Liberation Struggle Research Articles

Where is Palestine in Critical Terrorism Studies? A roundtable conversation

ABSTRACT Our ethical responsibilities as researchers within or related to the study of “terrorism” could not be clearer than in moments when the “terrorism” label is used to justify mass killing and destruction. The state of Israel has relentlessly continued to bombard Gaza since 7 October 2023 and, with the support of Western nations, built consensus around framing all Palestinians as (potential) terrorists. In light of the horrors that the world is witnessing today, and the lack of engagement with Palestine in Critical Terrorism Studies research, we ask, how does – and should - Palestine feature in Critical Terrorism Studies scholarship? How can we, as researchers and educators, facilitate deeper conversations that challenge hegemonic and racist framings of “terrorism”? This roundtable discussion brings critical, anti-colonial, anti-racist, feminist, and queer scholars together to discuss 1) the exclusion of Palestine from the critical study of “terrorism” and 2) the significance of the Palestinian struggle for liberation for all researchers invested in the critical study of “terrorism”. We call for more serious engagement with Palestine and acknowledge that such a call is inseparable from a commitment to anti-colonial scholarship and activism. 1

T.H.U.G.L.I.F.E.: Tupac Shakur as a Symbol of Black Rebellion for the “Pac Babies” of Black Lives Matter! 1

The late Bay Area Hip Hop legend Shock G stated that Tupac Shakur “rhymed from this pit of his stomach,” asserting that Tupac’s greatness was in the potency and relevance of his message more than the technical skill of his lyricism. Tattooed across the stomach that Tupac rhymed from was the acronym “T.H.U.G.L.I.F.E.” Tupac proclaimed that it stood for “The Hate You Gave Little Infants, Fucks Everyone,” a statement that reflected his worldview and echoed sentiments of those like Frantz Fanon, James Baldwin and Huey P. Newton who viewed youth as the centerpiece of the struggle for Black Liberation. Though Tupac was murdered in 1996, his lyrics and interviews resurfaced in the aftermath of the police killing of Oscar Grant in 2009 and introduced a generation born after his death to his thug persona and T.H.U.G.L.I.F.E. ideology as relavent, and accessible symbols of Black Rebellion. This article explores how Pac Babies, Black youth born after Tupac’s death, have adopted his Persona and Ideology to inform their entry into the Post Racial, social media era of the Black Freedom Struggle. I offer that, by providing T.H.U.G.L.I.F.E. as an alternative to the politics of respectability of the Civil Rights Movement and being resurrected as mythical super hero battling police violence, Tupac influenced both the street protests and social media engagement during the protest phase of "Black Lives Matter!".

DEHUMANISATION OF COLONISED HUMANS REVISITED: RACIAL SPECIESISM AND CALIBAN’S “EXPLOD[ING] PROSPERO’S OLD MYTH” IN AIME CESAIRE’S A TEMPEST

The political turmoil between the 1950s and the 1970s that stemmed from the liberation movements in Africa, and in the Caribbean Islands, in which African/ black diaspora is so common, triggered many writers of the time to visit colonial literature in order to be able to find a meaning for the liberation struggles of the blacks. Similarly, Aimé Césaire, a Francophone literary and political figure, revisited Shakespeare’s The Tempest (around 1611), and adapted it into A Tempest (Une Tempête,1969). A Tempest is a play in which Shakespearean Prospero’s strong and univocal status is replaced by strong and rebellious Caliban, who subverts all the colonial discourses that marginalise and dehumanise the blacks. In the light of these discussions, this paper aims to discuss that in A Tempest, Caliban becomes an instrument for Césaire in order to demarginalise the blacks contrary to Prospero’s dehumanising methods applied through racial speciesism. By means of Caliban’s “explod[ing] Prospero’s old myth”, Césaire wants to prove that blacks are humans, too, with a glorious history and identity to be proud of.

