Locative Adverbs Research Articles

Impact analysis of adverbs for sentiment classification on Twitter product reviews

SummarySocial networking websites such as Twitter provide a platform where users share their opinions about different news, events, and products. A recent research has identified that 81% of users search online first before purchasing products. Reviews are written in natural language and needs sentiment analysis for opinion extraction. Various approaches have been proposed to perform sentiment classification based on polarity bearing words in reviews such as noun, verb, adverb, and an adjective. Prior researchers have also identified the role of an adverb as a feature. However, impact analysis of adverb forms, are not yet studied and remains an open research area. This study focused on the following tasks: (1) impact of different forms of adverbs that are not studied for sentiment classification; (2) analysis of possible combinations of eight forms that are 255. The different forms are Adverb (RA), Degree Adverbs (RG), Degree Comparative Adverbs (RGR), General Adverbs (RR), General Comparative Adverbs (RRR), Locative Adverbs (RL), Prep. Adverb (RP), and Adverbs of time (RT); (3) comparison with benchmark dataset. Dataset of 5513 tweets is used to evaluate the idea. The findings of this work show that RRR and RR are important polarities bearing words for neutral opinions, RL for positive, and RP for negative opinions.

Indo-European *pr- and *pr̥h₂- ‘before, in front of’

Abstract All Indo-European languages present local adverbs and other derivatives from a basic root *per-, e.g. Gk. πρό, πρότι, περί, παρά, πάρος, πρίν, πρῶτος/πρᾶτος, etc. It is generally agreed that the data point to two root variants, *pr-and *pr̥h₂-, but the origin of the extra *‑h₂‑has never been satisfactorily explained. In this article it is argued that the variation *pr-~ *pr̥h₂-is exclusively found in local adverbs from an archaic root noun *per-/*pr-and that it originated in false segmentation of the PIE (Indo-Hittite) directive case *pr̥‑h₂á(viz.its locativization *pr̥‑h₂ái). The spread of *pr̥h₂-at the expense of *pr-took place almost entirely in dialectal Indo-European.

El uso de las construcciones de adverbio locativo con pronombre posesivo en el español peninsular: un primer acercamiento diatópico

AbstractThis diatopic study examines the characteristics of the locative adverb constructions that select possessive pronouns as complements in Peninsular Spanish oral corpora. Firstly, the range of locative adverbs that take part in this construction are scrutinised, as well as their frequency of use with respect to that of their counterparts, in which a prepositional phrase appears as a complement to the locative adverb. Secondly, the geographic spread within Spain and the diatopic differences between the various autonomous communities are discussed. Thirdly, this paper also explores the variation in use between the possessive affixes ‑

Akkadographic Analytic Case Markers in Hittite

Abstract: The introductory part of the paper is devoted to the notions case, semantic roles, Sumerograms, Akkadograms and hybrid writings. The main part of the paper presents possible competing uses of Akkadographic analytic case markers and Hittite case endings and local adverbs. It further describes the written norm of Akkadographic analytic case markers with Sumerographic and Akkadographic common nouns, numerals, proper nouns and hybrid writings. The paper thus tries to point out that the use and semantics of Akkadographic analytic case markers is more limited than that of Hittite case endings and local adverbs.

GLI AVVERBI DI LUOGO ITTITI IN -an: FORME DI NOMINATIVO ACCUSATIVO NEUTRO SINGOLARE?

Some scholars considered O(ld) H(ittite) local adverbs andan,āppan, kattan, peran, šer to be nom(inative) acc(usative) n(euter) s(ingular) substantives. To prove this, they provided some syntactic occurrences, in which these local adverbs would be constructed as nom. acc. n. s. nouns. This hypothesis is implausible, because these local adverbs have locative function («where?»), not directive («to what place?») in OH, as the accusative case (accusative of direction) with motion verbs

On the use of the locative adverbs bura-, ora- and şura- in Turkish

The paper deals with the Turkish deictic locative adverbs bura- (‘here’) ora- (‘there’) and şura- (‘here’, ‘there’). Some researchers (Lyons 1977, Levinson 1983, Anderson and Keenan 1985) claim that şura- occupies an intermediate position between bura- and ora-. Some others (Küntay and Özyürek 2002, 2006) note that şura- is neutral with regard to distance specifications. This investigation has identified a rather problematic usage of the deictic locative adverb şura-. Taking into account that contemporary Turkish language has gradually developed from a three-member deictic system into a two-member system, the paper attempts to more thoroughly investigate the usage of the locative adverb şura- and describe the prevailing deictic system in the Turkish language.

