Provincia de Texas, Fiho en 24 del Mes de Marzo de 1764, Por el Capitan Don Luis Anttonio Menchaca que lo es del diho Presidio," copy in files ofSan Antonio Missions Natíonal Historical Park. Copies ofbodi ofdiese maps are inJesus F. de la Teja, SanAntonio de Béxar: A Community on New Spain's Northern Frontier (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1995), 56-57 and 60-61, respectively. Vol. CXI, No. 3 Southwestern Historical Quarterly January, 2008 252Southwestern Historical QuarterlyJanuary Figure 1 . Plaza de las Islas, Main Plaza, San Antonio, Texas, looking northwest. The Bexar County Courthouse is on the left of the picture, and the cadiedral is visible on the west side of the plaza. The cathedral encloses the site of the original parish church of San Antonio. Military Plaza, the second site selected for the Presidio San Antonio de Béxar in 1722, is to the west behind the church. Photograph by the author. of the viceroy and the provisions of the Laws of the Indies, but rather on a modified version of the town plan that grew up around the presidio after it was moved to its final location in 1722 (see Figure 1). The story of the creation of the Villa de San Fernando de Béxar has been told in several places. The better-known articles and books that deal specificallywith the establishment ofthe villa are those ofI.J. Cox in 1899, Mattie Alice Austin in 1905, Carlos Castañeda in 1936, Lota M. Spell in 1962, Gilbert R. Cruz in 1988...

1791 and All That: <i>Baseball and the Berkshires</i>

This essay has been modified slightly from a speech delivered at the Berkshire Museum in Pittsfield, Massachusetts, on June 17, 2006.Thanks to Pittsfield, the public now knows what only a handful of scholars had suspected: that baseball was played in America long before 1839, the year it was said to have sprung full-blown from the mind of young Abner Doubleday in Cooperstown. Thanks to the astonishingly preserved minutes of a town meeting here in 1791, we know that a game called if played too close to a newly built meeting house, was banned- at a time when the United States of America was only a teenager and the Constitution was a mere toddler, four years old.Still a puzzle, however, is what the Pittsfield game of that season looked like, what its rules may have been-no eighteenth-century box score survives or is likely to have existed. Despite the prohibition's explicit reference to baseball, can we recognize in this early game any of the elements visible when the Red Sox meet the Yankees? And what does 1791 mean to Pittsfield, to the history of and to today's players and fans? These are the questions we'll at least begin to answer.Pittsfield has many fine baseball stories of more recent vintage, from the first intercollegiate baseball game, played on July 1, 1859, at a field north of the town lot and east of the Maplewood Institute for Young Ladies, to the Hillies of the Eastern League in 1919 and the future stars who honed their craft at Wahconah Park for decades thereafter. The 2006 induction of Frank Grant, born in Pittsfield in 1865, into the Baseball Hall of Fame added to the Berkshires' baseball legacy. But because the unique milepost in Pittsfield's baseball history is 1791, and because I had something to do with bringing that to light, I'm going to stay focused herein on the game of that era and its legacy.As you may already know, I'm the guy who won fleeting fame in the spring of 2004 for finding what was not truly lost, except for its significance. While prowling the internet late at night, I came upon a mention of the now celebrated bylaw in a book entitled The History of Pittsfield, (Berkshire County,) Massachusetts, From the Year 1734 to the Year 1800. Because the book was published in 1869 under the authority of the town, I had no doubts about the authenticity of the reference. The next morning, I called folks at the Pittsfield City Hall to see if they retained minute books all the way back to the 18th century, and was informed that indeed they did. I later shared my find with baseball author and former pitcher Jim Bouton, who in turn passed it on to Mayor James Ruberto, and the rest is history, now a part of the standard encyclopedic entries for baseball and the Baseball Hall of Fame Museum timeline of the game's development.So let's examine the old ball game, how it flowered in the Berkshires and the Housatonic Valley, and why this region might rightly be termed Baseball's Garden of Eden, a term that to some has regrettably come to mean invented If pressed to create a date for baseball's taking root in America, I'd have to say, about 1735, and I'll soon tell you why. Admittedly, we are not likely to find hard evidence for that date as good as what now resides in the Berkshire Athenaeum in support of 1791. But we can only suppose that if baseball was banned in Pittsfield in 1791, it was not a nuisance devised in that year-that it had been played for some time before, and not only here. The Berkshires may have been a remote region in 1791, but not as immune to influence as the Galapagos Islands. As I will show, baseball sprang up everywhere, like dandelions, and we cannot now identify with certainty which flower was truly the first.No ingenious lad like Abner Doubleday or inventive clerk like Alexander Cartwright created the game. Although Cooperstown is the legendary home of Hall of Fame officials no longer make special claims for Doubleday and 1839. …

