Linguistic Borrowing Research Articles

Turkish Loanwords in Albanian Language

According to today's Dictionary of the Albanian language, loanwords are the words or other linguistic units that are taken from another language and used in native language. Continuous contacts of the Albanian people, with other peoples have left their mark in our language, especially in the lexicon. The lexicon of Albanian language has loanwords from Ancient and Modern Greek, from Latin, from Turkish and later on from Italian, the Balkan Slavic languages etc. Geographic factors (many conquests, proximity to other countries), the subsequent globalization (the spread of scientific terms, technical and new words) is factors that have contributed to the spread of loanwords and their incorporation into the Albanian language vocabulary. In the vocabulary of Albanian language there is a substantial number of words form Turkish sources. (Contacts between Albanian and Turkish have lasted for more than five centuries. They have already started in the second half of the fourteenth century and have become intense after the Turkish invasion in Albania. The objective of this paper is to outline the impact of Turkish language into Albanian language, through Turkish linguistic borrowings, which have entered in Albanian language vocabulary in different periods. We also aim to identify Turkish lexemes that have been used and continue to be used in the Albanian language, and their replacement with words from the Albanian dictionary. Turkish has exerted much influence on the Albanian language, especially in the vocabulary, leaving intact the phonetic system and the structure of Albanian, except of the penetration of some Turkish suffixes. Even so, Albanian language has succeeded to maintain its authenticity. Nevertheless, efforts to clearing the Albanian language vocabulary from foreign words in general and Turkish loanwords especially, have started since the time of the conquests and continue until today in a struggle to keep our language's uniqueness.

About the Word Arbuse as one of the First Russicisms in the Language of Russian Germans

Abstract The article presents the process of creation of German island dialects in Russia and in the USSR. Starting in the second half of the 18th century, people from various German regions, primarily farmers and artisans, migrated to Russia. The authorities most frequently settled them in so-called colonies, or in other words, compact country villages, which were typically separated widely from each other. Germans settled in very large numbers along the Volga, in southern Russia, Crimea, the Caucasus, as well as in the St. Petersburg region, Novgorod, Voronezh and Volyn. The arrivals from Germany brought with them a wide range of dialects and local varieties. Arriving in the colonies, they most commonly settled down based on their places of origin in Germany, but sometimes by religious denomination or even on the basis of friendships formed on the way to Russia. In this way, the residents of one colony might speak even dozens of substantially different dialects and local varieties. These native varieties of speech mixed together and created a common code, which nevertheless retained archaisms as a result of the lack of contact with the living German language. Despite the significant degree to which Germans were isolated from Russians, linguistic borrowings from Russian began to appear in their language early on, even during the long journey to the migrants’ new home. Primarily, lexis required for everyday life were borrowed. The authors of this article, in researching the Soviet variety of German in Russia, observed that the Russicism Arbuse appeared frequently in this variety, yet only rarely - as dictionary entries testify - in German used in Germany. Analysis revealed that Arbuse is one of the earliest and most widely spread Russicisms in the language of Germans from Russia. Likely it is through their particular code that the term made its way into German dictionaries.

Pragmatic borrowing

Previous research on linguistic borrowing has predominantly been concerned with lexis and terminology. This paper explores the notion of pragmatic borrowing, that is, the incorporation of pragmatic and discourse features of a source language into a recipient language. It is argued that a comprehensive account of pragmatic borrowing requires a careful inspection of individual forms through comparative studies of their discourse-pragmatic functions in both the source and recipient language. Although the primary focus of interest is the influence of English on Norwegian pragmatics, the paper fleshes out pragmatic borrowing in more general terms with reference to previous studies of other language pairs. It proposes a functional taxonomy that includes the direct and indirect borrowing of interjections, discourse markers, expletives, vocatives, general extenders, tags, focus constructions, intonation and paralinguistic phenomena. The study illustrates how pragmatic functions are transferred cross-linguistically, through notions such as functional stability, adaptation, narrowing, broadening and shift. It also illustrates the degree to which fixed phrases and collostructions are borrowed, focussing especially on English-based expletives, interjections and discourse markers that have recently emerged in Norwegian.