Women in the Yugoslav People's Liberation Struggle (1941–1945)

Women in the Yugoslav People's Liberation Struggle (1941–1945)

THE LEADER OF THE MOVEMENT OF KAZAKHS OF THE STEPPE REGION IN THE STRUGGLE FOR LAND IN THE LATE XIX AND EARLY XX CENTURIES – MAMBETALI SERDALYULY (HISTORIOGRAPHICAL ASPECT)

The article discusses the stages of the formation of the civil personality and fighter path of Mambetali Serdalyulu, a prominent representative of the Alash National Democratic Movement, who raised the struggle of Kazakhs for land in the Steppe region to a new level in the late XIX-early XX centuries, and the life and work of the fighter for land in a historiographical aspect. In modern historiography, the socio – political history of the Akmola - Kokshetau region in this period and the XX century from this region. it should be noted that research works on the figures of the national liberation struggle in the first quarter are still rare. The main purpose of the article is to reveal in the historiographic aspect the main stages of the formation of a well-known figure of northern Kazakhstan. Mambetali Serdalin as a person, the essence of his socio-political activity. Mambetali Serdalyulu is mentioned in studies and journalistic articles about representatives of the Alash political movement. The personality of Mambetali Serdalyulu is known to the general public mainly only through works of fiction. These articles are autobiographical, their socio-political views and activities are revealed in detail and are not studied from the point of view of modern historical knowledge. These arguments indicate that the personality of such a socio-political figure as Mambetali Serdalyulu, who occupied a large place in the socio – political life of the Steppe region at the beginning of the twentieth century, was not an object of special study.

Modalities of the Sacred in the Lumad Struggle for Sustainabilities and Futures

Indigenous peoples enact and cultivate local knowledge based on their own developed practices of resource use, which are entwined with their struggle for self-determination. This article seeks to demonstrate how these actions are configured in multiple ways, as in the case of the Lumad of Mindanao, who, like other indigenous groups worldwide, are engaged in the struggle for national liberation. An elaboration of the Lumad-Manobo’s notions of sacred spaces and myths is presented. This includes the production and reproduction of sustenance, resource use, and political mobilization. This article also seeks to trace the movements and modalities of value as an aspiration among displaced Lumad children and the more concrete forms of labor involved in producing these values in indigenous knowledge of sacred spaces.

The role of Ukrainian political and legal thought in strengthening the national self-identification of Ukrainians of Galicia in the interwar period

The article summarizes the contribution of national-democratic, conservative and nationalist thinkers to the restoration of Ukrainian statehood based on the analysis of ideological and worldview doctrines of representatives of Ukrainian political and legal thought of the interwar period. The forms and methods of struggle, which are the basis of the state concepts created by them, are summarized. It was established that the defeat in the national liberation struggle of the Ukrainian people at the beginning of the 20th century led to the transformation of the worldview of many Ukrainian scientists and politicians, who, despite ideological differences, had a common strategic goal - the need to restore and establish a sovereign, independent Ukrainian state. The study of the intellectual heritage of the leading representatives of Ukrainian political and legal thought gave reason to conclude that the failure of Ukrainians to form an independent state was largely connected with the weakness of the national consciousness of the people and the insufficient ideological and political maturity of its leaders. In view of this, Ukrainian political and legal thought was aimed at strengthening the national self-identification of Ukrainians and their awareness of their political interests. It is argued that the scientific approach to substantiating the idea of national-state independence of Ukraine was initiated by Stanislav Dnistryanskyi, one of the founders of Ukrainian political and legal thought of the national-democratic direction. It is characterized (according to Volodymyr Starosolskyi) that the struggle for one’s own (national) state is a historically political factor in the formation of a nation. It is emphasized that disappointment in the ineffectiveness of the republican-democratic methods of organizing power prompted V. Lipinsky and other representatives of conservative opinion to search for more adequate forms of state organization. It is shown that in the interwar period for the Ukrainians of Galicia, nationalist ideology was especially important, which had a powerful influence on the formation of the Ukrainian nation as a self-aware, social, cultural, legal and political community and was a prerequisite for the creation of its own sovereign and independent state.

Prekmurje v viharju druge svetovne vojne

The article focuses on the events in the Prekmurje region during World War II. From 1941 to 1944, this part of the Slovenian territory was almost completely cut off from the rest. The local Partisan movement was largely self-reliant and therefore weak. It received a new impetus in the autumn of 1944, when the first Partisan combat unit, consisting of 36 men, arrived in the Prekmurje region on the orders of the National Liberation Struggle High Command. However, it was soon pushed back across the river Mura. Due to betrayal, the Partisan movement in Prekmurje was once again weakened. At the end of January 1945, the Prekmurska četa company was established in the village of Strehovci but got involved in a fierce battle with the occupying forces and split into several groups. When the Red Army arrived in the Prekmurje region, only a small group of Partisans was in the area.