'A Less Favourable Specimen': The Abolitionist Response to Self-Emancipated Slaves in Sierra Leone, 1793–1808

'A Less Favourable Specimen':The Abolitionist Response to Self-Emancipated Slaves in Sierra Leone, 1793-1808 Cassandra Pybus (bio) When on 23 February 1807 the bill to abolish the slave trade passed the house of commons, William Wilberforce was exultant. 'Well, Henry', he playfully demanded of his cousin and close colleague Henry Thornton, 'what shall we abolish next?' To which Thornton replied, 'The Lottery, I think.'1 This scene of pious self-congratulation has been replayed over and over in the literature on abolition, yet rarely has it been questioned for what it reveals of the moral ambivalence of these two evangelical heavyweights. This exchange was not simply a rare moment of jocularity; the lottery was the institution most likely to galvanize the abolitionist zeal of the Clapham Sect, whereas the terrible institution of slavery was simply not on their agenda.2 The very next day Wilberforce spoke forcefully against a bill for the gradual abolition of slavery, arguing that slaves must first be trained for freedom. He reiterated the view that he had articulated in the Commons in 1804 that enslaved Africans were not 'fit to receive freedom', and so it would be 'madness to attempt to give it to them'.3 Wilberforce spoke with conviction as a result of his experience as a director of the Sierra Leone Company, which had established a settlement for freed slaves on the west coast of Africa. Henry Thornton was the company chairman and several fellow evangelical abolitionists also served as directors. It is in their response to the emancipated slaves of Sierra Leone that their ambivalence toward enslaved Africans can most clearly be seen.4 A settlement for runaway slaves had been the brainchild of Granville Sharp, champion of James Somerset and the Zong case.5 A passionate anti-slavery advocate, [End Page 97] Sharp was one of the founders of the anti-slavery committee in 1787, which became, rather to his dismay, the Society for Effecting the Abolition of the Slave Trade (or London Committee).6 Into the creation of a 'Province of Freedom' he poured all his deepest convictions about humanity and justice among people of all races. Even though the people to be settled there were mostly illiterate and had suffered the demoralizing experience of slavery, Sharp believe they would be as capable of self-government as any. His plan for governance allowed all males over 16 a vote in the common council where power would reside. Households were divided into tens, called tithings, each of which would elect a tithingman, while every 100 households would choose a hundredor. Each person over 16, regardless of sex, was entitled to a one-acre town lot and a small farm, but overall the land was the responsibility of the community as a whole, with a majority vote to dispose of it. As he conceived it, the 'Province of Freedom' should be quite independent, where the settlers could make any laws not inconsistent with Britain's, hold their own courts and elect their own leaders.7 It was the Committee for the Relief of the Black Poor, under the chairmanship of Henry Thornton, which put Sharp's plan into action. In May 1787 it hastily settled some 340 black refugees from North America on land at the mouth of the Sierra Leone River, which had been 'purchased' from a local chief of the Koya Temne.8 However this settlement did not turn out as Sharp had envisaged. It was an unmitigated disaster.9 When early in 1791 a rescue mission arrived in Sierra Leone, it found only 46 survivors who had been driven out of the settlement by the local chief and were clinging to life on a swampy island in the river mouth. Sharp's anguished appeals for government assistance fell on deaf ears, so he then turned to his abolitionist friends to provide a stable economic base for his 'poor little ill-thriven swarthy daughter, the unfortunate colony of Sierra Leone'. The new plan was to establish a trading enterprise in Sierra Leone that would be an alternative to the abhorrent slave trade, as well as a base for spreading christianity throughout the heathen continent. He recruited Thornton, together...

