Liberation Struggle Research Articles

THE POTENTIAL OF THE EXPERIENCE ECONOMY IN DEVELOPING EFFECTIVE COMMUNICATIONS IN CIVIL SOCIETY

In the conditions of war, economic, social, cultural and artistic institutions should promote the Ukrainian strategic narrative through the so-called "soft power", project activities, economic proposals, as this means strengthening the national identification of civil society, which is so important in the context of national liberation struggle. In fact, the demand for the experience economy can activate the cognitive factor that produces patriotic, socially significant values, feelings and emotions. Therefore, the subject of the study is the effective communication proposals of the impression economy in the context of civil society development. The purpose of the research is to analyse a package of economic proposals and strategies for achieving the progress of economic value, i.e., the implementation of the concept of experience economy, which in the context of war becomes a means of effective communication in the context of the request of responsible business of civil society to actualise the value of national economic identification. The research methodology is based on a combination of systemic and value-based approaches, discourse analysis, which help to reveal the drama and strategies of Ukrainian experience economy cases, their correlation with the specifics of civil society's demands at the national level and the identification of proposals in the context of war; synchronous method (focusing on the conditions of the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine) and the use of the monitoring software Similarweb, which allowed to track the recognition of certain projects among customers and the phases of "dramatic development" of the economic offer. The article highlights that, according to J. B. Pine II and J. G. Gilmore, impression is the fourth economic proposition, a new economic value that cannot be compared to a service, because it is achieved through the organisation's cognitive space, through the customer's interest in emotional, physical, intellectual and spiritual dimensions, "effective management of impressions", where efficiency is achieved by "hitting" the intersection of four spheres of impressions – cognitive, aesthetic, entertaining and escapist. According to J. B. Pine II and J. G. Gilmore, the leading role in generating the progression of the economic value of business is played by the understanding of business as theatre (dynamic or stable), unfolding through drama (=strategy), script (=processes), theatre (=work techniques), performance (=proposal), which always has a context (within the limits of intelligence – national identification, patriotic), value markers (support for civil society in war conditions) and a field of interpretation. Thus, the conclusion of the research is the thesis about the evolution from the experience economy to the transformation economy, when the transformation of a customer or company is the ultimate economic offer of the initiator: in the case of the Silpo chain, thanks to the effective communication channels involved, there is such a concept of offer as change, which is a transformation that leads to the so-called "economic pyramid". The educational project "Instoryky" is about prominent historical figures, cases of psychological support for clients through the hotline, engaging clients in the practice of donation through hashtag activism and offers to support animals in wartime in exchange for "psychological support from animals" on the hotline, and educational activities for war veterans. The involvement of food entrepreneurs and their subsequent support through the special project "Lavka tradytsii" is also a good example of effective communication channels.

Biobibliographical Indexes of Researchers as a Source of Studying the Activities of the OUN-UPA and Determining the Legal Status of Their Participants

The purpose of the study is to compare the results of the activities of scientists and lawmakers regarding the recognition and definition of the national liberation movement and the legal status of its participants on the example of the activities of the OUN and the UPA. Research methodology: the principles of historicism, objectivity, systematics and comprehensiveness were applied, as well as – general methods of scientific research – analysis, synthesis, and comparison. Scientific novelty: for the first time, an attempt was made to show the conformity of the laws of Ukraine, in particular, “On the legal status and commemoration of fighters for the independence of Ukraine in the 20th century”, to the results of scientific research on the recognition and the definition of the Ukrainian liberation movement of the 1920–1950 years and the legal status of its participants. Conclusions. A complete inconsistency between the results of the scientists' scientific research was revealed, which is reflected in the personal indexes concluded in their honour, and the law of Ukraine “On the legal status and commemoration of the fighters for the independence of Ukraine in the 20th century” regarding recognition and definition of the Ukrainian liberation movement of the 1920–1950 years and of the legal status of its participants. Contrary to the research of scholars, local historians at the legislative level, members of the OUN, soldiers of the UPA and other nationalist organisations of the 1920s-1950s were recognised as fighters not for an independent sovereign and cathedral Ukrainian state, but for the independence of the Ukrainian SSR, against which they waged an uncompromising struggle. After all, in the second half of 1991, the Ukrainian SSR was officially renamed Ukraine, and the independent state – the Republic of Ukraine, according to the Constitution of Ukraine of 1996, was not created. This also explains the absence of a definition of the liberation struggle or resistance movement in the mentioned law of Ukraine. Keywords: personal indexes of researchers, national liberation struggle, OUN-UPA, sovereign Ukrainian state, the law of Ukraine “On the legal status and commemoration of the fighters for the independence of Ukraine in the 20th century”, the Republic of Ukraine.

