Jewish Participation Research Articles

Participation of Jewish Citizens in the Government Bodies of the USSR

There is a widespread opinion about the predominance of Jews in party and Soviet government bodies, especially the Cheka, in 1917–1939. New sources introduced in post-Soviet historiography does not confirm the fact of Jewish dominance either in the Russian revolutionary movement or in the administration of the USSR in the pre-war period, although they indicate a significant presence of Jews in the ranks of Russian revolutionaries, and from 1917 to the end 1930s — among Soviet officials. During the thaw years (mid-1950s — mid-1960s), discrimination was mitigated, but in a hidden form it existed informally until the collapse of the USSR. Infringement of the rights of Jews was observed in all spheres of life, but especially in the political one. Most discriminatory measures did not have clear legislative or administrative formalization and were disguised as a fight against bourgeois nationalism, cosmopolitanism or Zionism. The correction of the role of Jews in power is based on numerous data, but due to their fragmentation and incomparability, it is not systemic in nature, leaving open the question of the dynamics and scale of Jewish participation in the governance of the USSR not only after 1953, but also in the pre-war period. Turning to mass statistical data from population censuses, containing information on employment, sectoral and professional structure of the employed population at a national level, helps to close this gap. The analysis carried out leads to the conclusion: there is no reason to talk about Jewish dominance in any government body either in the pre-war or post-war period. The presence of Jews in power and their influence is often exaggerated for the reason that the percentage of Jews in leadership was transferred to the entire administrative apparatus.

In the shadow of Auschwitz … Jews before Special Courts of the ‘Third Reich’ 1933–1945

Summary This article offers a qualitative and quantitative analysis of the presence of Jews before Special Courts of the ‘Third Reich’. The research shows that the participation of Jews as defendants before Special Courts in the so-called Old Reich was marginal. The situation was different in polish areas incorporated into the Reich. Attention is here paid to the numbers of defendants and other penalty statistics, to some types of imputed acts, and to attempts to use courts and court sentencing to take the lives of Jews.

Changing Perspectives: Black-Jewish Relations in Houston during the Civil Rights Era by Allison E. Schottenstein

Reviewed by: Changing Perspectives: Black-Jewish Relations in Houston during the Civil Rights Era by Allison E. Schottenstein Marni Davis Allison E. Schottenstein. Changing Perspectives: Black-Jewish Relations in Houston during the Civil Rights Era. Denton, TX: University of North Texas Press, 2021. 415 pp. During the postwar era, a significant proportion of whites who participated in civil rights actions and organizations were American Jews of European descent. This phenomenon has given rise to popular assumptions of a civil rights–era political alliance—a “golden age” of Black-Jewish relations, inspired by a shared history of marginalization and common liberal political leanings. But such notions beg for closer and more critical examination. The history of interactions between Blacks and Jews in the United States has been shaped by immense socioeconomic disparities that have influenced their conceptions of one another, often generating tensions between them, since the abolition of slavery. Black Americans and white American Jews have also disagreed on political issues like immigration, urban renewal, and Zionism, which unsettles the idea of an uncomplicated Black-Jewish coalition. Indeed, the very concept of “Black-Jewish relations” might conceal more than it illuminates, as it suggests an inherent distinction between the two categories and overlooks the historical presence of individuals and communities who identified as both. But any historical analysis of this subject should also include consideration of geographic region. Most historical studies of Blacks and Jews have focused on the cities of the American North and Midwest. In Changing Perspectives, Allison E. Schottenstein looks south, applying the framework of Black-Jewish relations to the history of Houston, Texas, in the twentieth century. Today the most enthnoracially diverse city in the South, Houston has been a central player in the Sunbelt’s postwar economic growth. But Jim Crow was a totalizing force there midcentury, as it was throughout the region, and Black Houstonians were consistently obstructed from sharing the benefits of the city’s growth. Houston’s small Jewish population, on the other hand, found general social acceptance and significant upward mobility throughout the Jim Crow era—in no small measure because they were of European origin, and could avail themselves of neighborhoods, schools, and other civic amenities limited to whites. Still, many Jews feared that their acceptance was provisional, their status vulnerable; for this reason, or perhaps because they simply accepted the racial hierarchy from which they benefited, the Jews of Houston were peripheral players in the city’s civil rights movement. [End Page 205] With a focus on the actions of communal leadership and elected officials, Schottenstein’s community-study approach provides a detailed top-down account of Jewish Houston’s internal discourse on race and politics. (Her study of the city’s African American leadership and institutions is far less thorough and consistent.) A few of Houston’s Jewish leaders had expressed support for racial desegregation in schools and other public accommodations, even before Brown v. Board of Education, and were enthusiastic participants in municipal organizations that advocated interracial cooperation. But the larger community’s approach to the subject had been “to take a back seat” in the movement proper, to “leave the vocal roles to others” (103). The principal reason for their unwillingness to take a public stand on the matter, Schottenstein contends, was unease. Houston’s Jews encountered social antisemitism in the form of restrictive covenants and exclusionary elite country clubs. In moments of local anti-Communist fervor, they were blamed for “creeping socialism” because of Jewish participation in liberal interracial organizations. Occasionally, more vicious and frightening forms of antisemitism surfaced, as when George Lincoln Rockwell, the American Nazi Party founder who blamed Jewish Communists for racial integration, came to town. They also feared violence, and not without cause; in early 1960—a few years after a rash of synagogue bombings throughout the Southeast—Houston’s Congregation Emanu El suffered a bomb threat, and a swastika was graffitied on a nearby Jewish-owned grocery. Anxious that their status and their physical safety were conditioned on their willingness to abet white supremacy, Houston’s Jewish leadership, with a few exceptions, tended toward silence. They distanced themselves from those who spoke out, took a gradualist approach to the desegregation...

