Abstract
Abstract All Indo-European languages present local adverbs and other derivatives from a basic root *per-, e.g. Gk. πρό, πρότι, περί, παρά, πάρος, πρίν, πρῶτος/πρᾶτος, etc. It is generally agreed that the data point to two root variants, *pr-and *pr̥h₂-, but the origin of the extra *‑h₂‑has never been satisfactorily explained. In this article it is argued that the variation *pr-~ *pr̥h₂-is exclusively found in local adverbs from an archaic root noun *per-/*pr-and that it originated in false segmentation of the PIE (Indo-Hittite) directive case *pr̥‑h₂á(viz.its locativization *pr̥‑h₂ái). The spread of *pr̥h₂-at the expense of *pr-took place almost entirely in dialectal Indo-European.
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