Joseon People Research Articles

招商局 차관 상환 어음부도사건과 조선·청의 대응

Joseon government repaid 46,800 nyang of Chinese Chosang-gug loan at the end of 1889. Among them, 46,000 nyang were Chinese merchant Yujeungsangho’s promissory notes that was received as red ginseng trade money last year. However, Yujeungsangho dishonored the promissory notes on the promised date. China government received 13,000 nyang from Yujeungsangho’s property, but was unable to receive 33,000 nyang. On April 2, 1890, China officially requested Joseon government to accept Yujeungsangho’s debt of 230,000 nyang of silver based on his claim. However, the Joseon government was passive in collecting his debt, and did not collect the debt until 1892. In May 1892, Chinese government returned the 33,000nyang promissory notes to the Joseon government and demanded that the Chosang-gug loan be paid in cash. Joseon government accepted this, demanded that Yujeungsangho’s promissory notes be exchanged for cash and paid to the Joseon government. This case proceeded very complicatedly, because interlinked the repayment of Chosang-gug loans and the red ginseng trade which had both public and private characteristics, and was linked Yujeungsangho’s promissory notes and Joseon people’s debt. In the end, this case was left unsolved.

한국의 기독교 선교가 독립운동에 미친 영향

The purpose of this study was to look at the devaluation of Christianity and its alienation from the people and ask, “What is the meaning of Christianity being introduced into Korean society, and what impact has it had?”. In the process of accepting Christianity, the analysis focused on political and social situations, economic and religious situations as acceptance factors. Politically and socially, the pressure for reform and opening by Western powers, the signing of treaties, and the introduction of new systems were analyzed. In terms of the economic situation, the economic impoverishment suffered by the people of countries that failed to adapt to world historical changes and quickly accept the culture of modernization explained. In addition, referring to the suppression of Catholicism in the process of introducing Catholicism and the failure of the Catholic introduction process in the religious situation, various methods were tried and the situations in which the gospel was gradually spread were explained. It was pointed out that Christianity had a great influence on the modernization of Korea during the Enlightenment period, including the spirit of patriotism and love for the people, prohibition of discrimination between people and books, and the abolition of the caste system. In addition, the fundamental reason for the acceptance of Christianity was that it was recognized as a powerful religion that made wealth possible, and thus the gospel expanded from the powerless ruled class to the ruling class. Meanwhile, Christianity had a great influence on the March 1st Independence Movement, and the changes in the consciousness of the Joseon people due to Christian missions were examined through the establishment of independence association branches, differences in active participation, and a confession written by a nobleman. In addition, we looked into the teachings of Christianity, focusing on the subject of the independence movement, the purpose of the movement, and the methods of action in the independence movement as shown in the Declaration of Independence, and the relationship between Christianity and the role of the March 1st Movement and Christian schools. Lastly, it concludes that in the face of the decline of Christianity, which had a great influence during the turbulent times of Korean history, the Korean people need to know and learn about history.

Qing Invasion of Joseon Through the Dishes Appearing in the Novel the Fortress by Kim Hoon

Quing invasion of Joseon or the Second Manchu invasion of Korea (Joseon) in 1636 has been studied by many South Korean scholars and other countries. However, studying this war through a historical literary work, specifically through the dishes that appear in the literary work written about this war, is a new, interesting and still open approach. Therefore, this article focuses on examining the dishes that appear in the novel The Fortress (2021) by writer Kim Hoon to show through them the fierceness, misery and hardship of the Joseon people in the last days of 1936 and early 1937