Hittite and Hieroglyphic Luvian arha ‘away’: Common Inheritance or Borrowing?

Yakubovich (2010), in arguing convincingly that Hittite borrowed its enclitic reflexive particle from Luvian, emphasizes that this contact-induced change in the pronominal system was due not only to close and prolonged contact between speakers of the two languages, but also to the structural (in this case genetic) similarity of the respective systems (2010: 197ff.). Most discussion by Yakubovich and others has focused on Luvian influence on Hittite, prehistoric and in the Middle and New Hittite period. While a few lexical borrowings from Hittite into Luvian have been acknowledged, the question of Hittite-induced changes in Luvian grammatical morphemes has received little or no attention. I will argue that the likewise very similar systems of “local adverbs” and “preverbs” in the two languages led to a borrowing from Hittite into Luvian in this set of grammatical morphemes. While fine details assure a borrowing in this case, overall facts make borrowing far less likely in a second case to be considered. The very similarity of the respective systems makes it hard to determine whether the latter represents common inheritance or parallel independent developments possibly made more convergent by contact.

Deictics and Stylistic Function in J.P. Clark-Bekederemo’s Poetry

Previous studies on J.P. Clark-Bekederemo’s poetry have concentrated on literary and some linguistic features, highlighting the nexus between theme and figuration in the works. However, such studies have not paid attention to the role deictics play in foregrounding stylistic functions in the texts, which is absolutely essential for a comprehensive description and interpretation of the poet’s idiolect. This study, therefore, investigates the stylistic value of deictic words in encoding or reinforcing aspects of meaning and aesthetics in the poetry under study. Specifically, with M.A.K. Halliday’s systemic functional linguistics as the analytical platform, the study demonstrates that the deployment of personal pronouns ‘I,’ ‘we’, ‘us’ and ‘me’; locative adverbs ‘here’, ‘there/elsewhere’ and temporal adverbs ‘now’ and ‘then’, helps the poet to relate his experiences, visions and propositions within specific spatial or temporal frameworks. The aim is to show that lexico-grammatical patterns of language use such as deictics have the potentials to combine with other elements of language to convey textual message and also achieve artistic beauty.

Concentrated occurrences of generally known phenomena

Late Latin toponyms as local adverbs are generally used in the ablative instead of the accusative and the locative. Nevertheless there are some lesser groups in the itineraries that contain locatives and accusatives. The Pannonian data show that they must be local phenomena, occurring only in SE Pannonia, forming a clear conservative zone until the 5th century. It is uncertain when this region was separated from the whole, yet this seems to have occurred after the period Ptolemy had collected his data from.

Local Adverbs in Hittite: Synchrony and Diachrony

AbstractWords expressing spatial relationships in Hittite are synchronically adverbs, not case forms of nouns as sometimes alleged. They are attested in three distinct syntactic roles: postpositions, preverbs, and freestanding adverbs. Some of these local adverbs are inherited from Proto‐Indo‐European, while others reflect petrified case forms of nouns. Postpositions from inherited local adverbs originally were construed with the dative‐locative, while those from nouns took the genitive. The agreement patterns of enclitic possessive pronouns with postpositions show that the nominal postpositions developed variously from dative‐locative, ablative, and accusative case forms. By attested Hittite, the postpositions from inherited adverbs and those from nominal case forms have mutually influenced each other's syntax, and both sets can be construed either with the dative‐locative or with the genitive (including enclitic possessives).

Distance and Visibility: Two Systems in Hausa Deixis

The current standard account of Hausa deixis claims that Hausa has a linear person-based system with the following four locative adverbs and their interpretations: nân 'here', nan 'there near you', cân 'there away from you and me', and can 'over there away from you and me'. This paper shows that in fact one may need two separate deictic systems for Hausa to account for all relevant data. The first system is based on distance with a primary proximal vs. distal contrast. The distance system however also embeds a person subsystem, with one adverb in particular referring to the hearer (second person) position. The second deictic system in Hausa is based on visibility, with a primary contrast between an area comfortably visible and an area visible only with some difficulties. Indeed, in the visibility system, five adverbs range the entire visible area in front of the speaker, from the foreground up to the extreme visible area at the horizon.

ἨΡΙΔΑΝΟΣ, Le « fleuve de l'ouest »

The author identifies a Gaulish and Continental Celtic prefix ēri-parallel to the Irish preposition (/ prefix/ preverb) íar-“ behind, after” and (in local adverbs) “ west, western”. This may clarify the etymology of some Proper Names : ! Hridanov", a stream mentioned by ancient writers, would then be a “ western stream” (dāno-“ stream”, as in Rodanos et Danuvius) ; Eregina, and Aerius would be formed on the same preposition, with the semantism of Welsh wyr “ grand son”. The theonym Hēricura would have been the “ west wind”.

