Joseon Research Articles

『조선왕조실록』에 나타난 ‘백정(白丁)’

Before the start of the Joseon Dynasty, nomads from various ethnicities entered the Korean Peninsula from the north. In the early Joseon Dynasty, the scattered inhabitants in the country, who were either the northern nomads or their descendants, began to be called Baekjeong. During the Joseon Dynasty, Baekjeong were primarily engaged in animal slaughter, leather manufacturing, crafting daily necessities from willow trees, and traveling to different villages to provide entertainment. To facilitate the integration of the Baekjeong with the natives, officials of the early Joseon Dynasty implemented several civilization policies, including allocating land for farming, registering them in the family register to encourage settlement, etc. Despite these efforts, Baekjeong were originally commoners but faced discrimination due to their status as outsiders in the early Joseon Dynasty, as they could not easily abandon their nomadic lifestyle. However, following the Imjinwaeran and the Byeongjahoran, the term Baekjeong underwent a change in meaning, evolving into a discriminatory label for individuals who no longer belonged to nomadic descent, but only worked in menial occupations such as slaughter and organic manufacturing, in a situation where they were completely assimilated with the native population. Baekjeong had the identity of northern nomads in the early Joseon Dynasty, but they played a significant role in shaping present-day Korean people through their assimilation with the native inhabitants of the Korean Peninsula.

Pyeongsaeng-do, Paintings of an Ideal Life by Chae Yong-sin - Self-fashioning by display of selected memories

<i>Pyeongsaeng-do, Paintings of an Ideal Life</i> by Chae Yong-sin, a part of the Lee Kun-hee Bequest now stored at the National Museum of Korea, is a ten-panel folding screen that depicts scenes from the painter’s life: at eight years old, he learns to read from his father; at thirty-one, he marries his wife; at thirty-seven, he passes Kwagŏ, the civil service examination and takes up a government position; at fifty-one, he paints a posthumous portrait of King Taejo; he serves as governor to Ch’ilgok-gun and Chŏngsan-gun; and celebrates his 60th birthday in 1910.</br>On the ten panels, Chae Yong-sin depicted important events of his life such as his successful career and participation in the production of King Taejo’s portrait, to present to and commemorate with his progeny his moments of glory. Important events were carefully chosen, edited, and drawn on each screen. The correspondence of represented events with the record of Chae’s life made by Kwŏn Ch’ŏlsu in 1924, the similarity in style of the people, buildings and other motifs to his other paintings, and the fact that he referred to himself as “an old man of eighty years” since he was seventy years old, all suggest that Chae actively participated in the making of this ten-panel painting around 1920. In addition, the painting faithfully reflects contemporary culture—the white patterns for pŏsŏn, changsŭng that acted as a signpost—, serving as an important visual document to how people lived in early modern Korea.

論朝鮮詩人金麟厚漢詩中陶淵明意象

If you look at the writings of writers of the Goryeo Dynasty and Joseon Dynasty, you can easily find a cool Hwadoshi in the poem of Do Yeon-myeong. Kim In-hoo, a 16th-century Joseon writer, did not create such a Hwadoshi, but read Doyeon Myung's poems and assimilated them to create poems by borrowing poetry or images from Doyeon Myung's literary works. First, Kim In-hoo expressed his desire to gain freedom and satisfaction while living a life united with nature using the image of “Gwitaek” among Do Yeon-myeong's literary works in poetry. Next, Kim In-hoo cited the image of the “historical biography” of Doyeon Myung literature in the poem to express an accurate opinion on historical events or characters, and expressed his deep feelings accordingly, sometimes expressing anger. Finally, Kim In-hoo also created a poem using the image of “Ju” among the literary works of Doyeon Myung to soothe frustration and anger felt in reality by drinking alcohol. In this way, Nujeongsi, written by Kim In-hoo, can be seen as expanding its category by citing Do Yeon-myeong's poetic image and poetry, and it is considered that Kim In-hoo's unique aesthetic atmosphere and his own unique experience of life are added to it. It is similar to Do Yeon-myeong's work in that he expresses his perspective and enlightenment in a plain tone, but there is a difference in that his attitude toward life and his view of alcohol have reached a deep level of thought unlike Do Yeon-myeong.