Exceptional Whites, Bad Jews: Racial Subjectivity, Anti-Zionism, and the Jewish New Left

Abstract: It is often assumed that the 1967 Arab-Israeli War led to the "wholesale conversion of the Jews to Zionism," as Norman Podhoretz famously phrased it. This "conversion" is equally, if often less explicitly, said to coincide with the end of the era of Jewish marginality in the U.S. and West more broadly, as Jews of European descent were half-included, half-conscripted, into normative structures of whiteness, class ascension, and citizenship. While this epochal shift in Jewish racial formation and political allegiance is undeniable especially in the context of large Jewish secular and religious institutions, at the time this "conversion" was seen as anything but inevitable. Many Jewish liberals, including Irving Howe, Seymour Lipset, and Nathan Glazer, and reactionaries such as Meir Kahane, saw Jewish overrepresentation and hypervisibility in New Left organizations such as Students for a Democratic Society, the Youth International Party, and the Socialist Workers Party as a sign that Jewish youth rejected Zionism as well as the Jewish rise into the middle class. That retrospectively we see Jewish racial formation and political alignment after 1967 as a fait accompli often relies on the erasure not only of mass Jewish participation in the New Left, but also the erasure of the New Left's anti-imperialist political commitments, including critique of expansive Israeli militarism and the settler colonial assumptions underlying Zionism. Looking at memoirs, pamphlets, histories, and original interviews with Jewish participants in the New Left, this article excavates the political alignments of Jewish New Left activists, exploring opposition to the U.S.'s new support of the Israeli state as well as the changing Ashkenazi Jewish racial assignment. Rather than finding Third World and Black Power critiques of Israel antisemitic, it was precisely the Jewish New Left's politics of international and multiracial solidarity that encouraged their support for Black Power critiques of Zionism. In this way, Jewish members of the New Left also attempted to critically challenge their own whiteness, aligning support for Israel after 1967 with support for the racial and economic structures of militarism and capitalism at home.

Loren R. Spielman. Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World

Loren R. Spielman. <i>Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World</i>