Language contact outcomes as the result of bilingual optimization strategies

This paper sketches a comprehensive framework for modeling and interpreting language contact phenomena, with speakers’ bilingual strategies in specific scenarios of language contact as its point of departure. Bilingual strategies are conditioned by social factors, processing constraints of speakers’ bilingual competence, and perceived language distance. In a number of domains of language contact studies important progress has been made, including Creole studies, code-switching, language development, linguistic borrowing, and areal convergence. Less attention has been paid to the links between these fields, so that results in one domain can be compared with those in another. These links are approached here from the perspective of speaker optimization strategies. Four strategies are proposed: maximize structural coherence of the first language (L1); maximize structural coherence of the second language (L2); match between L1 and L2 patterns where possible; and rely on universal principles of language processing. These strategies can be invoked to explain outcomes of language contact. Different outcomes correspond to different interactions of these strategies in bilingual speakers and their communities.

Aspectos de la neología en el Siglo de Oro: Lengua general y lenguajes especializados (review)

Reviewed by: Aspectos de la neología en el Siglo de Oro: Lengua general y lenguajes especializados Regina Morin Verdonk, Robert, and María Jesús Mancho Duque, eds. Aspectos de la neología en el Siglo de Oro: Lengua general y lenguajes especializados. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2010. Pp. 349. ISBN 978-90-420-3117-3. Aspectos de la neología en el Siglo de Oro: Lengua general y lenguajes especializados is a collection of high-quality scholarly articles written in Spanish and presented in two parts. The introduction (7–20) provides a thorough discussion of how neologisms enter into a language, either through language-internal morphological, semantic, and syntactic mechanisms, or through linguistic borrowing. It also carefully discusses the content of each article. The volume as a whole is extremely well documented, and contains at the end an extensive bibliography (273–330) and an index of terms (331–49). The eight contributions in the first part, “Neología en los tecnolectos del Siglo de Oro,” examine neology and obsolescence in the specialized language of sixteenth- to seventeenth-century Spanish naval affairs, medicine, astronomy and cosmography, jurisprudence, finance, navigation, mathematics, and economics. Most approach their subject matter in a similar fashion, examining a variety of Golden Age texts and analyzing attestations of word-level neology, resulting either from derivational and compositional morphological processes, or from lexical borrowing and subsequent adaptation. Two essays take a somewhat different approach. Gómez de Enterría (93–109) examines the lexical innovations of a single writer, José de la Vega, in his treatise on the buying and selling of stocks in seventeenth-century Europe, and Quirós García (149–67) focuses on the creation of syntagmatic combinations (sintagmación) or lexical chunks, rather than on word-level neology in sixteenth-century economics treatises. The second part, “Neología en la lengua general del Siglo de Oro,” contains five contributions that examine neology in the general language of the period. Anula (171–96) applies the criterion of frequency of use rather than first attestation to examine the creation, from 1474 to 1700, of words ending in –ada and –azo that denote types of blows (golpe). Clavería Nadal (197–212) discusses the neologisms and related commentary appearing in the 1611 Tesoro de la lengua castellana o española by Covarrubias. Colón Domènech (213–37) compares a portion of Nebrija’s 1493 Diccionario latino–español with the corresponding part of Cardoso’s 1570 Dictionarium Latino–Lusitanicum to identify similarities and differences in a sampling of the sixteenth–century lexicon of Spanish and Portuguese. Espinosa Elorza (239–54) questions whether the neologism amen de (both ‘except for’ and ‘in addition to’) can be correctly attributed to Cervantes, as has been the case to date. The final contribution, by Jiménez Ríos (255–72), discusses the range of strategies employed by Fray Vicente de Burgos in a late fifteenth-century Spanish translation of De las Propiedades de las Cosas, a medieval encyclopedia compiled in the early decades of the thirteenth century by Bartolomé Ánglico. The essays in Aspectos de la neología en el Siglo de Oro: Lengua general y lenguajes especializados are written in academic Spanish and assume at least a basic knowledge of the processes involved in linguistic evolution; derivational, compositional, and syntagmatic neology; linguistic borrowing; and phonological and morphological adaptation. However, the clearly written and well-illustrated introduction goes a long way towards making the volume accessible to readers with a basic command of linguistics and an interest in the subject matter. This is a collection that will appeal to anyone interested in the history of the Spanish lexicon, especially scholars and graduate students in historical linguistics and sociolinguistics, and those working on modern-day neology, especially that resulting from linguistic borrowing. Each of the essays in the first part, “Neología en los tecnolectos del Siglo de Oro,” can stand alone. [End Page 368] However, read together they form a coherent whole that presents a rich picture of linguistic, but also social, political, technological, and economic forces that can lead to and sustain lexical evolution. To give just a few examples, Gutiérrez Rodilla (41–56) discusses the societal pressures...

