Legislative Elections Research Articles

In Search of the Missing Link: Election Law Infractions and Candidate Sanctions

In contrast to the extensive literature on the determinants of campaign spending and its effect on candidates’ electoral performance, comparatively less literature exists on the legal and sanctioning characteristics of political finance systems. Though some contributions have analyzed and compared the institutional designs of these financing systems, limited literature has empirically examined infractions and sanctions of electoral laws, categorized as either a crime or a misdemeanor, by the candidates. Limited knowledge exists about the political and sociodemographic profile of candidates who commit such offenses or misdemeanors, a gap this study addresses by empirically analyzing electoral law infractions. Using the case of Chile and an unpublished database of infractions of 38,246 candidates in the local elections of 2008, 2012, and 2016, as well as the legislative elections of 2009, 2013, and 2017, we present four conclusions. First, only about one-fifth of candidates commit such infractions. Second, such infractions are more common during first-tier elections, especially in deputy and senatorial elections. Third, the candidates most likely to commit such infractions are independent candidates who compete in regions remote from large urban centers, especially in rural areas. Fourth, the rise in infractions is linked to a new law that more strictly regulates candidates’ campaign spending. The study enhances our understanding of the efficacy of political finance systems and the enforcement of electoral sanctions.

Portugal: Political Developments and Data in 2023

AbstractIn 2023, Portugal experienced the end of a political cycle of Socialist government rule that had started in 2014. Several scandals affected the executive throughout the year, including traffic of influence. There were also regional elections in Madeira on 24 September, which were won by the Social Democratic Party (Partido Social Democrata). At the end of the year, President Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa dismissed Prime Minister Antonio Costa. This still allowed the budget for 2024 to be passed in December, with the call for early legislative elections being postponed to the beginning of 2024.

Mexican State’s interpretation of indigenous self-determination in the age of democracy (1992-2022)

This article charts how Mexican authorities have interpreted and implemented indigenous peoples’ constitutional right to self-determination since it was first adopted in a 1992 constitutional reform. “Self determination” can mean many things, and the constitution gives stakeholders ample discretion to define and negotiate the content of this right. Most state legislatures initially passed “indigenous culture laws” starting in the late 1990s. The state of Oaxaca also amended its electoral procedure code to allow municipalities with a majority of indigenous residents to elect the members of their local governments through community assemblies (instead of the “political party system”). In the last five years, courts have further expanded electoral protections for indigenous communities by mandating that federal and state electoral Institutes implement quotas reserved for indigenous candidates in legislative elections. The application of indigenous self-determination has thus gone from being handled by state legislatures to being the province of federal electoral courts. The prevailing interpretation of self-determination has shifted from self-determination as self-government to it being understood as special legislative representation.

지역소멸의 위기에 따른 민주주의의 약화와 대응 방안

In today’s Korean society, the crisis of rapid decline in local population, coupled with a decreasing population, poses one of the biggest challenges in preparing for future generations. Moreover, the issue of rapid decline in local population may present a significant threat to democracy, a foundational principle of the Constitution, beyond just being a concern at the level of industrial or administrative policies for balanced regional development. This article points out that democracy is also weakening due to the crisis of rapid decline in local population, and proposes solutions in terms of the implementation of democracy, focusing on institutions such as elections, political parties, and direct democracy. Firstly, from the perspective of localities and regional populations, there are issues with the proportionality of electoral districts and regional representation. As an extreme imbalance in population between metropolitan and non-metropolitan areas forms, the citizens of the latter experience weakened representation in the election of their legislators, leading to the emergence of large electoral districts or the abnormal setting of a single district for areas lacking regional homogeneity or community cohesion. Under the current small constituency plurality system, maintaining strict population proportionality presents a difficult challenge to overcome. To harmonize the proportionality of electoral district populations with regional representation, considering a constitutional amendment to transform the unicameral legislature to a bicameral system where the upper house has regional representation, or adopting a regional proportional representation system for legislative elections, are potential institutional changes that should be explored. Secondly, recognizing regional political parties as a way to promote local democracy could help enhance local political autonomy. Current Party Law recognizes only national parties, and the Constitutional Court has upheld these provisions. However, the essential function of a party is to participate in the formation of political will of the people, which does not necessarily have to be nationwide. Recognizing regional parties could bolster local democracy and should be considered for enhancement. Thirdly, in response to regional issues more actively and flexibly, the diversification of local government structures should be actively recognized, and strengthening direct democracy measures is necessary to address issues in areas experiencing extreme population decline.