Participation of Jews in the processes of Russian social-democratic movement

The formation of social democracy in the Russian Empire was another stage in the «Russian reception» of the Western models of the socialist movement, the result of certain ideological contradictions on the Russian ground. Given the semi-feudal society of the Russian Empire, the paternalism of autocratic power, the absence of deep traditions of liberal culture, the Russian social democratic movement could hardly count on obvious success without a deep revolutionary renewal of the entire socio-economic and political system of the Russian state. Since Jews were an urban ethnic group, it is not surprising that the provinces of the Jewish Pale in the late 19th century proved to be the epicentre of the revolutionary energy concentration.Thus, in the late 19th century the processes of formation and development of not the Russian, but the Jewish social-democratic movement continued on the territory of the Jewish Pale, the prominent centres of which were the Belarusian and Ukrainian cities of the Russian Empire. Despite the low level of the industrial development in the north-western part of the Russian Empire, as well as police persecution, imprisonment, and exile of many activists, the Jewish Social Democratic movement grew qualitatively and quantitatively, got loyal supporters, and spread to other cities such as Minsk, Grodno, Bialystok and Warsaw. The Bund (the Union of Jewish Workers in Lithuania, Poland, and Russia) played a key role in organizing the Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (RSDLP) on March 1-3, 1898, at which the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (RSDLP) was founded which was supposed to unite revolutionary Marxist groups of the empire, regardless of their ethnicity. The processes of formation of the organizational and personnel structure of the Russian Social-Democracy continued during the First Russian Revolution. Jews took an active part in these processes. Their role in the organization of Russian social-democratic movement and in its staffing is difficult to overestimate. In particular, S. Dikstein, H.S. Khurgin, E.A. Abramovich, I.A. Gurvich, E.A. Gurvich, O. Belakh, L. Berkovich and many other Jewish activists found themselves at the origins of Russian social-democratic movement, and such distinguished Jewish figures of Russian social democracy as P. Axelrod and Yu. Martov in the early 19th century headed the Menshevik wing of the RSDLP.The author noted that until 1917 the model for the development of the social democratic movement in the Russian Empire was the European Social Democracy, among the recognized authorities of which were also Jews (F. Lassall, E. Bernstein, V. Adler, O. Bauer). Eventually, the Jewish origin of Marx, the founder of «scientific» socialism, canonized his doctrine in the mass consciousness of the urban Jewry of the Russian Empire, which awaited a new messiah who would «bring» them out of the ghetto of the Jewish Pale.At the same time, the theory of self-liberation of the Jewish proletariat, adopted by the Jewish Social Democrats of Vilno, Minsk, and Kyiv as opposed to the seemingly utopian ideas of the Zionists from Basel, Switzerland, became the leading ideology of the Russia’s first political organization of Jewish proletarian – the Bund, which emerged in the same 1897, when the First World Congress of Zionists took place.Thus, the intensification of state anti-Semitism, the Jewish pogroms, and the escalation of the political crisis in the Russian Empire on the eve of the First Russian Revolution pushed Russian and Jewish Social-Democracy to develop a common position on the proletariat’s participation in future revolutionary events, optimized the search for overcoming the internal party crisis that arose after the withdrawal of the Bund from the RSDLP. For the first time in its history, the Jewish Social Democrats tried to ignite the fire of the Russian revolution on the «Jewish street» and prove the political significance of the powerful revolutionary potential of the Jewish masses in the Jewish Pale for the all-Russian social democratic movement.

Beyond the Synagogue: Jewish Nostalgia as Religious Practice by Rachel B. Gross

Reviewed by: Beyond the Synagogue: Jewish Nostalgia as Religious Practice by Rachel B. Gross Cara Rock-Singer Rachel B. Gross, Beyond the Synagogue: Jewish Nostalgia as Religious Practice (New York: New York University Press, 2021) Rachel B. Gross’s Beyond the Synagogue: Jewish Nostalgia as Religious Practice is a crucial intervention into what can best be described as doggedly normative narratives of religious authenticity that have dominated the scholarship, and popular understandings, of American Jewish religion. Within religious studies and Jewish studies, the problematic fit of Judaism into the white, Protestant-inflected category of religion is well-established. Historians of American religion have drawn out the extent to which narratives of religious declension are predicated on androcentric and racialized assumptions about what religion is and where, how, and by whom it is practiced. Nevertheless, in American Jewish studies, these narratives persist. Beyond the Synagogue draws on lived religion methodology to rethink the divide between Jewish religion and culture as well as history and memory. Gross defines religion “as meaningful relationships and the practices, narratives, and emotions that create and support these relationships,” adapting Robert Orsi’s and Kathryn Lofton’s emphases on “relationships and structures” that bind people to kin and community, both living and ancestral (6). In turn, Gross sets her sights on “the mundane practices” and seemingly secular institutions engaged in “buying and selling certain items [that] connect[] people to religious networks through [End Page 138] affective norms” (7). The book argues that practices of “nostalgia for Eastern European Jewish pasts function[] as a mitzvah (literally, commandment),” a term she uses expansively to reflect the way the category is invoked in Jewish law (halakha) as well as colloquially to refer to “good deed[s]” (7–8). Based on ethnographic participant-observation, interviews, and close readings of material culture and digital media, Gross tells a new story of American Judaism as it has developed from the 1970s to the present that privileges emotional rather than textual claims to Jewish authenticity. In doing so, Gross paints a more inclusive picture of the landscape of American Jewish religion. The first chapter positions American Jewish religion within twentieth- and twenty-first-century social scientific and historical narratives about the decline of religious institutions, rise of the “nones,” and secularism and assimilation. Gross also historicizes nostalgia within modern gendered histories of Protestant piety, the white ethnic revivals of the 1960s, and US public history’s increasingly affective engagement with the past. She identifies the 1970s as a period of transformation in “how [American Jewish nostalgia] has been organized and standardized and how it has become a central way of being Jewish” (32). After laying out her methodological intervention and theorizing the category of nostalgia, the book proceeds through a series of four chronologically organized and thematically overlapping case studies. Chapter two examines Jewish participation in a popular American pastime, family genealogical research. Gross’s analysis reveals how the “shared religious framework of intimate and authoritative nostalgia,” whether drawn from family lore, ship manifests, or DNA evidence, is interpellated into Jewish “memorial activities, literary forms, and historical accounts” (43). In chapter three, Gross moves beyond the synagogue as such to examine synagogue restoration projects that gained momentum in the 1980s and 1990s. The chapter argues that heritage spaces are carefully curated to produce ambivalent “elegiac nostalgia” that celebrates financial progress out of poverty as it romanticizes spiritually rich bygone eras. At synagogues-turned-museums, which are haunted by ghosts of the past, docents, tourists, and attendees of prayer quorums negotiate knowledge, meaning, and proper practice. Chapters four and five focus on children’s material culture and Ashkenazi foodways, respectively. Though nostalgia is “often assumed to be a condition of aging,” Gross shows how in the first decades of the twenty-first century children and parents used books and dolls, especially those distributed and produced by PJ Library and American Girl, to form intimate, affectionate relationships to ancestors and their stories. Chapter five examines the twenty-first-century Jewish food revival, focusing on how restaurateurs have improvised on Jewish Deli cuisine. The “playful and campy nostalgia” (161) of culinary revivals centers the gut—the belly laugh or the full belly—as the way to the...

