Num(eral) P Num(eral) constructions in Indo-European languages have attracted much attention in the generative literature: they are argued to semantically function as a distributive phrase that targets plural participants and syntactically involve a reduplicative head Q bearing a quantity feature. This paper examines their understudied Mandarin counterpart, the adverbial Num-Cl P Num-Cl structure. Having discovered a fine-grained four-way ambiguity of this Mandarin construction, I argue that it is base-generated in the V-complement position, where de behaves like a functional head (“concordializer”) and forces it to move to its surface pre-VP position to receive Case through Agreement (cf. Larson 2018).