위당 정인보의 실심 감통과 경세제민

This article reexamines Jeong In-bo’s lifelong studies and achievements from the perspective of understanding him as a statesman. Keenly empathizing the pain of the people who lost their nation, he recognizes that it was the task of the times to reclaim national sovereignty and relieve the people from suffering. He finds the cause of the collapse of Joseon inside Joseon, and diagnoses that all problems originated from ‘thinking of promoting one’s own interests (自私念)’. What he suggested to resolve these problems is ‘to awaken the sincere mind’. He believes that separation can be turned into oneness, conflict into love, and slaughter into revitalization only when ‘thinking of promotion of one’s own interest’ is overcome by awakening the sincere mind of all Joseon people. While studying Yangming studies, Jeong In-bo realized that the sincere mind has the ability to empathize, and verified this realization by his own experience. Through this experience, he submitted ‘empathy of the sincere mind’ as a statecraft principle that can save the world. All of his activities including educational, academic, media and political activities, aim at ‘governing a nation and saving the people’ according to the statecraft principle of ‘empathy of the sincere mind’. Jeong In-bo paved the way for advancing Korean Studies by awakening the importance of Korean Studies to his colleagues and students who worked at Yonhee College. Furthermore, with a deep understanding of Joseon’s reality after liberation, he adopted ‘strengthening and raising the national spirit’, which was the spirit of the times, as his educational ideology, and suggested a way for the nation to move forward by seeking detailed practical plans. He also brought the thoughts and works of Silhak scholars in the late Joseon dynasty into light; from his view, these scholars related to the nation and its people through the sincere mind and academically explored the way to save the nation and its people. He inspired the sense of subjectivity of the people by exploring Joseon’s spirit of 5,000 years in his research on Joseon history, enhancing the sense of identity of our nation. He struggled to solve the problems of the times by spreading his academic achievements through the media and carrying out an enlightenment movement to awaken the sincere mind of the people. Even in his short political term in Syngman Rhee’s government, he tried to correct the bureaucracy. All these academic works and activities of Jeong In-bo were motivated by the determination to save the world.

Cultural Study of Natural Environment Exploitation: Eating Culture of the Joseon People through the Novel “Thousand-Year Kingdom”

The novel “Thousand-Year Kingdom” by Kim Kyung-uk is based on a true story from history when three Dutch sailors drifted into Joseon in the 17th century. Through the narrative of Jan Jansz Weltevree – the first Westerner to set foot in Joseon-the life, society, and people of Joseon are perceived and described in a fresh and unfamiliar way, different from the evaluations of Koreans or Easterners. This study focuses on investigating the cultural utilization of the natural environment by the Joseon people in this unique literary work to understand the uniqueness of their eating culture.

Cultural Study of Natural Environment Exploitation: Eating Culture of the Joseon People through the Novel "Thousand-Year Kingdom"

Cultural Study of Natural Environment Exploitation: Eating Culture of the Joseon People through the Novel "Thousand-Year Kingdom"

Reading at the Joseon Court: The Practice and Representation of Reading in the Sejong sillok (1418–1450)

Abstract: We know more about how Joseon people wrote, and the texts they produced, than about how and why they read. Existing scholarship has primarily investigated Korean premodern texts from a linguistic and bibliographical perspective, while comparatively few approaches have centered on the social and cultural aspects of their reading. The present paper offers an understanding of how the practice of reading represented a key component of the ideological and institutional configuration of the state during King Sejong’s reign (1418–1450) by analyzing reading activities taking place in the context of the royal court as recorded in the Joseon wangjo sillok (Veritable records of the Joseon Dynasty) and other selected documentary and literary sources, mainly from the Kyujanggak archives. The paper starts by exploring the practice of reading in state rituals, assessing its significance as a public demonstration of royal authority. It then investigates how reading constituted a primary activity performed by the king, the crown prince, and other young male members of the royal family. Finally, it considers how the ruler actively used reading as an instrument of governance, assigning the reading of specific books as a strategy for reinforcing ideological and administrative control in and outside the royal palace.

