Iraqi Politics Research Articles

Analyzing Iraqi Political Cartoons

Pictures have an essential effect on our thoughts and decisions. We have also noticed how these pictures produced in the form of cartoons affect our viewpoints. They do so since we are addicted to social media to the extent it can manipulate our thoughts unconsciously and obnoxiously. Besides, people don’t have the courage to express their viewpoints clearly, so they tend to use the satire to keep their face. This motivates the researcher to analyze the underlying structure of this satire presented in caricatures to read the message clearly. This research aims at revealing the way the political caricatures are produced and the main characteristics of political caricatures. Incorporating a methodology depending on selecting some samples, this paper is a semiotic analysis of political caricatures announced through the election campaign 2018 in Iraq. It concentrates on the format caricatures used as a communicative channel on net platform to come up with essential senses and prevailing political matters. This is carried out by adopting Barthes’ semiotic theory which is the first apparent semiotic approach. It is a good means to analyze the implied structure, including the dictionary and implied senses of creating influence of political caricatures. Besides, it provides us with a good means to interpret and understand political caricatures. This is quite important since political cartoons work as an approach to comprehend human consciousness.

The Doctrine of “Wilayat al-Faqih”: Interpretations, Theoretical Base and Genesis

After the 1979 “Islamic Revolution” which brought to power Ayatollah Ruhollah Musawi Khomeini Iran was indoctrinated by the ideology of “wilayat al-faqih” (guardianship of the Islamic theologist). This brand was not new in Shia Islam: it emerged centuries ago as an idea that all believers should be under the guidance of Islamic theologists until the end of the period of the Major Occultation (al-ghaybah as-sughra). This age started when in 941 the last contactee with the twelfth and the last of the Imams — Muhammad Ibn al-Hassan al-Mahdi, who had disappeared in 874, deceased. The Shias believe that Imam al-Mahdi is still alive and will reappear in the end of times. The term “faqih” in Arabic means a person who deeply knows or understands something. In the context of the Islamic tradition it designates a sage capable of explaining the Quran and other recognized religious texts. The practical exigencies of the life of state, society and individual, as al-Mahdi’s occultation grew longer and longer, raised the status of the faqihs who faced the necessity of resolving contemporary issues. Some of them even made claims to exercise political power which eventually were embodied by the modern ideology of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Even those Shia religious authorities who did not support the ambitions of the absolute guardianship (al-wilaya al-mutlaqa) that included state-ruling, were unable to stay outside politics. The brightest example of this is the figure of the spiritual leader of the Iraqi Shias Ayatollah Ali as-Sistani who is respected and listened to not only by Iraqi politicians, but by foreign state officials as well.

The Key Features of the Sadrist Movement (“At-Tayyar As-Sadri”) as a Player in the Political Process in Present-Day Iraq

The Sadrist Movement (“at-Tayyār as-Sadri”) broke into Iraqi politics in the immediate aftermath of the overthrow of Saddam Hussein's government as a result of the US invasion in 2003. The previously clandestine movement emerged from the shadows and proved to be a powerful force that dramatically adjusted Washington's plans for Iraq. Muqtada as-Sadr who positions himself as an anticorruption fighter and champion of equality and social justice, united under his umbrella people of sundry political views: from graduates of Shia religious schools to secular-minded left-wingers. As-Sadr’s personality, shaded by the haloed figure of his father-martyr, Ayatollah Muhammad Sadiq as-Sadr, plays an essential role in consolidating such a vast variety of beliefs. Meanwhile, the absence of strict hierarchy and organizational structure inside the movement prevents Muqtada as-Sadr from effectively managing the “sadrist current”, which at the same time is strongly influenced by his own instable and unpredictable character. An old ally of Iran with the history of effective cooperation dating back to the times of anti-American resistance, as-Sadr maintains substantial independence from Tehran, despite his uttered support for the “Wilāyat al-Faqīh” theory understood in large part identically with the ideological doctrine of the Islamic Republic, as it seems from as-Sadr’s declarations. This makes him a hard but indispensable partner of Iranians in Iraq. In general, as-Sadr prefers to avoid taking serious political responsibilities, feeling comfortable in a specific métier of gadfly and dissenter. However, he provided vital support for the government in crucial moments, as his supporters actively participated in the operations of popular mobilization forces against ISIS, as well as in actions aimed to moderate and curb the mass protests in 2019–2020. As-Sadr also repeatedly advocated the idea of the popular mobilization forces integration into the structures of the federal army, thus contributing to the latent government-led campaign of re-establishing the state’s monopoly on armed operations.