Adverbs in A-not-A Questions in Mandarin Chinese

This paper argues that the distribution of adverbs in A-not-A questions bears on the base-position of an abstract morpheme Q and is subject to the same general locality condition on variable binding. It claims that adverbs that have semantic relations with an element in the clause or the clause itself mostly allow inference and interact syntactically with the A-not-A operator, whereas those having no such relations do not. It shows that the lack of syntactic interaction between temporal and locative adverbs on the one hand and the A-not-A operator on the other follows directly from their being related to the world and time coordinates of the formal interpretive model.

The Uses of átas and átra in the Maitrayani Samhita

The Vedic pronominal adverbs átas and átra have often been assigned to the paradigm of idám, the pronoun of proximal deixis. It is not possible, however, always to understand them in the sense of ‘from here’ and ‘here’. The Vedic pronominal system is constituted by three pronouns of contextual reference (sá-/tá, esá-/etá-, ena-/a-) and two pronouns that refer to space (proximal idám, distal adás). The adverbs tátas and tátra belong to the paradigm of sá-tá-; itás and iha to that of idám; amútas and amútra to that of adás. But esá-/etá- and ena-/a- are without formally corresponding ablative and locative adverbs. On the other hand, átas and átra must have their proper place somewhere in the pronominal system.A survey of all the 61 examples for átas (26) and átra (35) in the MaitrayaniSamhita has led to the following result: The sentences including átas and átra often play the same role as the sentences with the ‘anamnestic’ pronoun esa-/eta-. Typically, they give the reason of a contextually evident ritual act.In many átra examples (26 of 35), no preceding noun is found to which the adverb could refer, and a meaning ‘in this (ritual) situation (evident from the context)’ is strongly suggested. One example of átas refers to something that is not explicitly mentioned by a preceding noun, but can be understood from the context. This particular usage is reminiscent of the way in which ena-/a-is used. This usage will be discussed as a case of ‘anaphoric-associative’ reference.

Productivity of lexical categories in French-speaking children with cochlear implants

The productivity of lexical categories was studied longitudinally in a sample of 17 young hearing-impaired French-speaking children with cochlear implants. Age of implantation ranged from 22 months to 76 months. Spontaneous speech samples were collected at six-month intervals over a period of 36 months, starting at the one-word stage. Four general measures of their linguistic production (number of utterances, verbal fluency, vocabulary, and grammatical production) as well as 36 specific lexical categories, according to the CHILDES codes, were computed in terms of tokens, i.e., total number of words. Cochlear-implanted children (CI) were compared to a French database of normally hearing children aged 2–4 compiled by the first author. Follow-up results indicate that, at the two-year post-implantation follow-up, noun, and verb morphology was significantly impaired. At the three-year follow-up, the cochlear-implanted group had recovered on adjectives, determiners and nouns, main verbs, and auxiliaries. The two groups differed significantly in processing locative adverbs, prepositions, pronouns, and verbs (infinitive verb, modal, and modal lexical), but individual variability within the cochlear-implanted group was substantial. Results are discussed in terms of recovery and developmental trends and variability in the acquisition of lexical categories by French children two years and three years post-implantation.

Principles of the Relation between Local Adverb, Verb and Sentence Particle in Hittite

This book deals with the function of the so-called local in Hittite, and the relation between their use and the occurrence of so-called sentence particles. The local adverbs have traditionally been explained as postpositions, preverbs or adverbs, depending on their position in the sentence. In this book, the function of the local adverbs is described in terms of their relation with the verb. Local adverbs belonging to the verb form a semantic particle. Independent local adverbs have no relation with the verb, but function as postpositions or independent adverbs. A new lexical description of all Hittite verbs, in the absence of native speakers, necessarily based on the study of all available predicate frames, will be necessary to define the function of the Hittite local adverbs in each of their attestations. In this book, the evidence of four common Hittite verbs of motion has been analysed as a specimen study. In the last section the situation in a much better-known language, Homeric Greek, where the same problems confront the researcher, is adduced for comparison.