조선시대 한반도 북부 지역의 越境地 분포와 그 역사적 성격

조선시대 한반도 북부 지역의 越境地 분포와 그 역사적 성격

근현대 경남 지역 서원의 건립 현황과 추이

In the late Joseon Dynasty, Heungseon Daewongun abolished the seowon in 1868 due to the excessive construction of clan seowons and various problems of the seowons as the base of the Bungdang. Later, as Heungseon Daewongun stepped down in 1873, Confucian scholars actively engaged in the movement to restore seowon. In the Gyeongnam area, there were about 298 seowon and sau during the Joseon Dynasty. After the demolition, there were 31 new and restored places from 1868 to 1910, 38 Japanese colonial eras, and 78 places from liberation to the present, respectively. The first time was when Gojong, like Heungseon Daewongun, maintained a strong policy that it was impossible to restore seowon. For this reason, most Confucian scholars built an altar(壇) on behalf of Seowon and continued the ritual for ancient sages(先賢). If the conditions for setting up an altar were not possible, a school or shrine was established at the site of the seowon, and a yeongdang was established if there was a portrait. In Gyeongnam, 31 seowon were restored in various forms such as Jaesil, Gangdang, Jeongsa, Sau, and Jeongja. By region, there are 7 Sancheong, 4 in Changwon, Miryang, and Ulsan, 3 in Uiryeong, and 2 in Gimhae and Changnyeong, respectively.
 Restoration and establishment of Japanese colonial era showed a slight increase from the previous period. This is because the effect of the abolition of seowon disappeared during the period, and the importance of traditional education was increasing as part of rescue activities through education. By region, there are 7 in Sancheong, 6 in Haman, 5 in Hapcheon, 3 in Geochang, Jinju, and Hamyang, and 2 in Uiryeong and Changnyeong regions, respectively.
 After liberation, the growth rate increased from the 1970s, starting with four cases in the 1940s, and reached its peak in the 1980s, and has been rapidly decreasing since then. The increase since the 1970s seems to have occurred as a result of economic development that led to the honor of the family's famous ancestors. However, Doyang Seowon(道陽書院) in Sancheong established after 1978, Wolbong Seowon(月峰書院) in Gimhaein 1984, and Taedong Seowon (泰東書院) in Hapcheon in 2012, are characterized by celebrating Confucian scholars during the modern era. Seowon restored to commemorate the modern and contemporary Confucian scholars should be viewed from the perspective of establishing and reconstructing the academic transmission space of those who were the last heirs of traditional Confucianism, rather than simply seeing it as an outdated product.