1920년대 조선총독부 연초전매권 확립에 따른 犯域확대와 ‘違法’행위의 의미 -『朝鮮煙草專賣令』 예외조항의 설정과 폐지과정을 중심으로-

The Joseon Governor General office established the Monopoly Bureau(專賣局) in order to secure fiscal profit and play the role of capital itself. But it was impossible for the authorities to put an end to colonized Joseon’s traditional practices(including consumption) regarding tobacco at once. So, while they did declare full implementation of a monopoly on tobacco, they had to allow certain exceptions. The ｢Joseon Tobacco Monopoly Act(朝鮮煙草專賣令)｣ that was put into effect in 1921 recognized three exceptions: production of Cutted tobacco (Hwang’gak Yeoncho, 荒刻煙草), disposal of Whole Leaf tobacco(全葉喫用) and cultivation of tobacco for private usages.BR Such exceptive clauses could only be found from Joseon, and not from other regions within the realm under the influence of the Japanese Empire. Their existence was indeed colliding with the authorities’ need to secure sufficient monetary income, and thus had to be abolished. So the Japanese imperial authorities started to oppress the traditional Joseon tobacco market, and continued their efforts to eliminate independent cultivators, which were being protected by the exceptive clauses of such exceptional treatment.BR Reducing the number of exceptive clauses or at least narrowing their scope meant expanding the range of illegal activities. Number of offenders breaching the 「Joseon Tobacco Monopoly Act」 continued to rise. It was not a temporary phenomenon caused by rigid enforcement or crackdowns. People who had been operating under the exceptive clauses were poor peasants marginalized by the monopolized market overseen by the Monopoly Bureau.BR With the 「Joseon Tobacco Monopoly Act」 revised in 1929, full monopoly was achieved, but it was still in conflict with Joseon’s social, cultural, and economic reality. Even after a fully monopolized system was established, Joseon people operating outside the law continued to emerge and be caught.

일제강점기 1937년 만주국 강덕제 발원 고려대장경 인경과 특징

In 1937, the printing of the Tripitaka Koreana was carried out under the supervision of Gyeongseong Imperial University professor Dakahasi Toru(高橋亨) through the cooperation of the Japanese Government- General of Korea at the request and praying of KangDeok-je, the emperor of Manchukuo.
 In 1935, the KangDe Emperor visited Japan and observed old books and paintings from Joseon, China, and Japan in the collections of the Palace Museum and Jesil Museum, and was interested in the Goryeo Tripitaka and the Hwangbyeokpan Tripitaka. In 1936, the KangDe Emperor requested the Japanese Government-General of Korea to print the Tripitaka Koreana. It is presumed that Kang Deok-je's request for printing the Tripitaka was based on his devout Buddhist faith, and that he wished for merit or reward through the printing of the Tripitaka, a compilation of Buddhism.
 The printing of the Tripitaka in 1937 was requested by the KangDe Emperor, but 2 sets of Tripitaka were printed with one copy for the Central Buddhist College. In addition, the items required for printing were produced in Joseon, and printing and binding were performed by Joseon people in the traditional way of Joseon.
 Preparation for printing began in June 1937, printing was done from September 2nd to October 17th, and binding and box production were completed by December 1937. The Tripitaka arrived in Manchukuo on January 19, 1938. What was sent to the KangDe Emperor was 1,163 books of the Tripitaka, 3 lists, and 48 boxes, as well as 2 books of Daegakguksa-munjib大覺國師文集 and 1 book of Haejangsa-sajinjang 海印寺寫眞帳 in Haeinsa. The printed version was enshrined in Manchukuo and Bohyeonsa in Mt. Myohyang, Pyongan-do, and the Tripitaka in Manchukuo is unknown.
 Regarding the characteristics of the printing of the Tripitaka in 1937, the missing scriptures and supplementation of missing letters were reviewed. At the time of printing in 1937, 18 plates were engraved again with the intention of reproducing the original plate of the Goryeo Dynasty for the re-engraved plate to supplement the missing plate in 1915. The missing letters due to the damage of the Tripitaka scriptures were supplemented using 1,017 letters in 136 places produced in 1915.