Rayimbek batyr: A Historiographical Analysis

The article delves into the achievements of Rayimbek Batyr, who led the liberation movement in the eastern Jetysu region during the concluding years of the "Ak Taban Shubyrindі, Alkakol Sulama" period. Rayimbek emerges as a pivotal figure, dedicating his life to the collective liberation struggle of the Kazakh people. Central to his endeavors is the quest to free his homeland and alleviate the suffering of his people under the oppressive rule of the Jungars. Additionally, the study explores the historical sources provided by K. Sauranbayev concerning Khangeldi, the grandfather of the renowned warrior, shedding light on the loyal companions who accompanied him, including Bakay Batyr, Aralbay Batyr, Kopay Batyr, Satay Batyr, and Iryskeldi Batyr. Through an examination of Rayimbek's valiant efforts and the accounts of his contemporaries, this research offers insight into the historical context and the enduring legacy of his struggle for freedom.

CHANGES IN POPULATION STRUCTURE IN ALGERIA

Many countries worldwide, especially in the West, are grappling with the ageing of their societies. The proportion of this sensitive demographic increase with their growing needs, requiring special care and attention. However, these countries vary in their capacities to meet these needs. Unlike many other nations, the Algerian society, over the past few decades, has seen a youth population exceeding 70%, a consequence of the population increase following the country's independence. The concept was to compensate for the losses during the liberation struggle, where the fertility rate reached over seven children per woman. This fertility rate quickly declined to 4.5 children per woman in 1990 and further dropped to 3.1 children per woman by 2016. The rise in fertility for more than two decades and the decline in mortality at all levels present a contrasting image of the population structure compared to the past and the present. These changes will inevitably lead to an ageing population. The new demographic composition of Algeria indicates a percentage of 9.3% of adults aged 60 and above. Will Algerian population face the challenges of ageing in the coming years?

Unveiling the Dualities: Exploring the Intersectionality of Caste and Gender in Meena Kandasamy's Literary Landscape

This research paper delves into the nuanced portrayal of caste intersectionality with gender in the literary works of Meena Kandasamy, a prominent contemporary Indian writer. Kandasamy's narratives provide a rich tapestry through which to examine the multifaceted experiences of individuals navigating the complex social structures of caste and gender in India. Through a close analysis of selected texts, this study aims to elucidate the ways in which caste and gender intersect to shape identities, power dynamics, and social hierarchies. Drawing on intersectional feminist theory and postcolonial perspectives, the paper explores how Kandasamy's characters negotiate and resist the oppressive forces of caste and patriarchy, while also highlighting the complexities and contradictions inherent in their struggles for agency and liberation. By engaging with Kandasamy's literature, this research contributes to a deeper understanding of the intricate interplay between caste and gender in contemporary Indian society, shedding light on the lived realities of marginalized individuals and communities.