Between Iran and Zion: Jewish Histories of Twentieth-Century Iran by Lior B. Sternfeld

Reviewed by: Between Iran and Zion: Jewish Histories of Twentieth-Century Iran by Lior B. Sternfeld Ariane Sadjed Lior B. Sternfeld . Between Iran and Zion: Jewish Histories of Twentieth-Century Iran . Stanford, CA : Stanford University Press , 2018 . 208 pp. doi:10.1017/S0364009420000677 Lior Sternfeld refreshingly departs from mainstream accounts of modern Iranian Jewish history by pointing out the multiple ways through which the [End Page 213] Jewish community engaged with its broader Iranian environment. This makes it a very important voice in the sometimes-static discourse about Middle Eastern Jewish identities. Sternfeld focuses on the decades 1920–1980, during which massive transformations in social class and political agency unfolded in Iranian society, and among Jews as part of it. By assessing how Jews started to take part in the political life of modern Iran, the author refutes one-sided identity concepts that pit "Jewish" and "Iranian" identities against each other. Chapter 1 deals with demographic changes in Iran during and after World War II. Reza Shah (reigned 1925–1941) introduced new ideas of nationalism to Iran, and we learn about the country's ensuing struggle to remain neutral in the face of the emerging Second World War and the conflicting interests of the Great Powers. Sternfeld describes the arrival of Jewish refugees to Iran, mostly from Poland, in 1942–43. Together with the later influx of Iraqi Jews, who increasingly arrived in the 1950s, he portrays aspects of a diverse culture, in which many parallel and interacting worlds of "Jewishness" were possible. The second chapter discusses the Iranian political sphere after 1941 and the shaping of national identity. Sternfeld focuses on Jewish participation in the leftist Tudeh Party, including the different reasons that led Jews to join it, as a way to enter local society as patriots or to rebel against tradition, family, or religion. He is careful not to overemphasize communist ideology, as many leftist Jews supported local goals, decoupled from Marxist ideologies, and prioritized Iran's interest over Soviet ones "in order to become more Iranian" (46). Besides well-elaborated interviews with individuals who were members of the Tudeh Party, Sternfeld bases his analysis on two leftist Iranian Jewish newspapers: Nissan and Bani Adam . However, not enough context is provided about the newspapers and their readership to determine how representative they were. Both were published for a short period, and these publications' status within the broader Jewish community in Iran must be clarified. Chapter 3 deals with Zionism and Iran's relationship with Israel during the Pahlavi era in more detail. It is remarkable that Jews had "multiple identities" (65), that is, it was possible to be an Iranian nationalist, Jew, communist, and Zionist. Zionism was an opportunity to escape oppressive political and economic hardships, rather than an ideological commitment. This explains why predominantly poorer segments of the Jewish community moved to Israel, while those who had experienced upward mobility did not see any reason to leave Iran or chose other destinations for emigration. Sternfeld manages to describe the significance of Zionism and related patterns of migration in a nuanced way. The author concludes that in the 1950s, the image of the Jew in Iranian society was positive. Chapter 4 discusses the years leading up to the revolution in 1978/79. Sternfeld tackles the seeming contradiction between Jews having reached "full integration" in the public sphere under the Pahlavi monarchy, while they still "overwhelmingly did not appear to support the continuation of the monarchy" (93). Such generalized statements must be questioned, for neither can one speak of the same degree of integration among the different strata of Jewish society at the time, including the conflicts resulting from these differences, nor is there [End Page 214] sufficient evidence provided to describe the political inclinations of an overwhelming majority. The chapter introduces the Association of Jewish Iranian Intellectuals (AJII) as the main venue for Jewish leftist activities. The bylaws of the AJII mirror the political discourse of the time, envisioning a model society in which universal values of solidarity would yield a just and open community where Jews would be equal citizens. Sternfeld furthermore discusses the activities of the SAPIR hospital during the revolution of 1979 and argues that...