Monitoring of V(IV) and V(V) in Etnean drinking-water distribution systems by solid phase extraction and electrothermal atomic absorption spectrometry

Monitoring activities carried out since 1994 showed the presence of significant levels of vanadium in drinking waters delivered in a lot of Etnean towns. The highest vanadium concentration was found in ground waters collected in the drainage gallery Ciapparazzo located on the Northwestern flank of Mt. Etna in Bronte's area (Catania, Italy). This drainage gallery, with a flow rate of near 500 l s − 1 , is an important water source for several towns of the Etnean province. On account of different toxicological behaviours of V(IV) and V(V), which are the only possible oxidation states in aqueous media, a research project was set up to evaluate the ratio between their concentrations before and after disinfection treatments (chlorination or UV irradiation). Data were acquired in the most representative sites of the drainage gallery and the distribution network to evaluate the effect of residence times and disinfection treatments on possible species interconversion. The average total concentration of vanadium was 165 μg l − 1 . Speciation analyses performed by solid phase extraction of both species followed by furnace atomic absorption spectrometric determination of V(IV) eluates revealed that the latter was the predominant species (90–100%) in untreated waters. Moreover, among the two disinfecting treatments applied by the water supplier, only sodium hypochlorite altered the species ratio and determined an instant increase of near 20% in V(V) relative concentration. No significant effect was observed as residence time varied in the drainage gallery or in the distribution systems. Other physico-chemical and chemical parameters (i.e. pH, E H, water temperature, electrical conductance, dissolved oxygen as well as major and minor inorganic cations and anions) were determined in the collected water samples to evaluate if they are proper or not for interconversion of the two V species. Redox potential of the water was also correlated to the percentage of V(IV).

Town Boosterism on Oregon's Mining Frontier: James Vansyckle and Wallula, Columbia Riverport, 1860-1870