The Kyiv Bandurist Chapel’s concert activity during the Second World War

Statement of the problem. Recent research and publications. The article is dedicated to the creative activity of the Kyiv Bandurist Chapel, its origins, and stages of formation. It characterizes the peculiarities of the Chapel’s concert and touring activities and states the role played by the bandurist choir in the social and political life of Ukraine. The creativity of the Kyiv Bandurist Chapel (and later – the Taras Shevchenko Bandurist Chapel) as a spiritual phenomenon of Ukrainian musical culture has been increasingly studied over the last two decades. Published works highlight various aspects of its activity, however, there remain questions that require deeper analysis and a new approach, particularly, the concert and touring activities of the Chapel in 1939–1944. Objectives, methods, and novelty of the research. The purpose of the article is to analyze the Kyiv Bandurist Chapel’s concert activity in the context of the social and historical events during 1939–1944 and its impact on various aspects of cultural, musical, and social life in Western Ukrainian territories. The article uses general scientific methods: source study, descriptive and analytical. The concert and performance repertoire of the Chapel has been analyzed in terms of its content and dynamics. The article mentions joint projects of the Chapel with Ukrainian musical institutions and public organizations. New data about the numerical composition of the first Kyiv Bandurist Chapel, the peculiarities of its concert and touring activities, and some episodes from the lives of individual bandurists have been introduced into the scientific discourse. Research results and conclusion. The Kyiv Bandurist Chapel takes its origins from the period when the national liberation struggles began in 1918–1922. During its existence, the Chapel has been known under various names: “Kobzar Choir” or “First Chapel of Kobzars” (according to V. Yemets), “First Ukrainian Art Chapel” (1925), “United State Exemplary Chapel of Bandurists of the Ukrainian SSR” (1935–1941), “Taras Shevchenko Bandurist Chapel” (from 1941). The foundation of the Kyiv Bandurist Chapel’s repertoire in different historical times constituted Ukrainian dumas, historical, Sich Riflemen’s and insurgent songs, national-patriotic authors’ works, and song and dance melodies. During the period under study, the Kyiv Bandurist Chapel actively performed concert tours in such regions, including Kyiv region, Volyn, and Galychyna. Throughout 1942–1944, it performed in Germany for Ukrainians who were forcibly deported by the Nazis from Ukraine and placed in Ostarbeiter camps. The Kyiv Bandurist Chapel, being in the whirlwind of historical events, proved that the Ukrainian people’s will and independence were always the priority in their creative activities. Further study of the Kyiv Bandurist Chapel’s history is pertinent to several key historical periods: the post-war reconstruction of Soviet Ukraine, the nation’s journey to independence, and the Russian-Ukrainian war. These topics are awaiting unbiased examination and scientific synthesis.

Portraying Political Ideas of National Revolutionaries: A Case Study of Pandurang Mahadev Bapat

The term ‘revolutionary’ has a unique connotation in India’s struggle for national liberation. It refers to those freedom fighters who scrupulously believed in the efficacy of armed resistance to overthrow British rule in India and justified employing extremist techniques to achieve the objective. Consequently, national revolutionism creates a distinct stream of thinking in the Indian national movement from both the moderate and extremist currents in the movement. While there is no end to the literature on both moderate and extremist thinking in British India, the political philosophy of the revolutionaries has not been satisfactorily addressed by academia in a meaningful manner. While there are a few notable exceptions, social scientists in India have generally ignored the revolutionary political ideas because of the foundation of British authority over Indian land; the nation’s political development began to follow a pattern identical to the Western development model. Following that, some extensive Western influences were seen in education, economy, government organisation and administration, significantly impacting the intellectual development of the time. Moreover, the ideas of revolutionaries were, for the most part, immediate intellectual responses to the political challenges and crises that existed at the time of their birth. However, some of these topics were significant, such as formulating a critique of British imperialism, defining the national identity, reorganising Indian society and developing plans for national liberation. As a result, it will be necessary to examine and evaluate the political views of these revolutionaries in the context of the concerns and problems with which they were confronted at the time. This research explores and explains Bapat’s political thought and situates him in Maharashtra’s revolutionary and Hindu political traditions. Lastly, in the first instance, this research proposes a brief look at the development of Bapat’s political career, which played a vital role in shaping his political ideas. Then, it explores the significant politics of colonial and post-colonial times.

Petros Tepoyan's views on Armenian national liberation about the struggle

The unprecedentedly politicized life of the Republic of Armenia received a new impetus after the Velvet Revolution. A large number of organizations announced themselves that directed and restrained unrest in society. Traditional parties with a unique political trajectory in Armenian life have also become more active. From the point of view of understanding today's processes and not repeating the mistakes of the past, it is more than important and relevant to highlight the successes they have achieved and the mistakes they have made. The Armenian intellectual from the diaspora P. Tepoyan addressed these issues and expressed quite realistic assessments. He noted that the Armenians, being more developed than the peoples living on the territory of the Ottoman Empire, experienced an awakening in the second half of the 19th century, which became a prerequisite for the Armenian national liberation struggle. However, the economic and political interests of extremely unequal forces led to defeat as a result of the battle. After this, Armenian political leaders always connected the issue of resolving the “Armenian question” with the politics that is possible for our people. At the same time, the authors of the Hunchakian party program, called upon to lead the liberation struggle, being almost unfamiliar with the harsh conditions that developed in the Ottoman Empire, chose the wrong strategy and tactics. Their struggle was of a romantic nature and in many cases not united, with the result that the expected result was realized.