Социально-демографический облик евреев-революционеров (на материалах Всесоюзного общества политкаторжан и ссыльнопоселенцев)

The work is devoted to the study of the generalized sociographic image of the cohort of Jewish revolutionaries. The participation of Jews in the revolution is seen as an integral part of the all-Russian revolutionary process. In the course of the study, the role and place of Jews in the Rus-sian revolutionary movement in the late 19th – early 20th centuries was clarified and concretized. Thanks to the analysis of a personalized electronic database on Jewish revolutionaries, created on the basis of materials from the All-Union Society of Political Prisoners and Exiled Settlers, the structure of social origin, level of education and type of activity of the left wing of politically ac-tive Jewry has been analyzed. The features of the political socialization of Jews, constrained by restrictive articles of Jewish legislation, are shown. We come to the conclusion that such a signifi-cant percentage of Jews in the revolutionary movement is explained both by the long-term devel-opment of the revolutionary liberation movement in the Pale of Settlement, and by the existence of numerous restrictions for representatives of the Jewish nationality.

Sport and British Jewish identity

This article examines the relationship between sport and Jewish identity. The experiences of Jewish people have rarely been considered in previous sport-related research which has typically focused on ‘Black’ and South Asian individuals, sports clubs, and organisations. Drawing on data generated from interviews ( n = 20) and focus groups ( n = 2) with individuals based in one British city, this article explores how their Jewish identity was informed, and shaped by, different sports activities and spaces. This study’s participants were quick to correct the idea that sport was alien to Jewish culture and did not accept the stereotype that ‘Jews don’t play sport’. The limited historical research on sport and Jewish people and the ongoing debates around Jewish identity are noted before exploring the role of religion and the suggestion that Jewish participation in sport is affected by the Shabbat (sabbath). Participants discussed how sports clubs acted as spaces for the expression and re/affirmation of their Jewish identity, before they reflected on the threats posed to the wider Jewish community by secularism, assimilation, and antisemitism. The article concludes by discussing how the sporting experiences of the study’s British Jewish participants compare with the experiences of individuals from other ethnic minority communities.

The Century of Checkists. The Ethnic Composition of the Central and Local Apparatuses of the Soviet NKVD 1934–1944/1945

The sources to and literature on the history of the Soviet repression apparatus are scarce and incomplete or inaccessible. However, this period of the epoch was of a great significance for the model of the state, its organs and life of millions of its citizens. Of particular interest are the ethnic composition of the Soviet apparatus of repression and participation of Jews in it as well as a “people’s” legend according to which it was Jews who created the Bolshevik state. It is impossible to conduct serious research into the subject, while reflections and hypotheses presented in the article should be regarded only as possible or probable.

THE SOUNDS OF NATIONALISM: MUSIC, MOROCCANISM, AND THE MAKING OF SAMY ELMAGHRIBI

AbstractSamy Elmaghribi was a mid-twentieth century Moroccan superstar. From his debut in 1948 through his professional zenith in 1956, the Jewish musician was a ubiquitous presence on radio and in concert. His popularity owed to his pioneering of modern Moroccan music and to his performance of Moroccan nationalism through song and on stage. Elmaghribi's brand of anti-colonial nationalism, however, was not that of any particular political party. Instead, he espoused what might be termed, “Moroccanism,” a territorial nationalism that placed Sultan Mohamed ben Youssef at its center. Like Elmaghribi, it enjoyed widespread support. This study demonstrates that a focus on musical culture gives voice to mainstream forms of Moroccan nationalism that have received little scholarly attention to date. It also points to the active participation of Jews in postwar MENA societies. Finally, this article reconsiders the dynamics of decolonization through study of Elmaghribi's career, which spanned colony and independent nation.