고상안의 이순신 인물품평에 관한 고증연구

Yi Sun-sin is a national hero who defeated Japanese invasions (Imjin War) and a globally renowned great commander. Recently, there have been various issues raised in our society regarding the standard portrait of Yi Sun-sin. In our academic community, the issue of Yi Sun-sin's appearance has been discussed in connection with the portrait of Admiral Yi Sun-sin. However, there are records from the Joseon Dynasty that describe the appearance of Admiral Yi Sun-sin, but they contain conflicting information. Therefore, the question of how to represent the appearance of Admiral Yi Sun-sin in the future is a significant challenge. In this study, in this very context, we have compiled and compared records that mention Admiral Yi Sun-sin's appearance and have examined them in comparison with existing portraits, attempting to estimate Admiral Yi Sun-sin's appearance. Including Ryu Seong-ryong (柳成龍), figures like Kim Eung-nam, Yun Hyu, Hong Woo-won, Choi Yoo-hae, Kwak Yeol, and others recorded Admiral Yi Sun-sin as a courageous commander who possessed both literary and martial virtues. In contrast, Go Sang-an pointed out that Admiral Yi Sun-sin had shrunken lips and an appearance lacking plumpness, giving an unfortunate impression. Unlike other records, Go Sang-an specifically pointed out the shortcomings in Admiral Yi Sun-sin's lips and appearance, which also led some to consider it as a possible representation of Admiral Yi Sun-sin's actual appearance. In this context, this study focused on Go Sang-an's records regarding Admiral Yi Sun-sin's appearance and compared them with other records, analyzing the physiognomic significance contained in his mentions. To do so, a comparison was made with current portraits of Admiral Yi Sun-sin and his descendants. As a result, it became evident that the mention of Go Sang-an did not reveal the actual appearance of Admiral Yi Sun-sin but rather connected it to the sudden death of Admiral Yi Sun-sin in later years, expressing it through physiognomy. Furthermore, based on records regarding Admiral Yi Sun-sin's health status at that time, it was confirmed that the meaning behind Go Sang-an's character evaluation was not about flaws in Admiral Yi Sun-sin's appearance but rather that Go Sang-an made his observations and recordings during a period when Admiral Yi Sun-sin was extremely exhausted from warfare and suffered from typhoid fever, indicating very poor health. Therefore, Go Sang-an's mention should be correctly understood as an assessment made after observing Admiral Yi Sun-sin in a unique state of severe illness, later using physiognomy to describe his shrunken lips, emaciated appearance, and assessed him as having a short life and unfortunate appearance. In conclusion, the author believes that the mentions of Go Sang-an should be seen as providing evidence of Admiral Yi Sun-sin's dedication to defending the country and his deep concerns and anxiety, even as he neglected his health, and considers this interpretation to be valid.

경기·강원지역 서원·사우의 현황과 특징

The purpose of this study is to understand the regional characteristics of the current status of seowon (included in shrine) that existed in Gyeonggi-do and Gangwon-do after the nationwide seowon demoliton by the king in 1871.
 Throughout the Joseon Dynasty, 69 seowon were built in Gyeonggi-do and 39 in Gangwon-do. All but 15 seowon were abolished in 1871. The 15 original seowon continued to exist during the Japanese colonial period and various activities, including ritual rites, can be confirmed. However, they were mostly destroy ed during the Korean War in 1950, and only some of them were restored.
 Among the abolished seowon, 18 were restored. Continuous restoration took place from the 20th to the 21st century. Looking at the overall trend, restoration began in earnest after 1945, and restoration was promoted centered on the descendants of the deceased and the local government where the seowon was located. The main purpose of Seowon's restoration is regular ritual rites in spring and fall.
 Some seowon were newly established, or those that existed in other regions were rebuilt in Gyeonggi-do and Gangwon-do. Among these, Nokdong-Seowon (⿅洞書院) was built for educational purposes in the process of Confucianism transforming into a modern religion. Yonggang- seowon (⿓江書院) and Moonhun-seowon (文憲書院) originally existed in North Korea, but was restored in Gyeonggi-do by the descendants of the deceased due to difficulties in access due to division of the country.
 Currently, seowon in the Gyeonggi and Gangwon regions are continuing their activities centered on ritual rites. In addition, seowon members are conducting publishing activities related to the seowon and promotion programs operated based on the Cultural Heritage Administration and government resources. In particular, in the case of promotion programs, attention needs to be paid to the fact that they inherit the tradition of seowon and spread it among the general public.