Thinking Africa through Soga’s black spirituals: A theological reflection

This article offers a critical reflection of Lizal’isidinga laKho (hymn 116) and Wazidala iinto zonke (hymn 16) written by Tiyo Soga and recorded in the Methodist Church of Southern Africa (MCSA) hymnal book. From the perspective of black theology of liberation (BTL), I historicise and contextualise hymn 116 and hymn 16 to debunk the argument that Tiyo Soga was alien to the lives, experiences of suffering and pain of his people. The article posits that hymn 116 and hymn 16 are black spirituals that articulate the contexts Soga found himself as a black person during the times of the frontier wars. Therefore, utilising blackness as a heuristic approach, I argue that the songs do not just historicise the experiences of black people in the times of the frontier wars, but they are prayers and/or laments from Soga that ask God to spare the lives, the culture, and value systems of black people in a world that seeks the destruction of their being, history, and culture. The songs emphasise the black struggle for justice and liberation encouraging black people never to succumb to the definitions given to them by those who seek the destruction of black personhood. The article locates Soga within the frontier wars to illustrate his own experiences as black person, then examines and presents Lizal’isidinga laKho, Wazidala iinto zonke as black spirituals born in a time of war to give hope to those who have been conquered and subjugated in the unjust wars of colonisation. Hymns 116 and 16 contribute to the decolonial turn discourse –unthinking of the west – because they emphasise the black struggle for liberation and justice.Contribution: The contribution of this article is its focus on the way in which the intersection of religious studies, social sciences, and humanities generates an interdisciplinary contested discourse.

«Спілка Ук раїнської Молоді»: міфи та реальність (На основі матеріалів ГДА СБУ).

The purpose of the article is to analyze archival materials, memoirs of participants, and researchers’ works to highlight the preconditions for the formation, reality of existence, and scope of activities of an organized youth group called the Union of Ukrainian Youth (Spilka Ukrainskoi Molodi - SUM), which at the beginning of its activity was called the Union for the Liberation of Ukraine and gave its name to the famous 1930 trial in Kharkiv. The end of the national liberation struggle of 1917-1921 raised difficult questions for researchers: did the struggle end or did it move on to other forms? Analyzing the memoirs of the participants of that time, archival materials of the GDA SBU and available research by Ukrainian scholars, we can conclude that the struggle existed, but in a different form - in an evolutionary, preparatory one, during which separate groups of supporters of the idea of Ukraine’s independence were formed, independent of each other. The methodological basis of the study is based on the principles of historicism, objectivity, systematicity, and comprehensiveness, which allow for a thorough analysis of archival materials and scientific articles related to the topic. The scientific novelty of the publication lies in the fact that, on the basis of published and unpublished archival materials, the preconditions, formation of the program and the formation of the SUM are studied. Conclusions. The organization was one of the numerous resistance groups to the Bolshevik regime in Ukraine. Mykola Pavlushkov, a nephew of the well-known Ukrainian socio-political figure Serhiy Yefremov, became the leader of the SUM. M. Pavlushkov’s socio-political views were formed under the influence of the patriotic environment of the school and communication with representatives of the older generation, such as S. Yefremov, V. Durdukivskyi, O. Hermaize, V. Chekhivskyi, and others. The formation of the SUM took place on the basis of separate groups of young people who were active in the Kyiv region and adjacent regions, distributing anti-Bolshevik leaflets and calling for the restoration of Ukraine’s independence.

Повернення з небуття: Скидан Микола Антонович (1894-1954 рр.).