A Hundred Acres of America: The Geography of Jewish American Literary History by Michael Hoberman

Reviewed by: A Hundred Acres of America: The Geography of Jewish American Literary History by Michael Hoberman Benjamin Schreier (bio) A Hundred Acres of America: The Geography of Jewish American Literary History By Michael Hoberman. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2018. xii + 183 pp. In one sense Michael Hoberman's short, smart, and pithy new book addresses a fairly straightforward topic: "The subject of this book is the historical relationship between the Jewish American literary imagination and the sense of place" (2). Accordingly, it sets itself a fairly straightforward task: namely, as he writes toward the book's close, "The essays in the book represent my best attempt to explore the role that the geography of North America has played in shaping the Jewish American literary imagination" (155), or, as he describes that attempt toward the book's opening, to explore "the ways in which Jewish subjects have engaged the long-standing American tendency to contemplate and experience geography as a crucible for the formation of cultural identity" (2). And yet, as we see in this last formulation, there's something more at work in Hoberman's work: critical energies more profound than merely parochially straightforward. The book's great strength—and its offering to the field—is to provide a way to de-exceptionalize Jewish American literary study; for once we recognize the role of geography in Jewish American writing, once we appreciate its "territoriality," we recognize that it shares its ground with other American writing and literatures. To understand "geography as a basis for literary and cultural continuity" is to understand Jews in America as neither "oppressed outsiders" nor "excessively complacent recipients of American privilege" (4), but rather as Americans actively engaged in experiencing and writing like other Americans. [End Page 299] This represents a critically significant—and salutary—departure from the way the field has heretofore conceptualized itself (though "taken itself for granted" is probably more accurate, at least if you ask me). One of the historicist side effects of multiculturalist pluralism in the humanities is that it's frequently easy to think of ethnicity- or identity-based literatures as more or less discrete entities—with African American literature indexed to something more or less knowable as African American experience, Queer literature indexed to something more or less knowable as Queer experience, and so forth—and it's easy as well to eschew theorizing how those various siloed experiences and symptomatic literary formations interact with, overlap, or interdetermine each other (other than, maybe, some gestures toward a minoritarian idea of oppression). In Jewish American literary study this thought-formation is often intimately bound up with, and indeed inextricable from, a foundational sense that immigration is the only real theory the field needs—that is, that Jewish American literature essentially tracks the chronologically progressive history of Jewish immigration to the United States (thus do scholars preoccupy themselves with talk of literary generations, for example, or with how temporal distance from the scene of immigration determines the contours of the literary imagination of identity). But with its focus on geography rather than immigration, A Hundred Acres of America explicitly challenges this often-unacknowledged immigration theory of Jewish American literature. As Hoberman succinctly claims in the Introduction, "This book argues that a rich and complex relationship with American geography itself, and not merely the immigrant experience, constitutes a central reference point and touchstone for the development, over the course of several centuries, of a Jewish literary consciousness in the United States" (4). In chapters on frontier writing by Jews in early America, on late nineteenth-century and turn-of-the-twentieth-century intellectuals who emphasized the Jewish presence in colonial American cities (and who therefore substantiated claims both to the "cosmopolitan and pluralistic origins of America's oldest cities" [46] and "Jewish participation in early American history" [53]), on early- to mid-twentieth-century middlebrow and middle-American Jewish writers (in which writers [End Page 300] like Edna Ferber challenge our preconceived romantic notions of regionalism by representing small towns as continuous with "other American environments" [78]), on late-twentieth-century Jewish writers' contestations of the pastoral mode, on turn-of-the-twenty-firstcentury literary returns to the shtetl...

Call and Response: Antiphonal Elements in Jewish Palestinian Aramaic Poetry

Abstract In this essay, the varieties of refrain structures used in the body of Jewish Palestinian Aramaic poetry from late antiquity provide a laboratory for examining the intersection of acclamation structures and piyyutim. The fact that these poems were written in the vernacular of the community rather than in Hebrew complicates our understanding of their performative setting but at the same time may make it easier to consider a variety of potential modes of community engagement, as we are not constrained by the potential norms of a fixed liturgical setting. The analysis offered here, tentative as it may be, helps us understand both the auditory world of Late Antiquity and the active participation of Jews in the shaping of their soundscape.