The development of local particles and adverbs in Anatolian as a grammaticalization process

Summary The paper aims at giving a unified account of the origins and development of the Anatolian ‘local particles’, which, as such, are not attested in any other Indo-European language. The particles are P2 clitics and mostly co-occur with some type of local expression. The function of the Indo-European preverbs is taken by a set of adverbs which, in the earliest stages of Anatolian, display a number of features typical of nominal constituents, as in the expression attas=mas appan, ‘after my father’, where the adverb appan takes a modifier in the genitive. The adverbs often co-occur with the particles. Etymologically, both the adverbs and the particles can in part be connected with the Indo-European preverbs. Since postpositional and preverbal syntax for the adverbs appears to develop during the history of Hittite, it has been suggested that Anatolian is particularly archaic, because it mirrors a stage of Indo-European at which there where no adpositions and no preverbs, but only independent adverbs. I argue that the particles go back to adverbial elements, and were formerly the functional equivalent of the Indo-European preverbs/adpositions. Later, these forms underwent semantic bleaching, became clitic and were attracted toward P2. (It must be mentioned that Anatolian is particularly rich in P2 clitics, which also include sentence particles, modal particles, and various types of pronominal forms). After cliticization of the former preverbs, the class of preverbs/adposition was reconstructed through the creation of local adverbs, which, in their turn, partly derive from nominal forms, partly from Indo-European adverbs. My claim has two consequences: a) it shows that the alleged archaism of Anatolian, at least as far as the existence of preverbs/adpositions is concerned, is an illusion; this word class did exist before Anatolian split from the rest of Indo-European already, but it was lost and renewed: what we observe in Old Hittite is the beginning of this renewal; b) it provides an example of a grammaticalization chain shift: former preverbs have undergone semantic bleaching and phonological reduction, becoming particles, and new preverbs have been created out of former adverbs and nouns to replace the older ones. Résumé On affirme souvent que l’anatolien garde un caractère archaïque de l’indoeuropéen, parce qu’il n’y a pas, dans l’hittite archaïque, des adpositions ou vraies préverbes, l’usage préverbale et adpositionale des adverbes locaux s’étant developé plus tard. Dans l’hittite archaïque, les adverbes locaux sont employés davantage comme adverbes libres; en outre, ils semblent parfois préciser le sens des particules locales, qui sont encore beaucoup employées. Étymologiquement, les adverbes et les particules peuvent être partiellement liés aux préverbes indoeuropéennes. On affirme dans l’article présent que les particules d’une époque prélittéraire sont emploiées dans la même manière que les préverbes/adpositions des autres langues indoeuropéennes. Plus tard elles ont subi un processus de grammaticalisation, pendant lequel elles ont perdu leur contenu sémantique et leur autonomie phonologique, en devenant clitiques. Dans l’usage préverbal et adpositionel elles ont été remplacées par les adverbes. Dans les documents les plus anciens, on observe une période où ce changement n’était pas encore complèté. Zusammenfassung Es wird oft behauptet, dass das Anatolische einen besonderen archaischen Zug des Ur-Indogermanischen bewahrt, da es im Alt-Hethitischen keine echten Adpositionen und Präverbien gab, wobei der adpositionale und präverbale Gebrauch der Ortsadverbien sich erst spät entwickelt hat. Im Alt-Hethitischen werden die Ortsadverbien überwiegend als freie Adverbien verwendet; übrigens scheinen sie manchmal die Bedeutung der noch weitgehend verwendeten Ortsbezugspartikeln zu präzisieren. Ortsadverbien und Partikeln können teilweise etymologisch auf die indogermanischen Präverbien zurückgeführt werden. In diesem Aufsatz wird behauptet, dass die Partikeln dieselbe Funktion der Präverbien/Adpositionen der anderen indogermanischen Sprachen zu vorliterarischer Zeit ausgeführt haben. Später wurden sie einem Grammatikalisierungsprozess unterzogen, wobei sie sowohl ihre Bedeutung als auch die phonologische Autonomie verloren haben und zu Klitika geworden sind. Im präverbialen und adpositionalen Gebrauch sind sie durch Ortsadverbien ersetzt worden. In den ältesten Urkunden ist eine Zwischenstufe bewahrt, in der die oben geschilderte Entwicklung noch nicht abgeschlossen ist.

Bifurcating the verb particle construction

In the literature, John threw the ball up and The baby threw his dinner up have both been treated as members of the set of verb particle constructions (VPC). Syntactic evidence from action nominalizations, insertion of degree adverbials, contrastive stress, and gapped constructions (Fraser, 1976) suggests that the VPC must be bifurcated into two classes: a verb adverb construction (VAC) containing a verb, a complement, and an adverb and a VPC with a verb, complement, and a particle. Literature on the acquisition of the VPC has not taken this distinction into account. This article focuses on the acquisition of the VAC. The patterning on syntactic tests is a result of the fact that adverbs are predicators and particles are not. Additional syntactic tests (initial coordination of adverbs and adverbs+PPs and placing locative adverbs in argument positions) suggest that adverbs (not particles) are phrasal constituents: the adverb takes the apparent object as its subject. The bifurcation of the VPC and the suggested structure are supported by evidence from child language acquisition. Children treat the two constructions differently from the earliest stages. Crucially, the overwhelming error (79%) in VAC use is dropping the grammatical object. The timing of this error corresponds to that of subject drop in the null subject stage.