조선 인조대 星州 포수 李士龍의 순절과 후대의 현창

After Second Manchu invasion of Joseon in 1636, Joseon Dynasty was forced to dispatch its troops to attack Ming at the request of Qing. In this situation, Lee Sa-ryong, a Joseon gunner, was dispatched to the Jinzhou battle in 1641 and died for his loyalty to Ming. Born in Seongju, Sa-ryong had a grandfather named Lee Yu-mun who was recognized as a meritorious subject for his contribution during Japanese Invasion of Joseon in 1592. His father Lee Jeong-geon passed the military service examination for his contribution at the battle against the Qing forces at the Namhan Mountain Fortress during Second Manchu invasion of Joseon in 1636. Lee Sa-ryong was born in 1613 and held office as a lower-rank military officer. Later generations of literary people, however, depicted him as a low- rank soldier intentionally to highlight his loyalty. Belonging to Eoyeongcheong, he was ordered to the Jinzhou battle in 1641. He was put in the Jinzhou area, armed with a musket rifle. At that time, the Ming forces led by Jo Dae-su faced the Qing forces at the Jinzhou Fortress. Saying that he could not bear to see his rifle kill Ming soldiers, he refused to load his musket rifle and continued to fire his empty rifle before being caught and killed. His act was an object of respect throughout the latter part of Joseon. Many men of letters left works in his memory. During the reign of King Injo, they held a memorial service at his tomb. During the reign of King Hyeonjong - King Sukjong, the royal court conferred him posthumous honors and gave rewards to his descendents according to proposals from several government officials and Neo-Confucian scholars. His hometown of Seongju set up a shrine in his memory called Chungryeolsa, whose construction began in 1689 and was finished in 1692. The efforts to highlight Lee''s act became even more prominent during the reign of King Jeongjo, who conferred him a posthumous title of Seongju-mok county governor and appointed his descendents as royal guards. He gave articles for memorial services to Chungryeolsa where Lee was enshrined and even kindly offered the Sa-aek privilege to the shrine. Learning that the era name of Qing was used at the Sa-aek ceremony, King Jeongjo took disciplinary actions against the officials responsible for it. King Jeongjo, as a monarch, was active in these efforts to highlight Lee’s act, which is one of the characteristics of such efforts during his reign. By making such efforts to highlight Lee’s act, the king re-emphasized Joseon’s loyalty to Ming, won over many different factions and included even the common people in his grand will through the highlighted concept of “loyalty.” Lee Sa-ryong did not systematically receive Neo-Confucian education, but he practiced its teachings more dramatically than any other person. He was born again as an object of respect regardless of social class. He became the pride of Joseon people who still had not overcome the shocks of Second Manchu invasion of Joseon in 1636 and the driving force of their efforts to overcome it. This paper set out to verify his achievements about which there were different theories and broady promote his spirit.

소현세자 서사의 탄생과 역사 속의 소현세자

This article is about Crown-prince So’hyeon, who is oftentimes regarded by the Koreans as a very tragic figure. After the conclusion of the Byeongja-year war[丙子胡亂] with Qing, Crown-prince So’hyeon was held captive in the Shim’yang(Shěnyáng, 瀋陽) region for 8 years, and witnessed the fall of Ming(明) and rise of Qing(淸). He also stayed briefly in Beijing as a result of such regime change, and that stay led to his encounter with the Jesuit priest Adam Schall. His such experience did not attract much attention at the time, but later served as vital elements in a would-be narrative that was devised with the intention to view So’hyeon from a fairly different angle.BR This kind of endeavor, coupled with the public’s aspiration for the society to reach a level of modernization, eventually gave birth to a new historic image of Crown-prince So’hyeon. He was newly deemed as a pioneer who wished to embrace advanced Western culture, a pragmatist who wanted to awake the stagnated Joseon people, a liberator of enslaved Joseon prisoners of war, and even an enterpreneur who was quite successful in running an agricultural plantation. It was indeed a new narrative for Crown-prince So’hyeon.BR Unfortunately, however, this ever-expanding and reproducing narrative really requires some scrutiny. With that in mind, this study first tried to trace how such perception of Crown-prince So’hyeon was formed in the first place and shared throughout the society, even going back to the early years of So’hyeon studies that originated with the work of Japanese scholar Yamaguchi Masayuki. Examined next was how this figure came to garner so much public attention. And lastly, I tried to trace his actions in history and recreate a reasonable extrapolation of his existence, in order to determine how much the depiction of So’hyeon in the narrative is different from such extrapolation. I believe such endeavor would be the ultimate way of ‘rescuing’ him, from a narrative that has literally demanded him for decades to remain as an epitome of Joseon modernization.