Bosnia and Herzegovina and the establishment of the AVNOY Yugoslavia (1943-1945)

Many states, like Yugoslavia, emerged from conflicting historical currents. A critical examination of the socio-historical multi-directional flows after the chaotic April War of 1941 and the rapid disintegration of monarchical Yugoslavia also encompasses rational knowledge of opposing political and national perspectives dating back to 1918 when it was established, with its problematic events between the two World Wars, their causes, and consequences. The turbulent interwar legacy and the failure to address acute problems within the state influenced the dramatic situation and conflicts in occupied Yugoslavia, leading to polarization, collaboration, and alignments. The state of war is a complex crisis situation. The breakup of Yugoslavia was met with divided opinions on whether (and if so, how and on what basis) to reestablish the state. Each Yugoslavia (the „old” and the „new”) also represented a „new constitutional concept of the relationship between its major nations/political groups” (Dejan Jović). The successful antifascist liberation struggle from 1941 to 1945 was primarily led by the partisan movement, with the dominant role of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY). Vladimir Dedijer wrote that in 1941, a revolutionary war began, and „no one dreamed what its nature would be.” It was a civil war, destroying the idea that this state could be rebuilt in the form it took in 1918. It was a complex war („a war of all against all”) with numerous burdens (national, religious, social, historical). Anti-Yugoslav forces were long more numerous than pro-Yugoslav forces, which eventually triumphed. The speech of Yugoslav antifascism is most symbolically recognizable by the phrase: „Death to fascism – freedom to the people,” and „brotherhood and unity.” By the decision on the federal organization of the state at the Second Session of the Anti-Fascist Council of National Liberation of Yugoslavia (AVNOJ) in Jajce in 1943, the foundational pillar of the previous Yugoslavia—state and national unitarism—was denied. AVNOJ's decisions were of a framework and principle nature. The federation was established, but until the end, the forms of all its units related to their borders and the structure of alliance members („unitary or complex”) were not fully defined. The emergence of the federal Bosnia and Herzegovina was accompanied by harmonization at the top of the CPY and the People's Liberation Movement. The specificity of the „AVNOJ formula” was also reflected in the fact that in 1943, a federal state was formed, and in 1944, the members of the federation (republics). At that time, their provincial antifascist councils were constituted as the highest legislative and executive representative bodies. Many accompanying issues addressed in the decisions in Jajce on the structure of Yugoslavia remained under detailed consideration and clarification by the state-party leadership and AVNOJ in 1945. These issues have continued to be the subject of more detailed review and analysis in the context of the developments in historiography and have been exposed to considerations in a broader context. They have been reinterpreted, their facts have been analyzed, and there have been „in-depth” searches for more complete, multiperspective answers. The development of historiography is „marked by controversy.” Research into the formation of the „new” Yugoslavia should not be conducted with ideological biases and prejudices but should consider new experiences present in the flow of time and in the minds of contemporaries, including historians, as „children of their time.” Relevant historical contents must be separated from „declarative proclamations, pathos statements, ceremonial-protocol stances.” In a simplified understanding of the past, „everything appears simple and linear.” It is necessary to interpret historical phenomena and processes in a multidimensional, layered, and grounded manner.