In the mid-1990s, on the initiative of Oksana Pelenska – at that time a researcher of Ukrainian emigration in the interwar Czechoslovak Republic and head of the office of the Embassy of Ukraine in the Czech Republic, and now an employee of the "Ukrainian Editorial Board of Radio Svoboda" – the project "Ukrainian addresses in Prague" was launched (still active). Thus, on the map of Prague, Poděbrady , Brno, and other Czech cities, Ukrainian addresses are gradually "discovered," such as Luzhytska Street 38, apartment 1 (the place of registration of the publisher Petr Zlenka); 6 Goremyrova Street (the main estate of the Museum of the Liberation Struggle of Ukraine). Therefore, the purpose of the study is to supplement information about "Ukrainian addresses in Prague" through the prism of the biography of Mykola Antonovych Skydan. The research methodology is based on the principles of concrete-historical approach or historicism, objectivity, comprehensiveness, integrity, systematicity, as well as the use of methods of analysis, synthesis, historical-genetic, historical-comparative, historical-typological, problem-chronological. The scientific novelty lies in the publication of previously unknown information about the life and activities of the agronomist and publisher, permanent secretary of the Foreign Committee of the Ukrainian Party of Socialist Revolutionaries in the Czechoslovak Republic Mykola Antonovych Skydan. Conclusions. Mykola Antonovych Skydan entered the field of view of the "liberators of Prague" by accident in May-June 1945. He, like statesman Mykola Rossinevych, professor of classical languages Mykola Tymchenko, and publisher Petro Zlenko, was captured, interrogated, sent, and transported to Lukyanivska prison and later accused of anti-Soviet activities. The sentence was 10 years of correctional labor. Skydan did not live to the end of his prison term. The author of this publication is so far the only person who has inquired about the rehabilitation certificate of Mykola Antonovych Skydan.

The Psychic Life of Liberation: From the Shatat

In the face of Israel’s ongoing genocidal atrocities in Palestine, Arab activists in the shatat articulate rage, grief, and resistance within the confines of a colonial tongue. They do so in continuity with multiple histories of Arab resistance against European and US imperial and colonial violence. In this context, the author contends that they embody a communal source of strength she calls the psychic life of liberation, a force that sustains a collective struggle for liberation. This essay shows how the psychic life of liberation is constituted by intergenerational grief, collective love and care, and a profound sense of sumud that transcends time and space.

The Historic Bond: The South African Liberation Movement and the Palestinian Struggle

In today’s world, we are witnessing one of the gravest crises humanity has faced: the ongoing genocide by Israel against the Palestinians. This situation has compelled South Africa to initiate legal proceedings against Israel at the ICJ, seeking accountability for the severe human rights violations and acts of genocide perpetrated against the Palestinian people. To fully grasp the significance of South Africa’s action, it’s essential to explore the deep-rooted and historic ties that bind South Africa’s liberation efforts to the Palestinian fight for freedom. This commentary delves into the intertwined narratives of oppression, resistance, and unity shared by these movements, illuminating the striking similarities between the apartheid regime in South Africa and Israel’s treatment of Palestinians. Additionally, the discussion sheds light on South Africa’s rationale for approaching the ICJ. In conclusion, the commentary underscores the solidarity between South Africa’s anti-apartheid movement and the Palestinian liberation struggle, highlighting the importance of global solidarity, accountability, and collective endeavor in championing justice and equality.

Вплив соціал-демократів на формування та розвиток української політико-правової думки в Галичині у період проголошення та занепаду ЗУНР (1918-1923 рр.)

This article is devoted to the analysis of the influence of the Ukrainian Social Democratic Party (USDP) on the formation and development of political and legal opinion in Galicia during the period of the proclamation and decline of the ZUNR (1918-1923). The role and place of iconic Ukrainian social democrats in the socio-political life of the region and the peculiarities of the evolution of the USDP to the political course of the ZUNR, the Polish state through the prism of the short period of Ukrainian power and the specifics of the occupation regime are highlighted. It was found that during the period under study, the development of Ukrainian political and legal thought was influenced by tectonic social and political events: the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy; Ukrainian revolutions in Galicia and Trans-Dnieper Ukraine; the proclamation of the West Ukrainian People's Republic and the Ukrainian People's Republic; Zluka ZUNR and UNR; occupation of Galicia by Poland; assimilation policy of the Polish government; the struggle of civil society and legal political forces for the restoration of Ukrainian national statehood. It is emphasized that the USDP was directly related to these historical processes, because from the moment of its creation, it was one of the first legal parties of Austria-Hungary to proclaim the idea of the right of the Ukrainian people to state and political independence and made efforts to implement the programmatic position of the party in practice by forming the legal consciousness of Ukrainians Galicia Combining the national idea with Marxism, the social democrats sought to achieve the national and social liberation of the Ukrainian people and build an independent Ukrainian socialist state. It is emphasized that the idea of a unified and cathedral Ukraine became the core during the national liberation struggle of 1917-1923.