G.Thomas Edwards Town Boosterism on Oregon's Mining Frontier JamesVansvtkle andWalliila. Colombia Riverport, 1860-1870 ~~"T~~*^^ URING THE EARLY SETTLEMENT of the Pacific Northwest, land speculators dreamed of thewealth they could reap in the region. In the 1840s and 1850s, speculation in theOregon Territory focused along the Willamette River and on farm lands bordering Willamette Valley waterways. Town-boosters hoped to sell platted land and transform their barren property into a commercial center. Although "many towns had no more than a paper existence," geog rapherWilliam Loy explained, "each group of town promoters had faith, courage, and even confidence that itsparticular venture would outstrip all the rest."1By the early 1860s, themining rush in eastern Oregon, Idaho, and Montana drew speculators' attention to the needs of distant mining camps and towns.While Willamette Valley promoters had sought to gain from the nearby agricultural frontier, later speculators wanted to establish steamboat landings on the Columbia River in order to draw wealth from a vast interiormining frontier. These later town-builders understood that some profits would result from selling town lots; but providing goods and services tominers, teamsters, muleskinners, merchants, tradesmen, and others would earn much greater income. Perhaps themost successful Columbia River port speculator in the 1860s was an experienced businessman from California's mining frontier, JamesMilton Vansyckle. As themajor promoter of Wallula, a town located on the site of the Hudson's Bay Company's FortWalla Walla along the 7^ OHQ vol. 106, no. 1 ? 2005 Oregon Historical Society QHS neg.,CN 016015 Travelers in the 1860s thought Wallulds Front Street showed Vansyckle's impressive ability to build a vital port in a hostile environment. Other emerging Oregon towns had similar appearances. In the 1840s, for example, Portland's downtown looked much likeWallula does in thisphotograph. eastern bank of theColumbia River, Vansyckle became a prominent Walla Walla County resident. He had enjoyed a promising career inCalifornia and Oregon before moving to the bleak Washington Territory site. Born in 1822 inCincinnati, Ohio, Vansyckle took his wife, Susanna, and children toCalifornia in the early 1850s. In September 1853,he became the Stockton agent for Wells Fargo, a young, fast-growing company dependent upon skilled managers. Vansyckle managed the company's bank and oversaw the transportation of gold dust from California's southern mines. In that instant city,he learned about speculative real estate and observed steam1 boats from San Francisco carrying miners and mining supplies and freight wagons and pack mules hauling loads to interiormining camps and towns. Widely respected in Stockton, "Milt" Vansyckle, as he was known, served as chief engineer of the volunteer fire department and, in 1855,asmayor. Two years later, Wells Fargo promoted him to the position of superintendent in Edwards, Town Boosterism on Oregon's Mining Frontier 77 Sacramento, requiring him to travel to scattered agencies. He also served briefly as superintendent in the company's San Francisco office. In 1858, Vansyckle's employer appointed him tohead itsPortland office, a significant post thathe would hold until July1859. Soon the aspiring new comer was elected to the city council, was chosen as the fire department's chief engineer, and served as a delegate to the stateDemocratic convention, where he supported Senator JoeLane against Salem editor Asahel Bush in a struggle formastery of the party. A Democratic editor inPortland hailed Vansyckle and his allies for defeating "dangerous and treacherous Repub licans," while the Oregonian, a voice for the Republican Party, included him among the "small men in California" who grew "wonderfully large inOregon in a brief period."2 Vansyckle eventually lost his position with Wells Fargo, according to one critic, "on account of dabbling in politics, to the injury of the company's business."3 With a partner he then briefly operated Portland's Metropolis Hotel.4 Vansyckle soon saw the potential of the upper Columbia. In the spring of 1859,he and other Portland profit-seekers must have read that Lt. John Mullan was directing soldiers building a road between Fort Benton on theMissouri River inwhat isnow Montana andWalla Walla, Washington Territory. Travelers who reached Walla Walla via the new road would then proceed along a branch of theOregon Trail to theColumbia River. Obvi ously a river port...

The Parties and "The People": The New York Anti-Rent Wars and the Contours of Jacksonian Politics

In early fall of 1845, Horace Greeley, editor of New-York Tribune, sought to explain causes of an explosive controversy in Empire State politics: Anti-Rent Wars. New York had long been home to dozens of leasehold estates, ranging in size from 3,000 to 750,000 acres. When Greeley wrote, some 260,000 New Yorkers-a twelfth of state's population-lived on farms, town lots, and mill sites rented from landlords in perpetuity or on long-term leases. Six years earlier, tenants on Manor of Rensselaerwyck rose up to destroy these estates and distribute among those who farmed it. By 1845, movement had spread to eleven counties and had won support of between 25,000 and 60,000 estate residents, making Anti-Rent Wars largest farmers' movement in United States before Civil War.1 True to both his hatred of ancient hierarchies and his suspicion of autonomous popular action, Greeley simultaneously endorsed tenants' desire to destroy leasehold system and denounced what he saw as their ideas and violent methods. The deep roots of conflict, he reasoned, lay both in oppressiveness of leasehold system and in poverty and ignorance of tenantry. This latent discontent had been given life by commonplace teachings of day: Much of of our day-our Fourth of July gatherings, Orations, c wherefore, laws which give some men a thousand times as much as they can use and thus deprive millions of any at all, are invalid, being contrary to fundamental principles of our Government.2 Greeley's depiction of these backwoods agrarians was caricatured, but he saw what most contemporaries missed: that even seeming radicals like anti-renters drew their ideas from a shared national culture. Greeley knew that main carriers of that culture were Whig and Democratic parties, and his description can be read as an implicit criticism of Democrats' belligerent egalitarianism. Fourth of July celebrations had been strictly partisan affairs since 1820s; especially in countryside, Democratic Party was main arena for political theorizing that editor blamed for anti-rent agrarianiSM.3 In hands of discontented constituents, partisan messages could be transformed in new and dangerous ways. These transformed party teachings could, in turn, help transform parties themselves, as Greeley's ideological career attests. Within a year of his editorial, Greeley became a champion of a Whig-anti-rent alliance. Swayed by anti-renters' growing influence as well as by his association with Fourierists and National Reformers, he adopted many of agrarian beliefs which he had denounced a year before. Announcing that land can not be property of individuals in same complete and unrestricted sense in which products of human industry are property, he became nation's most prominent advocate of a homestead act.4 Greeley's initial appraisal of anti-rent movement and its subsequent influence upon him fly in face of prevailing interpretations of part played by the People in Jacksonian order. Progressive and neo-progressive historians depict party platforms and ideologies as moreor-less unmediated reflections of aspirations of particular constituencies; in their narratives, hopes and demands of urban wageearners and frontier farmers found expression in program of Democratic Party. …