Mozambique’s Neglected Nationalists in Exile: Retracing Coremo’s Relations with the Congolese Government and the FNLA

Even though the Mozambique Revolutionary Committee (Coremo) was Mozambique’s second largest liberation movement, historians have neglected its role in the struggle for Mozambican independence. This neglect has resulted in an imbalanced understanding of how Mozambicans fought to overthrow Portuguese colonial rule throughout the second half of the 20th century, including how Mozambican liberation movements navigated the precarious exile environment. By retracing and examining Coremo’s relations with Joseph Mobutu’s Congolese government and the National Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA), this article adds to the growing literature on competing anti-colonial movements during Mozambique’s liberation struggle. Coremo’s relationship with these two actors is intertwined with and was founded on the earlier relations that Paulo Gumane’s reconstituted National Democratic Union of Mozambique (Udenamo) had established with the FNLA and Cyrille Adoula’s Congolese government. Reconstructing the story of this relationship deepens our understanding of the different transnational and transregional strategies that smaller liberation movements like Coremo employed in exile. The story of Coremo’s relations with Kinshasa and the FNLA highlights the importance of and difficulties in establishing support structures in the context of competitive liberation politics. The history of these long-standing relations also adds to our understanding of the formation and development of working relationships between lusophone African liberation movements, which have traditionally focused on the Conference of Nationalist Organisations of the Portuguese Colonies, and brings to our attention the role of alternative African support hubs in southern Africa’s liberation struggle.

Gender and Deterritorialized Identity

This article explores the immersive audio-visual and sculptural art installations in the 59th Venice Biennale (2022) of three transnational contemporary women artists with familial ties to former colonies and protectorates. The Afro-Caribbean artist Sonia Boyce, MBE, presented Feeling Her Way in the British National Pavilion, for which she won the Golden Lion, the biennale’s highest honor. Zineb Sedira, a Franco-Algerian artist who lives and works in Britain, exhibited Les rêves n’ont pas de titre (Dreams Have No Titles) in the French National pavilion. The Moroccan artist, Latifa Echakhch, who was raised in France and lives in Switzerland, represented Switzerland with Le Concert, a sculptural sound installation. Each of their multidisciplinary installations engages differently with the intersections of race, gender, and ethnicity to challenge cultural stereotypes and erasures—of women artists and histories of liberation struggles. This article introduces early works by each artist as a basis for understanding how their biennale projects are decolonial and feminist in order to argue that the deterritorialized may reterritorialize—create new spaces of enunciation—in and through culture. The Venice Biennale installations of Boyce, Sedira, and Echakhch bring light to intersections of present-day and historical politics and memory by engaging with identity—individual and collective—as constructed, negotiated, and always in flux. Their work is shaped by migration, displacement, refugee status, exile, and the frontier as site of obstruction and passage.

Durban Moments

This essay reviews a series of photographs by South African photographer Omar Badsha exhibited as part of Sharjah Biennial 15 (SB15). Collectively entitled Once We Were Warriors: Women and Resistance in the South African Liberation Struggle (1981–1999), the thirty-one images selected for SB15 highlight the role of women as political activists during the 1980s and 1990s across South Africa. The essay discusses Badsha’s biography and approach to photography, in addition to appraising the images themselves.