Porotic Hyperostosis Observed in the 16th to 19th Century Crania of Native Siberians, Russian Settlers, and Joseon Dynasty Koreans

Porotic hyperostosis (PH) is the skeletal marker used in the estimation of physiological stress suffered in childhood. Despite a conventional hypothesis that mankind’s health conditions declined with the advent of agriculture, there are few reports comparing the PH seen on ancient crania of hunters-fishermen-gatherers and agrarian peoples. In this study, we examined the crania of 16th to 19th century Eurasian peoples: Siberian natives (hunters-fishermen-gatherers), Russian settlers, and Joseon Koreans (agriculturalists) to see whether PH could be observed to differ between populations with varying subsistence strategies. The prevalence of PH decreased in the order of Joseon people (18.9 %), Russian settlers (6.3 %), and Siberian natives (3.8 %). In brief, the hunters-fishermen-gatherers’ stress level was lower than agriculture-based Joseon people and Russian settlers. In addition, Joseon people might have been exposed to more serious stressful episodes than Russian settlers were. We assume that the former might have lived under much stressful conditions than the latter did, though both people depended on intense agriculture. As for sexual dimorphism of PH: in all groups, males were identified with more PH signs than females were. Our report successfully shows that the detailed pattern of stress markers might have been influenced by complex interactions between various factors that existed under different conditions in history.

18세기 후반 역사지리 인식과 유득공의 『사군지』

Examined in this article is how the Joseon people perceived the concept of Historical Geography -and its nature as an academic area- during the reign of King Jeongjo, through Yu Deuk-gong’s Sagun-ji(四郡志) as an example. Sagun-ji(1801, or later), alongside Balhae-go(渤海考, 1784), is an extremely important achievement in the Historical Geography studies of the Joseon dynasty’s latter half. However, the reason for his authoring both Balhae-go and Sagun-ji in the first place has never been explained satisfactorily. The fact that he served as a Geomseo-gwan(檢書官) official at the Gyujanggak(奎章閣) Academy, and once traveled to the Chinese Capital at Beijing(Yeon’gyeong, 燕京), is simply not enough. He was apparently very engaged in studying Joseon’s geography and its history, yet previous studies never paid enough attention to how he distinguished ‘Examination(考, Go)’ from ‘Treatise(志, Ji)’, and those two from ‘History(史, Sa).’<BR> As he was not able to complete Balhae-go as a ‘History book,’ Yu Deukgong had to label it as an “Examination(考).” Then roughly 15 years later, he called his own writing of the Four Commanderies(四郡, Sagun) as a ‘Treatise (志).’ Compared to the level of ‘History(史),’ which intellectuals of the time were all aspiring to achieve in their works, ‘Examination(考)’ and ‘Treatise(志)’ were rather Sub-categories of ‘History,’ lacking certain qualities which would –if present- elevate them(考･志) to the level of a true History book. A publication project, however, which intended to compile a dynasty-wise Geography Manual (Jiri-ji, 地理志) launched during King Jeongjo’s reign (1788) completely changed the atmosphere, as well as certain previous notions. Jeongjo believed that Geography Manuals were also another form of ‘History(史).’ Yu Deuk-gong as well, while writing Sagun-ji, did not consider the result of his studies as some kind of inferior form of writing compared to History, as he did at the time of authoring Balhae-go. To him in this time around, unlike when he was writing Balhae-go, ‘Ji(志, Treatise)’ was just another form of ‘Sa(史, History).’ And that is why he labelled it Sagun-ji.<BR> In that sense, Jeongjo’s efforts to compile a dynasty-wise Geography Manual in the late 18th century was not an unfinished task. The direction it took indeed affected and inspired the Joseon society’s cultural atmosphere in a variety of ways, and one of the results was apparently Yu Deuk-gong’s Sagun-ji.