조선 효종대 한나라 군주에 대한 인식 전환과 의미

This study explores how the perception of Emperor Han Wendi and Emperor Han Wudi in Joseon changed after the ascension of King Hyojong in the 17th century, with historical contexts. The Joseon Dynasty was pursuing the Rule of Right based on Neo-Confucianism as an ideological foundation, and the universal evaluation of Han Dynasty affairs and the emperor was based on this ideal. In Confucian elites Commentary on History, Han Wendi was a symbol of a moral monarch of virtue and benevolence. Wudi, on the other hand, was seen as a despotic monarch who, in contrast to Wendi, sought to achieve ‘Rich Nation, Strong Army’. Joseon elites also agreed with these characterizations and used them appropriately in real-world politics. This can be seen in the case of the late Goryeo Yi Gok, as well as in the cases of Yi I, Yun Seon-Do, and others. In the 17th century, Joseon was in a period of reformation, when various theories of state management emerged to rebuild the country's infrastructure after the two great wars. king Hyojong judged Wudi as superior to Wendi due to his subjugation of Xiongnu. Sanrim such as Song Si-yeol and Yi Yu-tae accepted and affirmed the king's remarks as the king's vengeance against the Qing Dynasty. The emergence of recognition of Han Wudi’s work symbolizes the conflict between the ideals of the Rule of Right and the reality of having to implement statistic policies. Through this, we can see how the different values of ‘the Rule of Right’ and ‘the Rule of Might’, ‘Rich Nation, Strong Army’ and ‘Proper Governance’ were accepted in reality.

조선-대한제국기 정표제도의 변화와 소멸

This study examines the process of change and extinction of The Jeongpyo(旌表) system through laws from the Joseon Dynasty to the Korean Empire. After the establishment of Joseon, the Jeongpyo system is a reward system given to loyalist, devoted son, and virtuous women for the stability and social edification of the country according to the Confucian governance ideology. TThis system was legislated in The law of Gyeongguk Daejeon(經國大典), the first law code of Joseon, and since then, various laws, including the statute book, the Supreme Code, and the ordinance book, have included matters related to the formal system.
 The legal changes in the Joseon Dynasty's The Jeongpyo system are largely divided into rewards and procedures. First, there was a change in The Bok-ho(復戶) in relation to the reward. The Bok-ho(復戶) is a reward given to on the recipients of the Charity Monument(旌表者) since the time of King Taejo, and it was an exemption from forced labor. And it was a principle that it was limited to the parties and not inherited to the descendants.
 However, after the death of the recipients of the Charity Monument, The Bok-ho(復戶) was not recovered, and labor was insufficient due to the abuse of the The Bok-ho(復戶) system and the implementation of the Daedongbeop(大同法) in the 17th century. In the end, it was revised to properly mix restrictions and allowances for The Bok-ho(復戶) system given to the recipients of the Charity Monument(旌表者), so that those with or without a son would be decoded only for their wife or pride, and those without descendants would be decoded only for three years.
 Second, there was a change in the timing of the first notice to the king by Yejo(禮曹), the official in charge. The law of Gyeongguk Daejeon(大典通編) requires it to be implemented at the end of each year by law, was revised to the beginning of each year at King Yeongjo's tenure dae. Then, it was changed to three years at King Jeongjo's tenure and was legislated in the newly revised Daejeon Tongpyeon.
 Then, it was changed to the beginning of every year again for fear of delaying the selection of the recipients of the Charity Monument. But since then, it has changed to the beginning of three years as the number of pre-the recipients of the Charity Monumen has increased.
 During the Sedo politics of the 19th century, the Jeongpyo(旌表) system was abused. Therefore, King Gojong purified the Jeongpyo system from the beginning of his enthronement. King Gojong ruled it as a sentence to petition for Jeongpyo by recklessly commenting or arguing without following regular procedures. In addition, these matters were legislated in the revised the law of Daejeon Hoetong(大典會通). In addition, the same matter was announced by law so that the Charity Monument(旌閭) and the act of raising a government post after death(贈職) could not be petitioned together. In particular, people were extremely limited from the act of pleading on banging a gong or drum(擊錚) for the purpose of petitioning for political votes in areas other than designated places where were possible.
 However, since the Gabo Reform at the end of the 19th century, the government office in charge of The Jeongpyo system was transferred to the palace in charge of royal affairs, and the tradition of deliberating and Selection of the Charity Monument’ recipients under the Uijeongbu government disappeared. Moreover, after the declaration of the Korean Empire, the emperor's authority was strengthened and the authority within the palace increased, and the corruption phenomenon of the officials in charge became serious and faced a crisis. Meanwhile, in order to weaken the imperial power of the Korean Empire due to the anti-colonialization of Japanese imperialism, The Jeongpyo system was officially extinguished on March 9, 1910.