Український історичний роман: шляхи становлення та розвитку

The experience accumulated by the art of words never goes away. At a certain stage of literary development, it can be exhausted to a certain extent, only to be revived in a new context in a modified form. The relevance of the study of historical prose, in particular its ways of formation and development, specificity, themes, is quite natural, since works about the national past allow the reader to consciously or sporadically immerse himself in the meaning of life realities, in particular to understand the moral and ethical ideals of the Ukrainian people, the physical and spiritual endurance of the participants in the national liberation struggle, and the deep human values that are often much more expressive and accurate in historical prose than in sociological and historical research. The fiction model of the heroic past serves to shape historical thinking, to deepen an individual’s understanding of his or her own place in society, and to help individuals find ways to self-knowledge and self-affirmation. The article traces the genesis and main stages of formation of the Ukrainian historical novel, starting with the novel «Zynovii Bohdan Khmelnytskyi. Istorychna kartyna podii, kharakteriv, i zvychaiv XVII stolittia v Malorosii (Zynoviy Bohdan Khmelnytsky. A Historical Picture of Events, Characters, and Customs of the Seventeenth Century in Little Russia)» by Pavlo Biletsky-Nosenko — through the novel «Chorna rada. Khronika 1663 roku (Black Council. The Chronicle of 1663)» — to contemporary works about the past by Pavlo Zahrebelnyi, Roman Ivanychuk, Valerii Shevchuk, Yurii Mushketyk and others. The specifics of historical novel prose are elucidated, the essence of the concepts of «historical novel» and «artistic and historical truth» is revealed, the role of fictional conjecture and fiction is determined. The article summarises the views of domestic researchers of historical prose on its typology.

Women Leadership in the Emergence of Bangladesh: A Study on Bangamata Sheikh Fazilatunnesa Mujib

The emancipation of Bangladesh occupies a significant place in world history. Both men and women of Bangladesh valiantly participated in the liberation struggle and consequently, in the nation-building process. However, throughout the long period, liberation has been constructed as an exclusively male endeavour that ignores the contribution made by women in the process of bringing the nation into being. As women played an active and significant role in the process of constructing this nation, the need is now to reconstruct the traditional ways of representation as well as to see the role of women's leadership in the emergence of Bangladesh with a special focus on the life of Bangamata Sheikh Fazilatunnesa Mujib. In this regard, accommodating qualitative research methodology, more specifically the feminist research approach, this paper aims to explore the leadership of Bangamata by adorning the ‘Behavioural Theory of Leadership’ along with ‘Transformational Leadership Theory’ that emphasizes the actions, not on mental or inner characteristics of a leader. These theories centre on how an individual's surroundings structure that person into a leader. This paper has depicted the leadership of Bangamata in the creation of Bangladesh and its political-economic journey onwards. Social Science Review, Vol. 40(1), Jun 2023 Page 1-20

Bridger, Emily. Young Women against Apartheid: Gender, Youth and South Africa's Liberation Struggle.

Bridger, Emily. Young Women against Apartheid: Gender, Youth and South Africa's Liberation Struggle.

Outside the Locus of Control: Palestinian Digital Archives Resist Israeli Settler-Colonial Erasure

This article examines Palestinian digital archiving in the context of the Israeli regime’s settler-colonial suppression and erasure of Palestinian knowledge. Looking closely at the efforts of three digital archives, the Palestinian Museum Digital Archive, the Palestinian Oral History Archive, and the Palestine Poster Project Archives, it argues that Palestinian digital archival projects, despite structural and technical limitations, serve to safeguard Palestinian knowledges and histories from Zionist violence. Noting examples of Israel’s looting, destruction, and closure of physical Palestinian archives, the author posits that researchers should use digital archives in tandem with materials accessed in Israeli colonial archives to challenge dominant and distorted Zionist narratives, and to fill in the knowledge gaps in the long arc of the struggle for Palestinian liberation.

Decolonizing Comparative Literature

This essay seeks to contribute to ongoing debates about disciplinary decolonization in Comparative Literature by urging scholars and students to return to the literature and theory of twentieth-century anticolonial liberation struggles. I begin by considering the relationship of Comparative Literature as it is currently practised in the metropolitan academy to earlier projects of cultural decolonization, focusing particularly on the contrast between the depoliticized ‘worlding’ of the discipline and the more radical and purposeful comparative praxis demonstrated by the Afro-Asian Writers' Association's literary journal Lotus (1968–91). I then turn to examples of literary criticism by two major fiction writers, theorists and party activists with ties to Lotus: Ghassan Kanafani (Palestine, 1936–72) and Alex La Guma (South Africa, 1924–85). Putting their work into conversation enables us to challenge the distance from organized struggle that most contemporary criticism maintains, while also developing our understanding of the conditions, principles, and tactics of what Kanafani famously called adab al-muqāwama, or resistance literature, a concept that any attempt to decolonize Comparative Literature cannot do without.