Dental Calculi of Siberian Natives, Russian Settlers, and Korean People of Joseon Dynasty Period in the 16th to 19th Century Eurasia Continent.

Objective The prevalence of calculus is known to be variable by difference in diets or subsistence strategy between human populations. However, this situation has not been confirmed so far for hunter-gatherers and farming people in terms of history. In this study, we tried to reveal the association of diets or subsistence with calculus in different historical populations: Siberian natives, Joseon period Korean people, and Russian settlers in Siberia. Design We examined the teeth of Siberian natives (hunter-gatherers), Russian (wheat farming) settlers, and Joseon (rice farming) people in sixteenth to nineteenth century. Age and sex were estimated using the methods of Buikstra and Ubelaker (1994). We examined specimens to detect signs of calculus formation in teeth. Calculus rates in each group were statistically compared, and the proportions of calculus by age or sex were also compared across each group. We used package R for statistical analysis. Results and Discussion. The prevalence of calculus deposition decreased in the order of Joseon people, Russian settlers, and Siberian natives. Our study proposes that the rate of calculi among farming people was evidently higher than that of hunter-gatherers in sixteenth to nineteenth century Eurasia. In all three groups, calculus prevalence became higher as age increases and was noteworthy in males. Conclusion Current study demonstrated a significant difference of calculus formation between those groups with different diets or subsistence strategies. Higher prevalence of dental calculus was observed in agriculturalist Joseon Koreans and Russian settlers, but Siberian natives exhibited relatively lower frequency of dental calculus. The results of this study enable us to reconsider the meaning of association between subsistence strategy and calculus in different historical populations.

세종대(世宗代) ‘수차(水車)’ 도입 논의를 통해 본 15세기 중화 문물의 수용 문제

Examined in this article is the discussion that took place in the Joseon government during the reign of King Sejong, over the issue of importing waterwheels(水車) into Korea to assist agricultural production in the 15th century Joseon society. The goal of such examination is to observe the Joseon people’s perception of - and attitude toward - Chinese culture and technology in this very period.BR Previous studies’ general belief was that the 15th century Joseon people, in their efforts to reinvent their own culture and institutions, preferred ancient Chinese institutions (and even the institutions of its contemporary Chinese counterpart Ming, which they called “Institutions of the Time” [Shiwangjije, 時王之制]) to the institutions of Joseon’s own predecessor Goryeo. However, if we observe various cases of potential cultural embracing or adoption in the 15th century, we can see that not every Chinese cultural influences were welcomed or even favorably perceived. The discussion and debate that took place during King Sejong’s reign over the issue of whether or not Joseon should adopt the Chinese waterwheels is one of those examples.BR Waterwheels were used in agricultural production, as it hugely contributed to adequate irrigation. Even before Sejong’s reign, their adoption was seriously considered several times. A Goryeo official named Baek Mun-bo who served King Gongmin in the late Goryeo days had earlier suggested that waterwheels in usage across the Jiāng Huái(江淮) region of China should be introduced to the Korean peninsula. And later, after the Joseon dynasty was founded an official named Wu Hi-yeol created waterwheels to be employed throughout the country during King Taejong’s reign, but his efforts unfortunately failed as well. BR Various failures to adopt these waterwheels in Joseon could be attributed to the fact that the weather on the Korean peninsula was different from that of either China or Japan. Before the time of King Sejong, mostly Chinese waterwheels were considered for adoption, while since the Sejong days the idea of importing ‘Japanese’ waterwheels(‘Wae-Sucha, 倭水車’) were newly pursued by people like Park Seo-saeng. Park had earlier visited Japan as a Tongshin-sa emissary, and came to realize that the waterwheels used in Japan were not only superior to but also more efficient than Chinese waterwheels, so he proposed to Sejong their installations in Joseon. As he was already deeply interested in the issue, Sejong agreed that Japanese waterwheels could be the answer to the problems the Chinese waterwheels had been posing. This example shows us that not all Chinese culture and technology was positively pursued by the Joseon people. Any country’s culture, if it was deemed to be fitting the Joseon situation or as practical enough to be employed, were favorably pursued.