갑오개혁~대한제국기 감옥서(監獄署) 도입과 운영

This study aims to how the Gamokseo(監獄署), which was established after the Gapo Reform(甲午改革), operated through the Korean Empire to see how the Gamokseo of this period, while aiming for modernity, showed its limitations. The New Gamokseo was limited by space and faced budgetary problems in its operations. This problem was solved by artificially maintaining the number of prisoners through amnesty(赦免) or by expanding the bail(贖錢) of prisoners. This was no different from the Joseon Dynasty’s Jeonokseo(典獄署). These problems were one of the reasons behind the opening of Gyeongseong Prison(京城監獄).

팔오헌 김성구의 제주 경험에 대한 문학 창작과 그 의미

This study aims to examine how Kim Seong-gu (1641-1707) experienced while living in Jeju led to the creation of literary works. Currently, Jeju Island is in the spotlight as a tourist and resort, but it had a completely different image during the Joseon Dynasty. It had a negative image due to its geographical isolation surrounded by the sea on all sides.
 Most of the current Chinese poetry works in Kim Seong-gu's anthology were built when he served as Jeongui-hyeon governor(旌義縣監). In addition, he left not only poetry works, but also a prose work called ｢Namcheonrok(南槎錄)｣ which records the experiences of this period in the form of a diary. ｢Namcheonrok(南槎錄)｣ is a record from March 12, 1679, to January 16, 1682, recording the process of being demoted to Jeongui-hyeon, the schedule after his appointment, and the process of returning to Bonghwa. As such, from the quantitative aspect of the work, it can be seen that the works of this period occupied the majority. From this, it can be seen that for Kim Seong-gu, the Jeju experience had a profound influence on his life and the creation of literary works.
 As a result of examining through specific works, Kim Seong-gu constantly revealed his frustration with his situation of living in Jeju, while dreaming about impossible situations in reality and recording them in detail. He also expressed interest in Jeju's heterogeneous natural environment and culture, which are different from land.
 As such, Kim Seong-gu's creation of his Jeju experience as a literary work can be seen as an expression of his creation and record spirit, as well as an attempt to fully examine his own experience and time.

조선·근대시기 연하장의 종류와 설날 인사 풍속연구

This paper studied the New Year's card(年賀狀, Yeonhajang), one of the representative customs of Lunar New Year. The New Year's card is a writing expression of New Year's blessings in accordance with a certain style, and it is a culture that contains the linguistic thinking of Koreans who consider the language itself to have divine power. The hajeon(賀箋) presented to the king from Jeongjo Harye(正朝賀禮) during the Joseon Dynasty can also be said to be a New Year's card of this era. First, how to write a hajeon is written in the order of (1)a story about nature and the season, (2)a content that praises the king, and (3)a concluding word that celebrates the new year. Documents posted by officials or low-ranking people to their superiors show a similar structure. In addition, sending a New Year's card appears to be a major annual event in the execution of public affairs. Next, the document life style and Lunar New Year holiday customs, which became common in the late Joseon Dynasty, were also dealt with lightly. In addition, the relatively common New Year's greeting customs, Seham(歲銜)and Munanbi (問安婢) were reviewed.
 The documents containing New Year's greetings in the next modern period focused on a collection of letters and practical book. In these popular books, it was confirmed that the pre-modern method continued to affect moderntimes. However, through the scope of sending and receiving letters, the expanded social network could be identified, and there were parts that could capture fragmentary but new changes in the times. The Lunar New Year custom that attracts attention in the modern period is the appearance of “Yeonhajang”. With the introduction of the postal system, the custom of sending greeting cards begins to revitalize. In addition, the New Year's greeting “謹賀新年(Happy New Year)” is also a new term that emerges in modern times. 謹賀新年 a short phrase used in Japanese 年賀狀, later flowed into Joseon and began to become popular as a phrase representing New Year's celebrations.