Jewish women in intercommunal political movements in colonial Morocco

ABSTRACTThe goal of this paper is to study Jewish participation in intercommunal – Muslim, Jewish, Christian – Moroccan women’s organizations that promoted national Moroccan socio-political aims, and to analyze their origins, effects, demise and memory. The paper focuses on a unique organization - Union des Femmes marocaines (Union of Moroccan Women) – which, for almost ten years during the colonial period, had carried out intercommunal work for shared Moroccan causes. The study reveals that during the period that intercommunal women’s associations operated (1943–1952), they were first French-oriented and dealt with issues considered, from a gendered perspective, to be within women’s domain (i.e. helping the poor and needy, doing charity, fighting for women’s education), but from 1947, they “Moroccanized” and worked towards general political Moroccan aims. The paper refers to a relatively unknown chapter in Moroccan history, and opens a new perspective of the Moroccan identity of Jews before their massive emigration from the country.

OS JUDEUS SEFARDITAS EM CURAÇAO E SEU PAPEL NA FORMAÇÃO DO PAPIAMENTU

RESUMO Este estudo tem como objetivo analisar a participação dos judeus sefarditas na configuração linguística do papiamentu, considerando que esse papel tem sido negligenciado nos estudos sobre essa língua. No contexto linguístico, preces e epitáfios em português confirmam que esta era a língua usada por vários judeus sefarditas em Curaçao. Por outro lado, a análise de documentos do século XVIII revela que o papiamentu sefardita influenciou a variedade geral. Henriquez (1988, 1991) descreveu o vocabulário característico do papiamentu falado pelos judeus sefarditas. Adicionalmente, Martinus (1996) e Jacobs (2012) apresentam registros que podem apontar uma relação tripartide entre a Senegâmbia/Alta Guiné, Amsterdam e Curaçao através do comércio de escravos conduzido pelos judeus. Desse modo, este estudo pretende mostrar que os judeus tiveram um papel importante na sociedade curaçauense e contribuíram para a configuração do papiamentu. Aqui seguimos uma abordagem similar àquela defendida por Faraclas et al. (2014): uma convergência de elementos deve ser considerada ao estudar a formação dos crioulos atlânticos, sobretudo a atuação de falantes de diferentes línguas.

ARA relief campaign in the Volga region, Jewish anthropometric statistics, and the scientific promise of integration.

ArgumentThe article builds a case for the Society for the Protection of the Health of the Jewish Population (Obshchestvo Okhranenia Zdorov'ia Evreiskogo Naselenia [OZE]) as a project of medicalized modernity, a mass politics of Jewish self-help that relied on a racialized and medicalized vision of a future Jewish nation. Officially registered in 1912 in St. Petersburg, it created the space for a Jewish politics that focused on the state of the collective Jewish body as a precondition for Jewish participation in any version of modernity. OZE futurism survived the years of World War I and the Russian Civil War, when the organization had to concentrate on rescue and relief rather than on facilitating the development of new bodies and souls. New archival evidence reveals how race science, medical statistics, and positive eugenics became composite elements of the Jewish anticolonial message and new subjectivity.