The role of onomastics for diachronic sociolinguistics

The article focuses on the roles of Greek, Latin/Romance and Arabic in the onomastics of Northeastern Sicily between the 11th and 13th centuries. The first part deals with landless peasants from four villages at the turn of the 11th and 12th centuries. I argue that the role played by Arabic in the nomenclature of these communities was more important than has previously been suggested and the role of Romance speakers may have been minimal. The important role of Arabic is interpreted as a consequence of a situation of linguistic dominance and borrowing of word-forms. In the second part, I analyze the onomastics of the free population of northeastern Sicily attested in charters during the 12th and 13th centuries. I argue that the 13th century was the crucial period when Greek lost its initially high prestige. This is visible in both first names and second name elements. In first names, Greek speakers started to accommodate their nomenclature to their surroundings, dominated by Romance languages and the church of Rome, which meant that both language shift and religious conversion played a role. The second name elements in Greek were seldom transferred to the name stock of the Romance-speaking population. I argue that the role of the city of Messina, in which monolingual Romance communities were evidently formed, was important in this process. When such a community was formed in Messina, the Greek language was marginalized fairly rapidly even in northeastern Sicily, where it had had an important position. However, some surnames with a Greek or Arabic etymology survived in the local name stock until the present. I explain this by referring to the role of the de-semanticization of such name elements. This consists both of the semantic bleaching of the original significance of the names and of the neutralization of their linguistic connotations.