서원훼철령 이후 경북지역 서원의 현황

Gyeongsangbuk-do was the first area where Joseon's Seowon Confucian Academy was built in the 16th century. Seowon, which was established around Gyeongsangbuk-do, soon spread throughout Joseon. During the Joseon Dynasty, the largest number of seowon were operated in Gyeongsangbuk-do as intellectuals ran seowon. However, Heungseon Daewongun(興宣大院君), concerned about the abolition of the seowon, removed all of the seowon across the country, leaving only 47 seowon. Since then, only 9 seowon in Gyeongsangbuk-do remain. In addition, the intellectuals of Gyeongsangbuk-do protested with a common voice to prevent this, and later tried to rebuild the seowon.
 Curren tly, there are a total of 280 seowon in Gyeon gsan gbuk-do. Amon g them, there were nine unbroken seowon, all of which were recognized by the state. In the first period (1868-1910), there were 27 re-constructed seowon and 1 newly constructed seowon. In the second period (Japanese colonial era), there were 33 newly constructed seowon and 5 newly constructed seowon. In the third period (1945-present), there were 80 re-constructed seowon and 15 newly constructed seowon. It seems that there are 110 seowon that have not been rebuilt after disappearance. Looking at each period, it can be seen that more seowon were rebuilt or n ewly con structed as it comes forward. Con vertin g this to about 10% in the first period, about 13.5% in the second period, and about 34.4% in the third period. In addition, about 39% of the total seowon seems to have not been rebuilt until now. In addition, there were many cases where memorials and memorials were built and cases where seodang or lecture centers were operated.

Ideal and Reality of Gisaeng Chastity in the Joseon Dynasty

Ideal and Reality of Gisaeng Chastity in the Joseon Dynasty

조선시대 출토직물에 나타난 구름무늬의 조형성과 활용현황에 대한 연구-석주선기념박물관 유물을 중심으로-

As interest in Korean culture increases overseas, various attempts at traditional cultural content and ways to utilize them are required. Currently, there are many cases of utilizing the representative artifacts of each museum and incorporating them into modern design, and through this, the use of the museum shop, which is called a second exhibition room, is increasing, not only because of the museum’s interest. As such, it is time for various ways to come up with ways to enhance creative and promotional effects while preserving the identity and identity of each museum. In particular, traditional patterns that can represent Korea’ s identity, history and culture are the most effective elements for design utilization and serve as basic data for the modernization process. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to select cloud patterns among the excavated fabrics housed in the Seok Juseon Memorial Museum, introduce patterns with various expressions, and suggest data that can be modernized based on these materials and methods to increase their usability. As a research method, the symbolism and literature of cloud patterns are theoretically considered, and the cloud patterns expressed in the fabrics excavated in the Joseon Dynasty are classified into nine styles according to the expression method and arrangement composition, and the formative characteristics are examined. In addition, I would like to introduce the basic materials such as museum cultural products and textile design by providing various traditional patterns possessed by the Seok Juseon Memorial Museum along with the cases of utilization of the textile patterns of the museum that are currently being applied, and suggest the development plan and possibility to increase the utilization.

조선시대 야담에 등장하는 스님들의 교육 방법

This research adopts the perspective that Buddhist counseling, similar to utilizing literary works in literary therapy, can employ literature as a medium to facilitate human transformation. Given Buddhism's inherently narrative-friendly tradition of disseminating teachings through stories, there is a strong connection between literary therapy and Buddhism. The study is conducted with the anticipation that the relationship between Buddhist counseling and literary therapy will become more closely intertwined in the future. This research introduces literary narratives from Joseon Dynasty compilations, specifically Yadam, depicting Buddhist monks educating laypeople. The analysis focuses on how monks diagnose the subjects, design and implement educational strategies, and evaluate the outcomes in order to educate laypeople. Among these narratives, some depict monks diagnosing individuals' qualities and promptly offering assistance, while others portray monks abandoning education based on diagnostic results. Additionally, certain narratives showcase monks devising and executing tailored educational methods. The results indicate that monks in the Joseon Dynasty, as depicted in Yadam, evaluate the earnest pursuit of wisdom, direction, qualities, and a resilient spirit over outward appearances and reputations when selectively diagnosing educational targets. Furthermore, during the actual educational process, monks intricately employ well-crafted expedient means based on the level and characteristics of the educational target. This demonstrates the implementation of customized education, applying diverse means flexibly according to the individual's level and characteristics.