정조대 『어제전운시』의 유입과 병자호란 기억의 재구성 -나덕헌 이확을 중심으로-

Examined in this article is the Eoje Jeon’un-shi, which came from Qing to Joseon during King Jeongjo’s reign. How it shed a new light on the actions of two individuals named Na Deok-heon and Yi Hwak, and how it affected the Joseon people’s recollections of the war with the Manchurians that occurred in the Byeongja-year(1636), is the main focus of this study.<BR> When the (Qing) Emperor Hongtaiji was enthroned for the first time, Joeon representatives Na Deok-heon and Yi Hwak refused to bow, despite all the beating and torture they had to suffer. But upon their return to Joseon, they were accused of joining the celebratory occasion of Hongtaiji’s enthronement, and also of receiving an official letter from him who clearly called himself an Emperor. To answer for their crimes, they were summarily exiled. At the time it was indeed reported that they never actually bowed, but people did not believe it, and the doubtful stares existed even after they were given posthumous governmental positions during the reign of King Sukjong.<BR> Then later, in 1778(2nd year of King Jeongjo’s reign) the Joseon people learned that the story of the two was inserted in the Eoje Jeon’un-shi(御製全韻詩), and after this very book was officially imported into Josoen the next year(1779), the situation changed dramatically. The actions of Na Deok-heon and Yi Hwak were heralded as a brave and decisive act which declared to the entire world Joseon’s determination to uphold its loyalty toward the legitimate master of China (the late Ming), against the barbaric Qing which undeservedly proclaimed its leader as an Emperor. They even received posthumous titles for that, and governmental officials and academic scholars alike, regardless of their political parties and world views or even perception of the Qing, engaged in vibrant efforts of creating biographies for these two men.<BR> But certain portions in Eoje Jeon’un-shi, which documented Qing’s invasion of Joseon (and also immediately followed the story of Na and Yi), was conveniently ignored in the process. This paved a way for the Joseon people’s memories of the Byeongja-year war to convert into a different sort of recollection, which remembered the event as one symbolizing Joseon’s everlasting loyalty toward the late Ming.