Shop names as cultural mediators

1 Globalisation as communicative contextOne of the aspects that has captivated the attention of researchers from various fields (linguistics, marketing, advertising, sociology, psychology, or anthropology), and that has been subject to diverse and multidimensional analysis, both diachronic and synchronic, is the study of trade names, particular branch of onomastics that includes firm names, company names and brand names1. This extremely adaptable and prolific naming pattern has only recently begun to receive attention, as result of the economic boom recorded in the 20th century, and especially as result of the effects of the globalisation era, which is unfolding even as we speak. The extreme changes occurring in technology continuously alter our perspective on communication as linguistic, social, and psychological process, especially since there seem to be no more obstacles that could fundamentally hinder it. With the telegraph and the telephone, with the development of the mass media and the dissemination of the Internet (its availability), communication can today happen instantaneously, regardless of the spatial and temporal limitations that would have up to now rendered impossible the mere chatting of people from distant lands. Within the global village we are said to inhabit, we can communicate with anyone, basically anywhere and anytime. It is how we communicate that makes the difference.The fascination that this new form of settlement weaves is neither new, nor unusual. Thus, what Latin underwent during the Middle Ages (and, in some parts of Europe, even later on), and French throughout the 17th and 18th centuries, English undergoes today. From the first conquests of new territories and the establishment of trading posts in overseas colonies, but mostly during Queen Victoria's reign, the English language was disseminated throughout the Empire on which the sun never set, and became its lingua franca. For obvious political and economic reasons, all the of the colonies were downgraded. Even after the dissolution of the Empire, in the now independent territories (some of which adhered to the Commonwealth of Nations), the status of English as lingua franca never changed, as it continued to be the language of trades, diplomacy, and foreign affairs.If up to the 17th century English proved of the most hospitable in its acceptance of foreign loans (Stojkovic 2005:106), due to the cultural and economic changes it witnessed, it became today's primary donor language. According to Nadezda Stojkovic, In nearly all fields of human knowledge there is very free and versatile linguistic borrowing of English words by other languages (Stojkovic 2005). Therefore it comes as no surprise that during the past 50-60 years, there has been considerable growth in the number of nonnative speakers of English, which proves that it is still perceived as lingua franca, the global language of the new millennium. It has spread with great speed and ease, just like social adhesive.It is virtually impossible now to associate English only with native English speakers; the language is so widely established that it can no longer be thought of as 'owned' by any single nation (Crystal 2010:26). The relativisation of English, entailed, to great extent, by its de-nativisation, is result of the thorough attempts to implement the English culture (and language implicitly) within every other culture that the one in question has been in contact with. As more or less conspicuous sample of cultural imperialism, the diversification of English into many non-native varieties determined that it be perceived as a linguistic software infrastructure (Stojkovic 2005:107), device ensuring cohesion in communication at global level. Whilst doing so, the English language facilitates the contact between the culture that it represents (no longer Imperial Britain, but the consumerist American dream), and the target-culture, which is ready and eager to embrace it due to the mobility it promises. …

Edo N’ekue Phenomenon: A Study in Pre-colonial Benin Imperialism and its Impact on Akure, Ikere and other Communities

Most societies in pre-colonial times experienced one form of relationship or the other with their neighbours. More often than not, these relationships came in form of commercial, cultural and political relations. Characteristic of these relations were intermarriages, linguistic borrowings and other interactions dictated by the needs of the societies involved. In the case of pre-colonial Benin and some parts of Eastern Yoruba land, their relations always ran against the tide. But the issue for consideration here is not so much of the contradictory nature of these relations, but the preponderance of the Benin influence on virtually all aspects of the existence of the communities in focus. This study is necessitated by the need to straighten the record that the relations that once existed between the Benin and these Eastern Yoruba towns were purely commercial, and that the Benin elements in these communities are war captives. The paper interrogates the pervasiveness of the Benin socio-cultural and political influence particularly on Akure and Ikere. It seeks to investigate the circumstances for instance, where a Benin representative became a king and established a dynasty in Ikere where Benin elements had overwhelming influence and power under a recognized ruler not answerable to the Onikere of Ikere (King of Ikere); and in Akure where the Benin ‘ambassador’ acts like a potentate in Akure. The piece also seeks an explanation to the avalanche of titles of Benin origin found today in not only Akure, Owo and Ado but also in Ita-Ogbolu, Igbara-Oke, etc. The paper concludes, based on copious empirical evidence, that most communities and towns under review must have been for years, under the Benin suzerainty during which time,the Benin foisted its socio political influence on them, before the vast empire became too unwieldy to be administered by the central administration.

Does Language contact Necessarily Engender Conflict?<br>The Case of Cameroonian Quadrilingualism