한국 고전 서사문학에 나타난 책방형(冊房型) 인물의 존재 양상과 특징

The 'Magistrate's Private Secretary(冊房)' is a position that does not fall under the official control (官制), and is privately filled by a village official. There are also documents recorded under the names of Chaekgaek(冊客) and Chaeksil(冊室). During the Joseon Dynasty, Ajeon was divided into “Kyung-ahjeon,”a lower-level official of the central government office, and “Oe-aJeon,”a lower-level official of the local government office, with Oe-ahjeon further divided into 'Hyangri (鄕吏)' and 'Gari (假吏). He was asked to cover for those who had served as former positions for generations for the province, and those who came from other provinces temporarily held former positions. However, Gari, who came in as a local officer and served as a kind of secretary while working on documents and accounting, was the magistrate's private secretary.
 A character reaches its epitome in the social relationship of a specific era. The special social relationship that the magistrate's private secretary was "a being in a subtle position as a private staff of the leader without having a government organizational position in the public space of Dongheon" is the background for discussing the model of a "Magistrate's Private Secretary," which encompasses Moknangcheong, Cho Nangcheong, and Lee Nangcheong. Since the character of a magistrate's private secretary is inextricably related to the leader, the shape in classical narrative literature also varies as per the structure of the relationship with the leader. Accordingly, it can be classified into various types, which are as follows. First, he is the "Magistrate's Private Secretary" character who is completely subordinated to the leader in adherence to a thorough hierarchical relationship, and his actions and actions arising from his subordination become the subject of ridicule and satire in the work. Second, although in a top-down relationship, he is the "Magistrate's Private Secretary," who forms a public relationship in relation to bribery, and he is the subject of criticism in the work, with the leader painted as a corrupt official. Third, although he is basically in a top-down relationship, it is the "Magistrate's Private Secretary" character that is less subordinate than the first type, and also contributes to making the leader an object of caricature or criticism in the work. Fourth, he, as the "Magistrate's Private Secretary," is embodying his own personality, regardless of the leader’s existence.