Джамму и Кашмир. Революционный эпизод / протесты против отмены автономии штата и особых статей в Конституции в 2019 г.

Jammu and Kashmir is a region where the national liberation struggle against integration with India has been ongoing for 72 years. In 2019, the central government unilaterally repealed Kashmir Special Articles 370 and 35A, which enshrined greater autonomy for the state. This decision led to a wave of protests in one of the regions of the state, the Kashmir Valley. The article examines the unsuccessful revolutionary episode of 2019, its causes and consequences, and also provides its classification.

The Kashmir Dispute: A Strategic Analysis

Historically, Kashmir’s otherworldly beauty and high-culture have been taking the brunt of oppression and repression since centuries. The many transformations, transcended by Kashmiri consciousness, range from being a serf to a dissenter, from a defiant peasant to an armed insurgent, not to mention the stone-pelters’ enduring struggle for freedom. Likewise, whenever an awareness emerged and became a becoming, an unimaginable coercion and tyranny persisted alongside. It remains and lacerates from an occupation and annexation-lawfare, besides, the military and para-military apparatus that sustains it. The post-partition Cease Fire Line (CFL) is now the disputed Line of Control (LoC) between India and Pakistan, whereas, the British era delimited McMahon Line has become the Line of Actual Control (LAC) between India and China. The Sino-Indian rivalry is in the foreground with an Indo-US congruence in the background. Also, the greater context of dispute is the Hindu nationalist agenda objectively implemented by Modi-Amit duo in the spirit of M.S. Golwalkar, plus, the complex geo-political mixture of regional, extra-regional and global strategic environment. However, Kashmiri consciousness is a reality inductively validating the libertarian spirit. Vicissitudes of time taught Kashmiris the virtues of transcendent wisdom and restraint. The Kashmiri liberation struggle continues. It is a calling.

Historical Rethinking of Relations with the First Republic of Armenia and the United States of America: The Dilemma of Orientation and Expectations

This article examines the features of relations with the First Republic of Armenia and the United States of America in the context of the dilemma of orientation and expectations of the Armenian political elite and society. The purpose of this study is to determine the characteristics of the influence of interethnic conflicts on the Armenian population and political elite after the February Revolution of 1917 on the territory of the Russian Empire. The main attention is paid to identifying general and specific elements in the process of restoring independent Armenian statehood at the end of May 1918. The scientific novelty lies in the study of transformative processes and the long break of independent Armenian statehood, the people’s and liberation struggle, as well as the geopolitical developments in the region in the context of the clash of both diplomatic and military, political and economic interests. As a result, after lengthy negotiations, on February 25, 1919, the assembly was presented with a single demand of the Armenians for recognition of the Armenian state. The characteristic features of such decisions are highlighted and described, on the basis of which it was proposed to transfer Armenia under the guardianship of the Entente and transfer its mandate to one of the countries for at least twenty years. It is emphasized that the Armenian delegations expressed their desire to transfer the patronage (mandate) of a united, independent and free Armenia to the United States of America or the newly formed League of Nations.

Torn between the nation and the world: D. F. Karaka and Indian journalism in the Second World War

AbstractFocusing on wartime journalism and nonfiction, this article analyses how nationalist Indians made sense of the war’s political and moral causes and goals, and how such understandings shaped the war’s longer historical resonance in India. The article centres on the wartime publications of the writer and journalist Dosabhai Framji Karaka, juxtaposing them with those of his colleagues in the nationalist newspaper, the Bombay Chronicle. Tracing the unfolding of the war through Karaka’s eyes, the article delineates the acute dilemma that the Second World War posed for nationalist Indians, between the struggle for liberation from colonial rule and the global struggle against fascism. It suggests that contemporaries perceived this dilemma as a choice between nationalism and internationalism. The war dealt a severe blow to the more fluid and capacious political imagination of interwar leftist internationalism, espoused by Jawaharlal Nehru and his followers. While substantial scholarly attention has been paid to the interwar period, this article puts a spotlight on the war, especially the pivotal year of 1942, as a distinct period that should be understood on its own historical terms—terms specific to war, with the urgency that arose from horrendous violence, unpredictable outcomes of battles on multiple fronts, and existential threats to nations and the global order. Such unprecedented pressures and constraints bifurcated the range of possibilities and forced historical actors to make difficult choices. The article shows how, during 1942, Karaka’s position parted ways with that of his peers, who more steadfastly represented the Congress stance.