The Correlation of Social, Political, and Economic Capital: A Study of Incumbent’s Capital ‎Utilization in the 2024 Legislative Elections

The Correlation of Social, Political, and Economic Capital: A Study of Incumbent’s Capital ‎Utilization in the 2024 Legislative Elections

Strategi Kampanye Partai Amanat Nasional Pada Pemilu Legislatif 2024: Pendekatan Teori Marketing-Mix

This article examines to find out the successful campaign strategy of the National Mandate Party (Partai Amanat Nasional, PAN) in increasing its vote in the 2024 Legislative Election. Methodologically, this article uses qualitative method by applying case study approach. In data gathering, it employs library research by mining data from online news channels. In the data analysis, it utilizes the modern platform of NVivo 14 mainly word frequency query. To measure the campaign strategy of PAN, this article applies four indicators of marketing-mix theory: product, price, place, promotion (4P). The finding reveals that in terms of product, PAN promotes a platform of “helping people” with its past record as the reformist party and supported by the legislative candidates’ background of entrepreneurs and artists-celebrities. Regarding the price, the PAN’s campaign budget spent at least 223 billion IDR with its successful campaigns which conducted by each legislative candidate. PAN prefers to rely on the popularity of President of Joko Widodo and legislative candidates. In the context of place, the strategy of local network and canvassing are based on the creativity of each legislative candidates in attracting voters’ sympathy. The leader tour is conducted by visiting influential public figures. Concerning promotion, the campaign publication of PAN relies on printed mass media, television, and social media while event publication is carried out in various regions across the country. Among those four indicators, the price has the most significant impact which causes to the successful campaign of PAN in the 2024 Simultaneous Election.

National legislatures and corporate transparency

The purpose of this study is to posit and test whether the presence and structure of national legislatures can account for the varying degree of corporate transparency displayed by firms operating in emerging economies. We conducted tests using a sample of 226,088 firm-level observations spanning 67 countries over the period 1990–2014. Firms located in political regimes that lack national legislatures display a lower level of transparency than those in regimes with semi-competitive legislative elections, and these in turn display lower transparency than firms located in countries with competitive elections.

Social media and the rise of radical right populism in Portugal: the communicative strategies of André Ventura on X in the 2022 elections

In the context of media studies, the theme of populism in its relation to digital media has gained a great prominence in the last decade. The emergence of new populist political actors that use direct communication to appeal to the people without intermediaries, as well as the consolidation of digital social networks, involve interfaces between media and political processes that we intend to observe, having as object the scenario of the Portuguese Legislative Elections of 2022. Indeed, in this article we address how the populist communication of André Ventura, leader of the Portuguese radical right party, Chega, is constructed during the election campaign period. To analyze the discursive mechanisms of populism in the digital realm, we conducted a study of the corpus derived from André Ventura’s posts on the social media platform X, previously known as Twitter, during the month of January 2022, coinciding with the electoral campaign period. We sought to describe the discursive strategies present in the construction of the representation of “people”, considering the polarization “us versus them”, and examine the meanings of the world mobilized by populist communication in opposition to out-groups identified as “enemies” of the pure or authentic people. The results of our content analysis, focusing on the 143 tweets constituting Ventura’s narrative during the election period, indicate parallels with the discursive tactics of radical right populism. These include a narrative emphasizing conflict between “us and them,” a spotlight on the dysfunctions within the democratic system, the glorification of integrity in the face of political corruption, nativist discourse, and a prevailing tendency towards negative communication.

Affirmative Action for Women's Representation in Legislative Elections: Case Study of the 2024 General Election in Tarakan City

Affirmative Action for Women's Representation in Legislative Elections: Case Study of the 2024 General Election in Tarakan City

The Negative Impact of Social Media on Generation Z in Election Activities in 2024

Social media has become the main platform for Generation Z to obtain political information and participate in the political process. However, in this context, social media can also bring a number of negative impacts that can affect Generation Z's ability to make rational choices. This research investigates the negative impact of social media on Generation Z in the process of making rational choices in the 2024 general election with the aim of improving the quality of Generation Z's thinking and expanding their rationalisation in making choices and determining leaders who will be influential in the future. The method used in this research is a qualitative method with the nature of a normative juridical approach, which is carried out by examining library materials or secondary data. The results showed that the negative impact of the role of social media on Generation Z greatly influenced Generation Z's rational choice of Presidential and legislative elections in 2024. This is because Generation Z's quality of thinking is vulnerable to the negative impact of social media, making it difficult for Generation Z to make rational choices in elections. This finding has significant implications for the democratic process, given that Generation Z is an important future voter.