A planning strategy to augment the diversity and biomass of roadside trees in urban Hong Kong

Hong Kong's urban environment has an extremely high development density pervasively filled by buildings and roads. Little ground-level space is left for amenity planting within and without town lots, resulting in a cramped city matrix with inadequate green cover. The community desires for more and better trees for cityscape enhancement and environmental amelioration. A city-wide roadside-tree census was conducted recently together with a survey of potential planting sites (PPS) with a view to augmenting tree biomass and diversity in the long run. Sites with a suitable plantable corridor were evaluated in detail in the field to glean data on growing-space geometry (configuration and dimensions) and qualitative attributes (adjacent land use, building setback, unpaved soil, and air quality). Some 1094 PPS with a total capacity for 12 063 trees had been studied. Most PPS are spatially scattered and small, each with <14 trees capacity. A suite of 111 species had been selected for suitable dimensional and amenity attributes to fit the harsh and tight roadside sites, and to avoid the currently rampant discordance between trees and habitats. Environmental conditions within and in the vicinity of individual PPS, with an emphasis on plantable-space geometry, were matched with species characters. A strategy was adopted to maximize final biomass, floristic variety and ornamental functions especially attractive flowers and seasonal changes. A 5 year master planting plan was designed with site-specific species recommendations and a schedule giving priority to tree-deficient and readily-available localities. The landscape in 398 more streets will be improved with congruous trees. A similar green-planning strategy could be applied to other cities with a congested urban morphology.

Trends in Local Politics and Private Capital in Regional Development during the Modern Age

Ports have played an important role in trade as part of the modernization process following the Meiji restoration. However, little research has been conducted on how local politics and private capital interact in port construction. This paper therefore focuses on Wakayama Port in order to study this interaction process.In Wakayama Port (Aogishi Port), the deposition of sands was a major problem, and users have been requesting improvements since the Meiji era. Furthermore, speculation from political parties and sources of private capital actively promoted alternative port construction plans for Aogishi Port. In such developments, there was much to gain in terms of influence and profit. The Nankai Railway was affiliated with the non-Seiyuukai group of the Wakayama City Council and promoted the Oura Port construction in the Taisho era. On the other hand, the Keihan Electric Railway supported the Seiyuukai political party, who proposed the Kemi Port construction. In 1922, the Wakayama Chikkou Kiseikai was formed to solve the port construction problems. However, because of political and capital conflict within the organization, neither the Oura nor the Kemi projects were completed.The Aogishi Port construction, which accompanied the Kinokawa repair work, was decided in the latter half of the 1920s. However, the problem of subsidizing the construction was prolonged, and Wakayama Prefecture, which had a shortage of funds due to the recession, planned to inject private capital. The governor of the Minseitou political party demanded the participation of the Nankai Railway, which had supported Minseitou. On the other hand, to protect the Hanwa Electric Railway, which the Keihan Electric Railway had helped capitalize, the Seiyuukai opposed Minseitou's plans. In the end, the participation of the Nankai Railway was approved, and the Wakayama Port construction work was started in March 1932.However, after the work had begun, it soon faced financial difficulties. The lack of funds for restoration work after the Muroto typhoon struck in September 1934 was a major problem. Moreover, after the 1930s, regional development was promoted by city planning and the readjustment of town lots which had an impact on port construction work. In addition, the Sumitomo Metal Industries factory, which manufactured munitions, was attracted by Wakayama Prefecture in 1940. The capital dependence on the Nankai Railway became strong due to economic rather than political reasons because these plans were not negatively affected, and the Nankai Railway again donated additional contributions.As mentioned above, Wakayama Port construction was always controlled by the logic of the region. Furthermore, it was achieved by the initiative of the Minseitou, which afterwards largely relied on capital help for port construction work from the Nankai Railway. That is, the Nankai Railway played not only the role of main user of Wakayama Port but also that of its main investor.