Theoretical and legal foundations of Ukrainian statehood in the views of Vasyl Kuchabskyi

The article examines the theoretical and legal foundations of Ukrainian statehood in the views of Vasyl Kuchabskyi. It is emphasized that Vasyl Kuchabskyi understood the state not as a consequence of the technical organization of the people, but primarily of the spirituality of the people. The thinker’s views on the fact that the existence of civil society is a necessary prerequisite for the functioning of a democratic state, but democracy is a destructive factor, are singled out. Vasyl Kuchabskyi is an outstanding historian, politician, sociopolitical and military figure. He studied at the Department of Law and Political Science of Lviv University. He was one of the organizers of the secret organization “Mazepin Military Course”, under whose influence he published a number of manuals on military matters. The ideas of Stepan Tomashivskyi and Vyacheslav Lypynskyi had a decisive influence on the formation of his worldview. Vasyl Kuchabskyi was in exile in Czechoslovakia, Germany, and Poland. He became close to the representatives of the hetman movement. He carried out active public, scientific and journalistic activities. As a member of the Ukrainian Union of Farmers-Statesmen, he developed his own doctrine of conservatism and monarchism – the monarchy was supposed to become the most suitable, effective and expedient form of government for Ukraine, where the main role should be played by the leading strata (elite), which would be formed from people with a military spirit and organization. The theoretical and legal foundations of Ukrainian statehood in the opinion of Vasyl Kuchabskyi were based on the fact that Ukrainian statehood will be possible when the internal organization of the state and its leadership will take place, which will show the desire to fight for their own national rights. The main idea permeated the work of representatives of Ukrainian conservatives, including Vasyl Kuchabskyi, was the assertion that the success of the liberation struggle depends on the ability of the Ukrainian people to consolidate on the basis of territorial patriotism, that is, a sense of unity and solidarity between the inhabitants of Ukrainian territories and the organization of the state ruling class, his ability to direct state-building activities. Vasyl Kuchabskyi was in exile in Czechoslovakia, Germany and Poland. Befriended representatives of the hetman movement. He was active in public, scientific and journalistic activities. As a member of the Ukrainian Union of Farmers-Statesmen, he developed his own doctrine of conservatism and monarchism – the monarchy was supposed to become the most expedient, effective and favorable form of state government for Ukraine, in which the leading class (elite) played the main role, uniting people with a military spirit and organizations. In the theoretical and legal views of Vasyl Kuchabskyi, a certain criticism of the people as an effective source of power and a certain mistrust of it, uncertainty in the political competence and ability of the people to manage the state can be traced. Key words: Vasyl Kuchabskyi, historian, politician, social and political activist, military, doctrine, Ukrainian statehood, national idea, elite, monarchism, democracy, people, class, hetman movement, civil society