Federal Judges, States Legislators, and State Voting Rights Rollback

Abstract This article claims that recent Supreme Court decisions have allowed state lawmakers to suppress and skew but not subvert the vote. The Court relaxed federal oversight of state election administration in Shelby County v. Holder (2013), Abbott v. Perez (2018), and Brnovich v. Democratic National Committee (2021), and gerrymandering in Rucho v. Common Cause (2019), while prohibiting independent state legislative election regulation in Moore v. Harper (2023). These decisions guided state lawmakers toward vote suppression and skewing, and away from election subversion. Consequently, Republican state legislatures have passed state constitutional amendments and statutes limiting ballot access and reforming state redistricting practices. While some Democratic state legislatures have protected ballot access and independent redistricting, these recent Supreme Court decisions help Republicans win a disproportionate share of state legislative seats. National courts thus help preserve the national party coalition by opening subnational jurisdictions to party entrenchment.

The Grand Finale

Abstract: The 2019 televised debate between the leaders of the two main Portuguese parties for the general elections in Portugal drew approximately 2.7 million viewers. Debates constitute a centrepiece of campaigns, allowing candidates to showcase their proposals. The importance of debates in election campaigns reflects their possible influence in changing voters’ perspectives. As the standards for judging candidates increasingly rely on non-political characteristics such as personality traits, we examine the effects of debates on voters’ judgments of the warmth and competence of candidates and their voting intentions. We employed a within subject’s pretest/postest design to monitor participants before and after the debate between the leaders of the two main parties in Portugal, António Costa (Socialist Party, PS) and Rui Rio (Social-Democrat Party, PSD) for the Portuguese 2019 legislative elections. A comprehensive statistical pipeline was implemented to isolate the effects of the debate. Evidence suggesting that the debate influenced the perceived warmth and competence of both candidates was found. This study contributes to the literature on debates and supports the claim that they may shift voters’ perceptions and attitudes.

Patriotism and National Symbols in Russian and Ukrainian Elections

How do political parties leverage patriotic appeals in their online campaigning within the context of autocracies and hybrid regimes? This study delves into the digital campaign strategies deployed by political parties during the most recent legislative elections in Russia (2021) and Ukraine (2019). In light of the armed conflict between Russia-backed separatists and Ukrainian forces in the eastern area of Ukraine, war-related themes and patriotic rhetoric emerged as pivotal concerns for politicians in both countries. The “rally around the flag” phenomenon posits that, in times of crisis, citizens often experience an intensified sense of national identity and patriotic fervor. Consequently, references to patriotism and related topics may evoke positive responses and prove instrumental for politicians during elections, serving to engage, mobilize, and attract voters. Drawing on a manual content analysis of the underlying communication strategies, we assessed whether parties’ reference to patriotic gestures and symbols or their attention to related policy topics (defense, war and military conflicts, and foreign policy and international relations) yielded an increased level of user engagement. Our findings reveal that references to patriotic symbols engendered increased user engagement within the Russian context, albeit without significantly affecting the engagement of Ukrainian voters. The latter tended to exhibit greater engagement with posts addressing defense and foreign policy matters though. Interestingly, Russian parties conspicuously avoided war-related topics, while Ukrainian voters displayed a propensity to penalize such content by generating fewer reactions to it.

The Hegemony of Capitalism in the 2024 Indonesia General Election

This article explains how the operation of hegemonic power of capitalism works in the 2024 election in Indonesia, both in the presidential and legislative elections. The hegemonic power refers to the third-dimensional power introduced by Lukes, namely power in the ideological realm. This article argues that capitalism hegemony “grasps” all dominant narratives that emerged during the 2024 elections, both from election participants and civil societies. By using the concept of ideological cynicism introduced by Žižek, this article explains that capitalism in the ideological realm can be so effective because it appears not as an ideology, but as a kind of truth believed by everyone.

Structural adjustment, economic performance, and electoral volatility in presidential elections in Latin America

AbstractDrawing upon the Latin American Presidential and Legislative Elections database and our own original data set, we assess the effects of structural adjustment and other economic factors on presidential electoral volatility in 24 Latin American countries in 1982–2016. The results of our study indicate that both structural adjustment and inflation have a positive association with Type B presidential electoral volatility (the volatility generated from changes in the vote shares of established parties). Economic growth appears to have only a weak negative association with overall presidential electoral volatility. Type A presidential electoral volatility (the volatility associated with the rise of new parties) is mostly determined by demographic factors and the electoral system for the presidency. As with legislative volatility in Latin America, Africa, and postcommunist Europe, explaining stable party presidential volatility appears more challenging than explaining party replacement presidential volatility. Overall, several of the findings about legislative volatility are echoed in this study, but presidential electoral volatility is notably higher than legislative volatility in Latin America.