The Habsburg Monarchy, 1815–1918 by Steven Beller

Reviewed by: The Habsburg Monarchy, 1815–1918 by Steven Beller Ian Reifowitz Steven Beller. The Habsburg Monarchy, 1815–1918. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018. Pp. 326, 5 maps, 25 b/w illus. Paper $29.99. ISBN 9781107464742. You might be wondering why a book on this topic, one whose title does not contain the word Jew or Jewish, is being reviewed in this journal. A fair question. It is not enough to answer by saying that Jews were pivotal players in this period of Austrian history, although they certainly were. The primary reason is that the author, Steven Beller, is a highly regarded scholar both of Austrian history overall as well as its Jews. This volume not [End Page 213] only pays more attention to Habsburg Jews than most surveys of Austria, but its author also reflects on interpretive aspects of their history, and fits them into his larger argument about the Monarchy. Beller’s first book was Vienna and the Jews, 1867–1938: A Cultural History (Cambridge University Press, 1989). Beforehand, analyses of the explosion of modernist culture in Vienna and Habsburg Austria—a culture that helped shape the twentieth-century West—de-emphasized the disproportionate role played by Jews and those of Jewish descent. Beller countered that argument in 1989, and he distills his findings in this book, here placing them directly in the context of political and social developments in the Habsburg Monarchy. The most important elements of that culture, the author argued, “were developed against the national and establishment grain.” Jewish participation in this cultural milieu grew out of the “existential crisis” they faced after the victory of antisemitism and nationalism over liberalism in the Austrian political arena. (216) In his first book, and again here, Beller describes how Viennese Jews by 1900 came to be overrepresented in entrepreneurial fields and finance, having been excluded from owning land in the old system, and thus became the primary patrons of the arts. Their children became the majority in the highest levels of the educational system. In addition to their socioeconomic status, the Jews of the capital were placed in an “endangered and adversarial position” by political developments. The Habsburg Jewish elite were thus “cultural insiders and social and political outsiders,” and this gave the culture they produced “its ironic, and critical, edge.” (219) Beller connected this phenomenon to his broader argument about Habsburg history, in which he pushes back at the once revisionist, now largely dominant, argument that views the Monarchy more positively, as a home where, before 1914, its peoples co-existed reasonably peacefully. The Jewish experience highlights the reality that “nationalism and modernization [in Austria] . . . had losers too, including non-nationalized minorities such as acculturated Habsburg Jewry.” (219) Beyond this argument, which brings together what Beller has to say about both Habsburg Austria and its Jews, he recounts the major events in their entwined history. He also examines Hungary’s Jews, who, after the 1867 Compromise that essentially gave Hungary autonomy within the Monarchy, benefited from an arrangement in which those Jews who had previously adopted German culture instead acculturated as Magyars and identified as members of the Magyar nation. However, the author notes that post-1918 Hungary, shorn of two-thirds of its territory and all its linguistic minorities, no longer needed the support of its Jews. That Hungary enacted the first law in Central Europe capping the percentage of Jews in institutions of higher learning. Further examining the effects of the Monarchy’s demise on its Jews, Beller notes that in Austria, the postwar courts determined that Galician Jews living in Vienna at the end of the war were, despite their Habsburg citizenship, [End Page 214] not eligible for citizenship in the Republic of Austria because they were not German. Drawing parallels to policies that emerged before 1914, the author explained: “The racial definition of Jews in the interwar period was thus a development of Habsburg jurisprudence.” (281) Ultimately, argues Beller, the Habsburg Monarchy failed—and fell—because it could not embrace the so-called “Austrian Idea” . . . a sense of Austria having a special character, and indeed mission, of containing great diversity within unity.” (18) Many of those who urged it to embrace...

Krieg, Frieden und Religion(en) – Hans Jonas’ Reflections on Religious Aspects of Warlessness

This paper focuses on a posthumously published speech by the Jewish philosopher Hans Jonas, named Reflections onReligious Aspects of Warlessness. Jonas talks about the topic of war and peace in the teachings and history of different religions; namely, Judaism, Christianity, Islam, and Manicheism. Furthermore, he discusses the relations between war, peace, and religion in general, highlights the dangers of the modern nuclear age, and speculates about the role that religion might play in the process of avoiding war in the future. The paper sums up the most important statements of Jonas!s speech and takes a look into other texts by Jonas that help us to understand his thoughts on war and peace; e. g., The Concept of God after Auschwitz, his reflections about the participation of Jews in the Second World War and his studies about Gnosticism. In addition, the paper also discusses Jonas's propositions in a questioning manner and takes its own standpoint on both Reflections on Religious Aspects of Warlessness and the relations between war, peace, and the different religions in the past and in the world of today.

Jane Austen on Paper

ABSTRACTThis essay explores the economy of Romantic-period paper circa 1790s to 1810s. The material history of paper preoccupied writers in the period, not only because of its volatile role in mediation. I discuss articles from British and Caribbean newspapers, economic histories of the paper trade, and essays on papermaking by Charlotte Smith and Anna Barbauld. These contemporary sources demonstrate that, in times of scarcity consequent on war and economic isolation, British writers used figural discourses of whiteness to promote paper conservation. At the same time, these writers glanced uneasily at the complexly racialized, mobile history of paper, including the participation of Jews in rag gathering and the use of cast-off clothes from enslaved people of color, sailors, and condemned prisoners in the making of paper furnish. Paper’s whiteness suffered continual threat from the traces of this history (materialized by writing and print) and from the instability of its figurations. The precarious whiteness of paper and its dependency on rags link the paper trade practically and figurally with the Atlantic slave economy. I argue that Jane Austen’s novels metonymically address the racialized economy of paper, querying the dependency of the industry—and Romantic literate culture—on racialized networks of injustice.