1703년 조선인 왜관 난입 사건에 관한 고찰

1703년 조선인 왜관 난입 사건에 관한 고찰

19세기 말~20세기 초 ‘위핍자살(威逼自殺)’의 실태와 행위 양식 -규장각 소장 검안 자료를 중심으로-

Highlighted in this article is a unique form (and notion) of a suicidal action that prevailed in the Joseon society known as “Suicide by Harassment(Wipib Jasal),” as well as certain behavioral patterns displayed by the Joseon people who were involved in such tragic incidents. This particular social phenomenon was referred to in a legal clause entitled “Harassment leading to a loss of life(Wipibin Chisa, 威逼人致死)” inside Daemyeon g’ryul(大明律, The Great Ming Law), and notions concerning this very phenomenon was also formed on the basis of this clause, which was essentially inserted in the law code to deal with murder cases in which an individual would harass another with his or her power, and eventually drive that person to its own demise.<BR> But in order for this particular clause to be invoked, the victim had to have taken his or her own life, on his or her own. This led to the people of the time trying to ascertain the offender responsible for the victim’s death, whenever a case of suicide would occur. The Geoman(Autopsy) reports currently in custody of the Gyujanggak archives show us the process of authorities trying to find out and determine the offender responsible for the tragic outcome. In this article, suicides caused by external harassment is defined as “Wipib” suicides, as in “suicide by harassment.”<BR> Analysis of the Wipib suicides reveal certain patterns, interestingly in terms of the relationship between the offender and the victim, as well as a variety of fashions from a number of cases. Cases showing male offenders and male victims seem to be the most prominent types, and of female offenders and male victims are the least noticeable types. Relevant cases also display ‘additional violence,’ with offenders harassing not only the victim but the victim’s family members as well.<BR> Behaviors of people involved in Wipib suicide cases also reveal interesting aspects of the people’s attitude toward such cases. As mentioned earlier, Wipib suicide was a type of suicide which always involved an offender responsible for the victim resorting to killing oneself, and such fact was clearly on the people’s minds. Whenever a Wipib suicide would take place, people would move the victim’s body to the place of the (suspected) offender, as a gesture and an effective act of pointing to the individual responsible for the tragedy. In fact, a person planning to take one’s life would even kill oneself at the offender’s place, making this type of suicide all the more peculiar and unique.

도자 기술에 대한 오주(五洲) 이규경(李圭景)의 이용후생적 관점 고찰

This paper surveyed Yi Kyukyung’s views on ceramic technologies. First I divided his opinions from citations in his writings. While citation authorities were simply mentioned, I dealt with his views and demonstrations mainly. Throughout this process I came to know he preceeded this opinions collecting and analyzing articles on ceramic materials, technologies and practical uses.<BR> Ojuyeonmunjangjeonsango contains some ceramic articles. In this paper I expanded ceramic range, so tried to study roof tile and brick. Because I thought essence of ceramic lies in clay’s revival in the flame, and purpose of wares lies in utilities basically.<BR> His dialectics cited many articles from old writings on one theme and added his opinions in the halfway or in the end. Basically while this is the methodology of study of old documents, he tried to change the Joseon realities and upgrade the life qualities of Joseon people with utilitarian welfare.

Translations of Chunhyangjeon into Foreign Languages and Their Cultural Significance

About 40 editions of the Korean classical novel Chunhyangjeon are available in seventeen countries, including China, Taiwan, Japan, Malaysia, Vietnam, Mongolia, and India in the East and the USA, the UK, France, Germany, Spain, Italy, Russia, Poland, the Czech Republic, and Hungary in the West. The act of translation is not simply rendering one language into another, but also changing the language system in order to interpret how the text will be received in the target culture. As a result of this process, there must be some cultural collisions and occupations displayed in the translation. Likewise, translated Chunhyangjeon is to experience similar collisions and occupations framed by foreign cultures. Japan took the greatest advantage of occupying Korean culture through interpretations of the text. To assit with colonization of the Joseon period, they made use of Chunhyangjeon to try to understand the realities of the Joseon people. As an attempt to discover the national traits of Joseon, they had the Japanese people read the translated versions of Chunhyangjeon and also Simcheongjeon and Heungbujeon. They found Confucian ideas in the text which included the three principles: filial duty, fidelity, and friendship. Accordingly, they unveiled their political intentions to strongly oppress the colonized country. On the contrary, English translations showed different aspects and directions in their translations. H. N. Allen, an American diplomatic minister and doctor, worked with James S. Gale, a Canadian missionary. Particularly fascinated with Joseon culture, Gale labored to produce a complete translation of the Flower in Prison (Okjunghwa). However, whether intentionally or not, his work often seems tainted by Orientalism because he regarded Joseon's spiritual values as those of Christianity. One of the other notable works is a French translation by J. H. Rosny. This work modifies the love of Chunhyang and Lee Mongryong by adopting western-style plays and jokes. It even includes kissing scenes and low-neck dresses of the female character forbidden in Joseon culture. This version was used for a Russian translation by Chekhov and also for the Vietnamese translation Chunhyang-Nangja (1910).