Chilean-Style Populism: Carlos Ibáñez's Electoral Support Base

Abstract Based on his record as president, Carlos Ibáñez is usually considered a populist caudillo in Chilean historiography. However, there are few studies of whether his electoral base permits this classification or of the type of populism he represented. In his four presidential bids between 1927 and 1952, Ibáñez ran with the support of both left- and right-wing parties. Using municipal-level data, we assess his electoral support in the 1942 and 1952 presidential campaigns and support for Ibañista parties in the 1953 legislative elections. In 1942, Ibáñez's electoral base was similar to that of right-wing candidates while, in 1952, his support increased in areas where the Left was historically strong. While he received consistent support in agricultural areas, it fluctuated in mining and industrial areas.

Constitutional and legal responsibility of subjects of the election process: general principles

The scientific article examines and analyzes the general principles of the constitutional and legal responsibility of the subjects of the election process. It has been established that legal responsibility in constitutional law means social and public legal responsibility for violation of the current constitutional legislation of Ukraine. This responsibility can be both direct, the types and extent of which are established by the constitutional legislation of Ukraine (constitutional-legal responsibility), and indirect, the types and extent of which are determined by other branches of Ukrainian law. It was determined that the normative basis of constitutional and legal responsibility is the establishment of actual illegal actions in constitutional and legislative acts that cause constitutional and legal responsibility. The actual basis for the emergence of constitutional-legal responsibility is a constitutional offense committed by the subject of constitutional-legal relations. The procedural basis for the emergence of constitutional liability is a decision made by the relevant body (official) regarding a constitutional offense. It is emphasized that the constitutional and legal responsibility of the subjects of the election process ensures the correct course of elections and compliance with democratic principles, and also guarantees that the elections are held openly, honestly and taking into account the rights and interests of all citizens. Its legislative regulation and optimal practical application is critical for ensuring democracy, legitimacy and stability of government, as it includes compliance with constitutional norms, protection of voters’ rights, ensuring the honesty and transparency of the electoral process and protection of the constitutional order in the country. In summary, when analyzing the essence of the constitutional and legal responsibility of the subjects of the election process, it should be taken into account that the basis for this responsibility is their constitutional and legal nature and status. Constitutional and legal responsibility for violation of election legislation has a significant political color, as it is determined by the subject’s participation in election processes that relate to the organization of elections and their conduct; determination of who should exercise state power; covers the interaction between the state and citizens and reflects the desire of subjects to achieve power and influence on the formation of general decisions of the state, including their leading role in this process.

Fenomena Politk Uang Dalam Pemilihan Umum Legistlatif

Elections are a democratic process used to elect government leaders and represent the community in government institutions. Money politics is a phenomenon that often occurs in general elections. Money political campaigns are carried out by individuals or groups who use money to influence people's behavior in elections. The aim of this article focuses on the phenomenon of money politics that occurs in society during the campaign period for legislative candidates in the 2024 elections at the neighborhood level and to find out the factors that cause money politics to occur. The form of money politics carried out includes providing basic necessities, money and health services to voters to win votes in legislative elections. This research was conducted using a qualitative research approach, collecting data through interviews and literature reviews. The results of this research show that not all people are influenced by political choices through money politics.

The Effects of Electoral Violence on Women’s Legislative Representation

Despite the global expansion in women’s access to political leadership in recent decades, female parliamentarians remain a distinct minority in most national legislatures. Previous studies have linked variations in women’s descriptive representation to international and domestic security threats, such as interstate war and transnational terrorist campaigns. However, existing research has thus far overlooked how the turbulence, unrest, and violence often associated with the election process itself may produce gendered electoral outcomes. I argue that violent contention in the period immediately preceding elections introduces gendered distortions to the political recruitment process that determines the gender composition of legislatures. The cumulative effect of these distortions is a reduction in the proportion of legislative seats subsequently held by women. To evaluate my hypothesis, I analyze data from 620 nominally competitive legislative elections in 128 countries between 1990 and 2012. Consistent with expectations, the results suggest that higher levels of election-related violence are associated with lower rates of women's descriptive representation.

Provincial parties in the 2023 legislative elections in Ecuador

Provincial parties in the 2023 legislative elections in Ecuador