Minimalism, scope and VP structure by Thomas Stroik (review)

668 LANGUAGE, VOLUME 74, NUMBER 3 (1998) direct object, both ofwhich N eventually rejects The analysis culminates in Ch. 7, 'Ergativity in Inuktitut' (191-236), in which she concludes that, from the point of view ofargument structure and grammatical relations, Inuktitut must be seen as sui generis, falling outside of all previous treatments ofergativity, since a transitive sentence has two subjects and no object. N's analysis often appears to rely on its own set of unquestioned assumptions such as that a stable relationship should be found between case marking and thematic role or between case marking and subjecthood ; her declaration that only ergative subjects are agents needs more argumentation than she gives it. Why should the ergative noun be agentive in arnaup quimmiq takuvanga 'the woman sees the dog', but the absolutive noun be nonagentive in arnaq qimmimik takujuq 'the woman sees the/a dog'? Similarly , her claim that neither the ergative nor the absolutive 'subject' qualifies as the sole 'subject' (214-30) seems to focus on these case categories without looking at the relationships between them as carefully as might be hoped: N states that incorporation always acts on the absolutive without mentioning the well-known stranding of instrumental casemarked modifiers, and claims that anaphoric coreference gives evidence for the subjecthood only of the ergative NP, which is highly questionable. Likewise, she chooses instrumental case-marked NP in antipassive sentences as the only true direct object, since it 'fulfills an important criterion for direct objects, that of being the obligatory nominal supplement to the predicate' (235). However, she omits mentioning that the absolutive NP in an ergative-absolutive transitive sentence is obligatory for purposes of interpretation, although it can be phonologically null, thanks to verbal cross-referencing. In the final chapter, 'Transforming the images' (237-77), N presents her conclusions and gives a brief grammatical sketch of Inuktitut more in accordance with her theoretical notions. The ramifications ofN's radical theoretical claims are left largely open, hopefully to be pursued in future research. In general, the book is well-written and clear although there is some variation in orthography and citation forms, i.e. kuni- 'kiss' (259) vs. kunik- 'kiss' (273), which may cause some confusion to the non-Eskimologist reader. An unfortunate glitch has caused all footnotes after fn. 1 38 to be numbered incorrectly: the reader must thereafter add 87 to the footnote reference. [David Parkinson, Microsoft Corporation.] Minimalism, scope and VP structure. By Thomas Stroik. Thousand Oaks, London, & New Delhi: Sage Publications , 1996. Pp. vii, 173. $37.00. The main aim ofthis book is to argue for a particular view of the structure and ordering of constituents within the extended VP projection. Stroik is arguing here against various versions of this ordering proposed in the past and using evidence from four main areas (scope, superiority effects, bare NP adverbials, and psych-verbs) to support his claim that the goal argument is generated structurally higher than the theme, that temporal and locative adverbs are sisters to the verb, and that whereas manner adverbs are VPadjoined , reason adverbs are AgrSP-adjoined. The book is well-organized and clear although the data are notoriously tricky, and some readers may find it difficult to agree with certain grammaticality judgments regarding sentences involving multiple WH-insitu phrases or scope effects between multiple quantified phrases. Ch. 1, 'Introduction to syntactic representation' (1-31), serves as a useful introduction to current issues in government and binding/minimalist syntactic theory and allows S to discuss some of the assumptions he will rely on throughout the book. S presents the debate between conditions on economy ofderivation vs. conditions on representation by arguing in favor of a representational approach to the empty category principle (ECP) and the distribution of PRO, as opposed to a more orthodox minimalist derivational approach. Using Aoun & Li's minimal binding requirement as a means for gauging the representational conditions which must hold at LF, S examines four main sources of evidence for the proposed VP structure. Ch. 2, 'Scope and the VP shell hypothesis' (32-72), focuses on the interactions between multiple quantified phrases and WH-words in sentences such as Why did Jill read no one anything (65), using the alternation between...

Germanic locative adverbs in *-on-

ABSTRACTIn this paper it is proposed that Germanic locative adverbs in *-on- bear an etymological relationship to Hittite ablatives in -anzaand therefore yield additional evidence for the archaic nature of the Germanic dialect group.