Cameroon proffers a propitious environment for the breeding of interesting linguistic phenomena that attract the curiosity of innumerable researchers. Its rich socio-cultural and linguistic background demonstrate a seemingly harmonious co-existence of two official languages – English and French, a wide spread de facto lingua franca – Pidgin English and a myriad of about 266 Home Languages attest to the complexity inherent here. The co-existence of these languages, like in similar multilingual societies produces language contact situations such as code switching, interference, linguistic borrowing, diglossia, translation, etc., as users interact. This paper assesses language behaviour in such a complex multilingual setting where users adopt varying behavioural patterns leading to the production of interesting linguistic features and patterns worthy of investigation. Following Giles' Accommodation Theory and the descriptive and exploratory approaches, the paper accounts for and paints a vivid picture of the nature of language contact here, the consequences on the different languages and their users. It redefines conflict in relation to the socio-cultural and linguistic realities of this community. Drawing evidence from true-to-life situations, the paper establishes that if contact has to engender conflict, certain socio-cultural, political and linguistic forces related to attitudinal prejudices, unintelligibility, language policies, contextual clues, linguistic hostilities, etc., are likely to be responsible. It concludes with practical remedies like the redefinition of language policies based on the linguistic aspirations of speakers and the reconciliation of linguistic and political independence in order to carefully harness the linguistic resources of this crassly heterogeneous community.

Linguistic Borrowing in the English Language of Economics

The aim of this paper is to discuss the function of loanwords in English economic discourse. In the introductory part, the author presents very briefly an inventory of foreign words used in English. Being a linguist and an economist, the author is interested in the language of economics and she will try to show how different languages have helped to shape the current economic lexicon in English. In this article, an attempt will be made to discuss which languages have influenced English economic vocabulary and which particular domains, such as technical analysis or options, rely heavily on loanwords. The author also discusses how borrowed lexical items determine the language of economics. The article finishes with an attempt to predict the future situation of borrowings in English business communication.

Metaphors of possession in the conceptualisation of language

This article analyses the use of metaphors of possession in the conceptualisation of language. The article takes as an example for analysis the theoretical terminology used to describe linguistic borrowing within the context of language contact. It focuses in particular on Einar Haugen’s [Haugen, E., 1950. The analysis of linguistic borrowing. Language 26 (2), 210–231] seminal essay on this topic in which much of the terminology used in the analysis of borrowing is first systematically propounded. Drawing upon this example, the article explores the structure of the conceptual metaphor Language Is A Possession, and examines its theoretical implications and its consequences for social practice.

Graphic loans: East Asia and beyond

The national languages of East Asia (Chinese, Japanese, Korean and Vietnamese) have made extensive use of a type of linguistic borrowing sometimes referred to as a ‘graphic loan’. Such loans have no place in the conventional classification of loans based on Haugen (1950) or Weinreich (1953), and research on loan word theory and phonology generally overlooks them. The classic East Asian phenomenon is discussed and a framework is proposed to describe its mechanism. It is argued that graphic loans are more than just ‘spelling pronunciations’, because they are a systematic and widespread process, independent of but not inferior to phonological borrowing. The framework is then expanded to illustrate borrowing between English and East Asian languages, and between non- East Asian languages, showing that graphic borrowing also applies to phonographically written source language forms.

Borrowing: A Pacific Perspective (review)