임진왜란 참전 명 장수 기념비 건립의 지역적 의미 고찰

This thesis focuses on the Gongju Myeongguk Sam three memorial stones, which was built to commemorate the general of the Ming Dynasty, which came as a volunteer during the general Invasion of Korea in 1592, from a regional ersective. A monument honoring a great general who participated in the Imjin War was built nationwide from 1597 to 1600. This period coincides with the time when the Japanese troops began to invade due to the general and the Ming troops withdrew. Mangilsaeunbi Monument, Wigwanimjebi Monument, and guerrilla leader Namgong Jongdeokbi Monument, built in Gongju, are one of the monuments to general in the Ming Dynasty built during this period. The three memorial stones are collectively called 'Princess Myeongguk Samgujang'. It was built in March and April of 1599 (the 30th year of King Seonjo's reign) along the Geumgang River in Gongju, and is now relocated to Gongsanseong Fortress. The reason why Gongju Myeongguk Three Equipment is drawing attention is because of the construction subject. Nearly 20 people from the Gongju area at the time were named on the monument, leaving their presence as they participated in the construction of the monument. There is a clear difference from other local cases in which only the names of one or two inscription writers are engraved. Nevertheless, until now, Myeongguk Samgujang has only been viewed from the perspective of Jaejo-eun's idea related to the Imjin War and a symbolic monument commemorating historical events, but there has been no advanced research on the subject of the monument's construction.
 During the Joseon Dynasty, Gongju was an administrative and military stronghold in Chungcheong-do and a geographical location, and is also deeply related to the Imjin War. Based on his experience as an admiral in Gongju, 1,600 people gathered when he recruited volunteers from Goma Naru, Gongju. Gwanghaegun led the group and stayed for about eight months, and Ming troops were stationed several times during the war due to the smooth advantage of supplying military supplies. I think it is possible to reveal the specificity of the regional aspect by tracking the process of the monument being built under the leadership of Gongju people with such a special environment and experience and looking at the faces and networks of the participants.
 The names of the characters classified by the names of the groups called Jinsa, Hyanggwan, and Win-Win are engraved on the Myeongguk Samgujang. As a result of examining their faces, it was found that they were the students of Hyanggwan, Jinsa, and Hyanggyo, which were registered in Gongju Hyangan. In addition, the construction of a monument was promoted under the leadership of Hyanggwan, a leading local clan, and it is understood that win-win and Shinshi, who led the gathering and coalition of local public opinion, participated in this. In addition, most of the characters were identified as the Imjin War and direct and indirect activities. Hyanggwan did not spare economic support, such as providing food for not only Ming troops stationed in Gongju, but also government troops, and he also participated in the righteous army himself. In the case of win-win, not all participants' records were identified due to the limitations of the data, but some figures were identified as having worked in the righteous army in the early days of the Imjin War or participated in the battle with Jungbong Joheon, and a series of activities related to Joheon.

The Prevalence of and Responses to Infectious Diseases in No Sangchu Ilgi.

This paper examines the patterns of infectious diseases during the Joseon dynasty in the 18th and 19th centuries, as described in No Sangchu Ilgi (the diaries of No Sangchu) and the responses of No Sangchu and his family. During this period, infectious diseases such as smallpox and measles were prevalent. No Sangchu's diaries detailed accounts related to his family and hometown. For example, the diaries show that the infection rate was high among young children, such as No's younger siblings and nephews. The process of nursing them is meticulously documented. To address infectious diseases, No sought medical assistance by meeting with doctors or visiting pharmacies for prescribed remedies. Additionally, he and his family would relocate to temples or relatives' homes to avoid areas with severe outbreaks. When engaged in official duties, updates about his family and hometown were received through letters, and the diary primarily focused on the circumstances at his workplace. In 1799, while working in the central government, No encountered a large-scale outbreak of infectious diseases. He extensively documented the resulting damage, including the loss of his own family members. An examination of his diaries not only reveals No Sangchu's individual responses but also sheds light on the state's efforts to maintain a relief system. In summary, No Sangchu Ilgi provides detailed records of infectious diseases directly related to household well-being and the state's to infectious diseases, making it a valuable source for understanding the experience of infectious diseases in the late Joseon period.

孟子 四民觀 考察

In the history of the world and the history of East Asia, there is a big difference in categorizing people. In the history of the world, for example, people are classified into ‘king-priest-commoner-slave’ or ‘king-commoner-labor’. In the history of East Asia, on the contrary, people are divided into four categories: scholar, farmer, artisan and merchant. This kind of classification started a very long time ago, and it is even stated in Shujing (Classic of Documents) and Guanzi (Book of Master Guan). In other words, such categorization at least existed even before the Zhou Dynasty. It lasted until the Qing Dynasty in China and until the Joseon Dynasty in Korea.
 In terms of Mencius’ view of these four occupations, they were explained with tonggongyishi (exchange of efforts and goods (fruit of efforts)). According to his analysis, all occupations have surplus and deficiency, and people have very diverse needs and desires. Therefore, it is needed to make up for such deficiencies by exchanging surpluses. In other words, division of labor and trade were understood as a basic principle of human life. There also was a policy to support those who may not be able to generate a surplus.
 Considering the above results, it is understandable to have Mencius’ yixing 易姓 Revolution and easy to understand the basic framework of the policy designed to enrich people. Mencius believed that such policy was critical in building a good [shan 善] society.