For God and Mammon: Evangelicals and Entrepreneurs, Masters and Slaves in Territorial Kansas, 1854-1860 (review)

94CIVIL WAR HISTORY enormously informative and richly rewarding. Based upon extensive research in legal archives, much of it unpublished county court records from dozens of selected counties across the South, upon state statutes, and on hundreds of volumes of published appellate decisions not individually listed in a bibliography , which, as it is, takes up thirty-six pages, it is now required reading for any serious student of slavery in the American South. William Henry Longton The University of Toledo For God and Mammon: Evangelicals and Entrepreneurs, Masters and Slaves in Territorial Kansas, 1 854-1 860. By Gunja SenGupta. (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1996. Pp.157. $3500.) SenGupta's book is an exercise in intellectual history. Disparate portions of it were published in Civil War History (March 1993) and in Kansas History (Autumn 1993). Begun as a doctoral dissertation at Tulane University, it is a lively and fresh analysis of ideologies in the struggle for the soul and soil of Kansas from 1854 to i860. Emphasizing the antislavery element, she finds variables within that group and in the end discerns a bourgeois consensus between antislavery and proslavery elements. God and Mammon seem to clasp hands on the Kansas prairie in i860. God is represented by Northern evangelicals, organized in the American Missionary Association, the American Home Missionary Society, and the New England Emigrant Company. The second of these was the oldest, composed of several denominations, organized in New York to be a national force to evangelize America. When it failed to discountenance slavery, Congregationalists in New England organized the American Missionary Association, which not only advocated abolition of slavery but also racial equality. The New England Aid Company, the most familiar of the three to students of Bleeding Kansas, sprang into being in April 1854 when the Kansas Territory, heretofore closed to slavery, was being opened to settlement and slavery. The company aimed to advance the cause of both God and Mammon to a greater degree than its predecessors. At some length SenGupta analyzes the free labor doctrine espoused by these organizations, their dispatch of missionaries and future territorial leaders, and their efforts to establish a cultural imperialism. Proslavery elements also were motivated by economic interests and divided by rivalry over specific pieces of territory. Migration was the key to Kansas's future. The author shows that without the infamous incursion of "Border Ruffians" in early 1855, emigrants from the slave states would have predominated in the organization of the territory. Slave laborers, however, never became numerous, attaining a height of perhaps five book reviews95 hundred in 1857 and after the proslavery cause seemed lost dwindling to two in i860. SenGupta acknowledges that the evangelical emigrants never became numerous, but asserts that they played an important role in determining freedom for Kansas. Though she makes a scholarly contribution in her detailed examination of the 1855 territorial census, she fails to include William O. Lynch's findings in the i860 census that few New Englanders lived in Kansas. Neighboring states provided the bulk of the population. She concludes that bourgeois interests—chiefly in farmland, town lots, and railroad promotion— brought Northerners and Southerners together, anticipating, she suggests, C. V. Woodward's description of a postwar alliance between businessmen in both sections. The author seems to slip when she says that Governor Geary's truce came too late "to salvage Pierce's faltering career" (131). President Pierce had already been abandoned by his party in favor of James Buchanan. And she seems misleading in saying without explanation that the land grant offered in the English bill was a "bribe" (136). SenGupta's book adds to the understanding of the interplay of evangelism and entrepreneurship in territorial Kansas. Her research is thorough, her knowledge of the appropriate literature impressive, and her style felicitous. She and the University of Georgia Press may be proud of theirjoint accomplishment. James A. Rawly University of Nebraska-Lincoln ...