Reviewed by: Borrowing: A Pacific Perspective Uri Tadmor Borrowing: A Pacific Perspective, edited by Jan Tent and Paul Geraghty. Pacific Linguistics 548. Canberra: Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, The Australian National University, 2004. ISBN 0-85883-532-0; xi + 330 pages, tables, figures, bibliography. A$99.00 (including GST). It is a truism that the Pacific is where East meets West, where cultures sometimes clash and often influence each other. Nowhere is this more apparent than in language. Many European languages—especially local varieties thereof—have borrowed from Pacific [End Page 640] languages. Given the sociohistorical context, it is not surprising that the opposite influence—of European languages on Pacific ones—has been far greater. In some extreme cases, this resulted in language death, or conversely in the creation of new mixed languages, known as pidgins and creoles. But in most cases, local languages have been maintained, while incorporating elements from the intruding languages. The presence of some European languages in the islands of the Pacific, such as German, Dutch, Spanish, and Portuguese, proved to be temporary (if lengthy for some). French has enjoyed more permanency. But the language that has most influenced the indigenous languages of the Pacific is undoubtedly English. The present volume contains several chapters dealing almost exclusively with English loanwords in Pacific languages, such as Ulrike Mosel's chapter on the study of borrowing and language planning in Samoan (chapter 12); Ross Clark's on English loans in Ifira-Mele (chapter 2); Jan Tent's on lexical borrowing in Fiji English (chapter 16); Ray Harlow's on borrowing and its alternatives in Mäori (chapter 7); and Albert Schütz's classic study of English loanwords in Fijian, specially edited for this volume (chapter 14). While many believe that English was the first European language to influence Pacific languages, Paul Geraghty and Jan Tent present a case for the earlier borrowing from Dutch (chapter 6). They document and discuss in great detail six or seven words that were apparently introduced into some languages of Polynesia by Dutch visitors before the arrival of the English. The authors—who are also editors of this volume—argue that these words subsequently spread to many other Pacific languages through contact. This latter point—that, as Paul Geraghty put it, "Pacific islanders were far more mobile than has generally been believed" (65)—is one of the most interesting realizations to emerge from the book. Indeed, lexical borrowing between sometimes very distant languages can constitute powerful evidence for such mobility, in the absence or paucity of historical and archaeological evidence. (Unfortunately, no maps are provided in the book, so the reader does not get a full picture of the great distances involved.) A study that bucks this trend is Wolfgang Sperlich's (chapter 15), which demonstrates that, contrary to previous claims, there are no signs of Samoan and East Polynesian substrata in Niuean. In addition to the mutual influence between European and Pacific languages, and the influence of Pacific languages on each other, one more interesting case is discussed. This is the influence of Hindi on Fijian and Fijian English, as well as on the few Dravidian languages spoken by small groups in Fiji, discussed by France Mugler (chapter 13). This book is an important contribution to our understanding of the process of linguistic borrowing, not only in the Pacific, but also in general. As can be expected from such a wide-ranging volume that brings together papers written by different authors in different periods, their quality or relevance is not always even. Yet the original papers first published in this volume—which constitute the bulk of the chapters—do exhibit a degree of [End Page 641] cohesion and make frequent references to each other. As Terry Crowley pointed out, "there are surprisingly few comprehensive studies providing quantitative information about the distribution of loan words in ordinary usage in Pacific languages" (49). However, the Pacific is far from unique in this respect; the same could be said for most languages of the world. Many of the purported universals that one tends to read in general studies of lexical borrowing—that nouns are more commonly borrowed than verbs, that basic vocabulary...

Images of Cuba in France in the 1960s: Sartre's 'Ouragan sur le sucre'

It is no exaggeration to state that before the Revolution of 1958-1959 Cuba barely impinged on the French national consciousness, with the exception of the occasional role of Paris as host for international con ferences on the island's future. The island's French colony was never large: indeed, the mausoleum in the Necropolis Cristobal Colon in Havana is a touching reminder of a small group, numbering no more than sixty, who, between the 1930s and the early 1960s, maintained a fragile French commercial presence. Culturally, exchanges were few and far between and tended to impact more on Cuba than on France. The 1982 Bordeaux conference Cuba et la France/Francia y Cuba reveals some linguistic borrowings from French, the influence on Cuba of the French and Haitian Revolutions and Cuban interest in

Evidence in the Spanish language press of linguistic borrowings of computer and Internet-related terms

With the rise of the Internet, English has become a source of borrowing of computer terms in many languages, including Spanish. Many of these borrowings are rapidly making their way into the Spanish language press. A survey of newspapers from eight Latin American countries yielded a total of 231 lexical borrowings of different types, all related to broad fields, such as software, hardware, data, and Internet-related terms. These borrowings can be classified as loanwords, calques of various kinds, including loan translations and semantic extensions, and loanblends. Many have already appeared in monolingual Spanish dictionaries, such as the Diccionario de la Real Academia, and in a number of dictionaries of Hispanic Anglicisms.