DOUBLE MYSTIFICATION OF THE DRAHOMANOV SISTERS

The subject of this research is the family correspondence of the Drahomanovs, a significant part of which remains unpublished. These archival materials have been prepared for publication in the upcoming issue of the annual journal “Heritage: Literary Source Studies. Textology”. They significantly enrich our knowledge of Mykhailo Drahomanov’s life and his circle, while also presenting some complex tasks for the commentator. In particular, the letters of M. Drahomanov’s youngest brother, Oleksandr, mention his daughters Oksana and Nina. The dates mentioned in these references contradict the commonly known information about their birth years. Therefore, there is a need to clarify their actual years of birth.
 Oksana Drahomanova was a lawyer, a participant in Ukraine’s liberation struggle in 1918—1921, an international women’s movement activist, a writer, and a translator. Various mentions provide different birth dates for Oksana, most often 1894 but occasionally 1892. The information about Oksana and Nina Drahomanova that has been circulated in the scholarly literature is based mostly on the distant relatives’ and acquaintances’ memories, which are often unreliable in terms of dating. In addition, Oksana herself may have altered her passport data, ‘rejuvenating’ herself by at least three years during her emigration overseas. The present research incorporates modern sources and archival materials, including memories, photographs, correspondence, and other documents. A decisive piece of evidence was a photograph of little Oksana, about one and a half years old, with a gift inscription from her father, dated June 1892. Thus, it is proved that Oksana Drahomanova was actually born in early 1891, but the exact date has yet to be established.
 Little is known about Nina Drahomanova, with her birth year commonly believed to be 1900 or 1901. However, based on the letters of her father Oleksandr from 1898—1912, it can confidently be stated that Nina was born in 1898.
 In addition, through the study of sources, the exact birth date of Oleksandr Drahomanov is determined to be August 4, 1859, according to the old style.
 The paper demonstrates how preparing texts for publication and scholarly commentary on archival materials (in this case, epistolary ones) lead to heuristic discoveries.

Արմենական-Ռամկավար շղթայի նվիրյալը՝ Արտակ Դարբինյան / Artak Darbinyan, devotee of the Armenakan-Ramkavar chain

Since Armenia gained independence, the life of the Armenians has been unprecedented politicized: Parties play a big role in this: This is not accidental at all, since one of the important and turning events in the history of Armenia was the birth of Armenian political parties: The first of them in the Armenian reality was the secret revolutionary party Armenakan, which was born in Van in 1885. that is 33 years earlier than in 1918. Our neighboring artificial state is Azerbaijan. During its existence, the party had a large number of dedicated figures who spared nothing for the liberation of the Motherland, ensuring the safety of their own people and fighting Turkish and Kurdish bandits: One of them was the fighter of the liberation struggle, theorist and press activist Great Artak Darbinyan, who, not limited to the internal party sphere, included many spheres of national life in his activities and, with his 60–year fruitful party, national activities, struggle and struggle, lived a life worthy of an ideological fighter, having passed a long and responsible path from Armenakan to Ramkavar- Azatakan.

Martin Luther King Jr. and Julius K. Nyerere’s Shared Dreams for Racial Equality and Human Dignity

This article parallels Martin Luther King Jr.’s dream for civil, economic, and racial equality in the USA with Julius K. Nyerere’s unrelenting liberation struggle for the emancipation of Southern Africa from colonial shackles. I write this article fully cognizant of King’s belief that what united the minority and colonial peoples of America, African, and Asia was the struggle to overcome the legacy of colonialism and racial injustice. I therefore argue that King’s dream was a shared dream, which I analyze through the prism of liberation theology.

Essop Pahad

Whilst many will speak today of the historic and invaluable contributions of Essop Pahad to our country’s liberation struggle and at the dawn of democracy, it is often forgotten that this came at great pain for him to live a life in exile, isolated from family and friends. Such was the often silent struggle that happened parallel to the struggle for freedom. Though this was an immensely politically active time for him, it was also incredibly taxing. It was in this time that Essop clung to the promise of a free and democratic South Africa. As the Greek tragedian Aeschylus once said: ‘I know how men in exile feed on dreams.’ So desperate was his dream for a better tomorrow that he worked tirelessly with members of the international community to bring attention to the plight of those he left behind. Throughout his life, he continued to cling onto this dream as he fought for justice and equity long beyond the advent of democracy. He once said: ‘Our march to a better life requires that each and every South African should put shoulders to the wheel – all of us as partners in transforming ours into a society that cares. We must know our rights and exercise them, in the same measure as we take on our collective responsibility to build South Africa into a nation of our dreams.’