Taalvermenging by die sprekers van die Sothotale: 'n Linguistiese perspektief op die gebruik van hulpwerkwoordgroepe

The aim with this article is to prove that a unique language strategy such as the usage of auxiliary word groups in the Sotho languages is no longer productive in the spoken language. The focus is placed on the tendency to avoid expressions marked by auxiliary word groups by means of code mixing. Some transcribed conversations from a tape recorder have been selected to form a basis for the investigation. The popular usage of foreign words or expressions are highlighted compared to specific language strategies used in pure standard Northern Sotho to express equivalent concepts. Some existing perspectives from which research has been done in linguistic borrowing, code mixing and code switching are also briefly discussed.Keywords: Sotho languages, language mixing, code switching, auxiliary verbsJournal for Language Teaching Vol. 39(2) 2005: 261-272

Bilingualism and the Latin Language (review)

Reviewed by: Bilingualism and the Latin Language Andrew R. Dyck J. N. Adams . Bilingualism and the Latin Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003. Pp. xxviii, 836. $140.00. ISBN 0-521-81771-4. "How much Latin did Jesus Christ know?" This question, prompted by the Latin-speaking Jesus of Mel Gibson's The Passion of Christ, was posed to me several times recently. In our age of globalization awareness of the position of linguistic and cultural minorities is rising: people are under pressure to learn the dominant international language (English), while many other languages are marginalized or even threatened with extinction. In the train of the sociolinguists, scholars of ancient languages are coming to grips with shifts in the language used by individuals and communities and the fact that bilingualism is/was more common than traditional accounts of language acknowledge. Bilingual inscriptions are one symptom of a transitional state, as is the imitation of the formulas of one language in another. Besides inscriptions, stray literary references and linguistic borrowings are relevant, as is script. The treatment of names, including filiation, is another telling indicator. Such an intricately ramified subject demands knowledge of a number of ancient languages and the scripts used to write them, onomastics, socio- and general linguistics, and broad reading in ancient sources and the relevant modern literature. It is Adams' great merit to have painstakingly gathered the disparate materials and subjected them to probing analysis. The heart of the book comprises a survey of languages in contact with Latin, a detailed analysis of code switching, and a study of the linguistic features Latin developed in contact with other languages. Adams also considers such topics as Latin in Egypt, bilingualism at Delos, and the recently edited bilinguals from the Gallic-Latin pottery at La Gaufesenque. The book has been beautifully produced by Cambridge University Press and is remarkably error-free. A brief review can offer the merest taste of this substantial feast. Out of his evidence Adams teases the profiles of some bold linguistic border-crossers. For non-Romans, the Roman army offered an attractive career, but officers had to have at least some Latin. The Vindolanda tablets show that Cerealis, a Roman officer of Batavian origin, wrote very competent Latin. In the other direction, Romans were less likely to learn foreign languages, but trade provided incentives, as in the case of Q. Atilius, whose epitaph is extant. Another example, for different reasons, is St. Jerome, who achieved an excellent knowledge of Hebrew but had great difficulty with Aramaic. [End Page 197] Code switching, i.e., changing to language x within a context of language y, is widespread in bilingual communities, and sociolinguists have tried to develop a typology of triggering situations. Adams explores the phenomenon with particular reference to the rich vein of code switching in Cicero's letters. Here he shows the inadequacy of previous interpretations that emphasized Greek as a "language of intimacy" because it was the language of early élite education. He shows Cicero's code switching to be much more complexly motivated, part accommodation to the taste of the addressee, part showing off, part expression of (in)group solidarity, part distancing device, part quest for the mot juste. Latinists will find a number of insights here, such as the possible Punic origin of the common greeting aue, the significance of Julius Caesar's last words, a Semitism in the language of one of Petronius' freedmen, and a solid treatment of the much-discussed question of African Latinity. Historians will also want to be familiar with Adams' findings, since issues of ethnic identity and dominance or recessiveness of language and culture are implicated at every turn. To return to my initial problem: though Jesus evidently knew enough Latin to make out the legend on a coin, Romans generally communicated with Aramaic speakers via Greek (see 294). Andrew R. Dyck Los Angeles Copyright © 2006 Classical Association of the Atlantic States

Een Model Voor Taalcontact

In a number of domains of language contact studies important progress has been made, including Creole studies, code switching and code mixing, second language acquisition, linguistic borrowing, and language areas. Less attention has been paid to the conceptual links between these fields. These links will be the focus of the present paper, which approaches this issue from the perspective of speaker optimization strategies. Four alternative strategies are proposed: optimize the structural coherence of the LI, optimize possible matching between LI and L2 patterns, optimize universal principles of language processing, optimize the structural coherence of the L2. It will be argued that these strategies can be invoked to explain outcomes of language contact, and that different outcomes correspond to different rankings of these strategies by bilingual speakers and the community they belong to.

INTEGRACIJA I ADAPTACIJA ANGLIZAMA U NJEMAČKIM STRUČNIM TEKSTOVIMA IZ PODRUČJA HOTELIJERSTVA I TURIZMA

The paper discusses the integration and adaptation of loan words from the English language into German. The analysis was performed on a sample of loan words from the English language taken from German journals from the fields of tourism and hotel industry. English loan words appear frequently, and their occurences were classified and analyzed at the levels of morphology and syntax. A matter of concern is the deviation from the German standard in the deep linguistic code resulting with deregulation and classification of German as an endangered idiom, so that the need for cooperation between field and language specialists is stressed in order to avoid unnecessary and uncritical linguistic borrowing with far-reaching effects.

English-Russian language contacts

The paper reveals the beginning and development of English-Russian language and culture contacts generated by social history. Nine stages of the contact development characterized by different intensity and depth (starting from the sixteenth century until present) have been overviewed. An overview of the history of cultural interactions between Russia and English-speaking countries shows that neither the Russian language nor the English language has been immune to this process. In the case of Russian, the impact of exposure to English culture on the language has gone through various phases. Until recently, English was never the preferred foreign language in Russia, but it has come into and gone out of fashion with the ebbs and flows of Russian (and Soviet) relations with English-speaking nations. At the high tides of cross-cultural contact, linguistic borrowing has occurred in every imaginable field, from literature and finance to science and pop culture. The low tides have never been so low as to completely eradicate the influence of English on the Russian language. In the following pages, we explore briefly the history of these contacts. The history of Russian and British contacts dates back to the mid-sixteenth century when the British ship Edward Bonaventure was anchored in the mouth of the Northern Dvina River on August 24, 1553 1 (Aristova, 1978: 14). Russian Czar Ivan IV (''Ivan the Terrible'') granted an audience to Richard Chancellor, the captain of the ship. Chancellor handed the czar a letter from King Edward VI. The objective of Chancellor's expedition was to open a new market for British merchandise. Both Russia and Great Britain were interested in trading with each other. Improved economic and cultural ties with Western countries would help Russia strengthen its internal and external credibility. Ivan IV supported Russian-British trade by awarding free entry and freedom of movement, as well as tax-free trade, to British merchants from the Moscow Company. This trading company was established in London in 1554. In Russia, British merchants found a vast market for sugar, paper, cloth, weapons, medicine, spices, jewelry, and other imports. Additionally, entree into Russia opened trade routes to the Near East, Central Asia, and India. British and Russian merchants brought the first English words to Russia. These were primarily words the Russian language lacked: mester (<Mister), lord, aldraman (<alderman), etc. The words were transcribed by means of Russian letters according to their sound in oral speech. Thus,many words had a number of graphicand phonetic variants:ser,sar,sor (<sir); erl, erl', ell', er (<earl). Although few Russians visited Britain in the sixteenth century, many British people came to Russia. The Russian government encouraged British professionals - doctors,