University Youth's use of Social Networking Sites to Obtain Information About Iraqi Political Issues, A Case Study of a Sample of Al-Iraqia University Students, College of Media

This search seeks to know university youth's use of social networking sites to obtain information about Iraqi political issues, A case study of a sample of Iraqia university students, College of Media to reveal the nature University youth's use of social media, determine to what extent provide them with these sites with the necessary information about political issues Iraq, in a period that witnessed many political and security developments and the emergence of massive demonstrations calling for a comprehensive reform of all joints of the state and regained the homeland from the hands of the corrupt and corrupt who owe loyalty and innocence to foreign countries that plunder Iraq’s wealth and implement its suspicious agenda on its lands, as well as the beginning of a major global health crisis COVID19 in Iraq had a large share of its repercussions. The researcher used the survey method, and the research methodology necessitated the use of the questionnaire tool to achieve its objectives, and the research stems from a main problem represented by What nature the use of social networking sites by university youth to obtain information on Iraqi political issues?). The research aims to achieve a set of goals, including: 1- Determine the most used social networking sites. Building positions on Iraqi political issues by university youth. The research led to a set of conclusions, the most important of which are: 1– Most of the respondents use social networking sites and spend a number of hours and at varying rates in order to obtain information related to political issues related to the Iraqi issue, and this follow-up is mostly in the evening, and this is a clear indication that university students after their work ends and take a rest and then They complete their homework, follow up on social media in the evening, as it is like their leisure and rest time. They dedicate part of it to following up on political issues. The researcher also suggested a set of proposals, the most important of which are: 1 - The necessity of educating university youth about the pros and cons of social networking sites through university lectures, seminars and the media. 2 - It is important to educate university youth about the value of time and invest it in what benefits them and achieve their ambitions, and what is allocated from it to use social networking sites should make them aware of developments and events that can help them achieve those ambitions.

تغريدات الزعامات السياسية العراقية إزاء حراك تشكيل الحكومة عبر موقع تويتر للمدة من (3/ 9/ 2018م) ولغاية (3/ 9/ 2019م)

يتناول هذا البحث تحليل تغريدات السياسيين العراقيين )الزعماء( حول تشكيلالحكومة العراقية بعد انتخابات عام 2018 م والتي تعد من أهم القضايا التي برزتفي العملية السياسية والتي لاقت اهتماماً من وسائل الإعلام في العراق فضلاً عنمواقع التواصل الاجتماعي، فقد نشرت الزعامات السياسية العراقية تغريدات كثيرة،أحدثت بعضها جدلاً كبيراً في الوسط السياسي حول بعض الأمور التي تخص تشكيلالحكومة، لاسيما ان موقع تويتر يعد من المنصات الرقمية التي لاقت استخداماً واسعاًمن السياسيين في أنحاء العالم كافة في السنوات الأخيرة سواء من ناحية الاستخدامالشخصي أو الرسمي، أي انهم وظفوها لنشر ارائهم وأفكارهم وتبادل الاتهاماتفيما بينهم فضلاً عن إيصال كل ما يريدونه من رسائل إلى الاخرين بصورة مباشرةوسريعة. وتمت دراسة تغريدات الزعامات السياسية العراقية ازاء تشكيل الحكومةوتحليلها لمدة سنة من ) 3/ 9/ 2018 م( إلى ) 3/ 9/ 2019 م(، منطلقين من مشكلةالبحث وأهدافها الاساسية وذلك باستخدام المنهج المسحي وأداة تحليل المضموناثناء مدة الدراسة، وقد تلخصت مشكلة البحث بمجموعة من التساؤلات أبرزها هو)ما موضوعات التغريدات التي تناولتها الزعامات السياسية العراقية عبر موقعتويتر، وما الاتجاه السياسي السائد في تغريدات الزعامات السياسية إزاء حراكتشكيل الحكومة، ومن الجهات المخاطبة في تغريدات الزعامات السياسية العراقيةعبر موقع تويتر(.

Civil Society in Hybrid Regimes: Trade Union Activism in Post-2003 Iraq

This article explores the relationship between hybrid regimes and civil society. It examines the extant debate between ‘neo-Tocquevilleans’ and their opponents over whether or not a robust civil society portends democratic transition and consolidation. It demonstrates the limits of these two models by arguing that civil society in hybrid regimes can in fact agitate against the state, advocate for democratic freedoms and achieve significant political reforms even when these do not lead to broader democratization. To demonstrate, this article documents the case of the Iraqi Federation of Oil Unions through 15 years of complex Iraqi politics, from the 2003 US-led intervention and during the incumbency of Prime Minister’s Maliki (2006–2014) and Abadi (2014–2018). By analysing primary materials produced by and about the Iraqi Federation of Oil Unions, it finds that this case holds important lessons for those seeking to understand the complex interface between civil society and the state in hybrid regimes.

دور الفيس بوک في تشکيل صورة السياسيين العراقيين

باتت وسائل الإعلام الجديد اليوم في طليعة وسائل الإعلام بعدما تجاوز أعداد مستخدميها في إحصائية لعام 2018 التسعة عشر مليونا على مستوى العراق وحده، فيما تجاوز الثلاثة مليارات في العالم، هذه الأرقام القابلة للزيادة تمثل مؤشرا واضحا على مدى اهتمام وتفاعل الجمهور مع هذه الوسائل ولا سيما الفيس بوک الذي يقف في المقدمة من حيث عدد المستخدمين، الأمر الذي دعا السياسيين إلى العمل على استثمارها دعائيا بهدف تحقيق غاياتهم ولا سيما في بناء وتحسين صورتهم أمام الجمهور مستغلين خصائص وإمکانيات تلک الوسائل التي توفر أمامهم فرصا کبيرة للوصول والتواصل مع جمهور طالما رغبوا في التأثير فيه، من هذا المنطلق کانت مشکلة الدراسة تتمحور حول مدى توظيف السياسيين العراقيين للـ(الفيس بوک) في تشکيل صورتهم، وتهدف الدراسة إلى الوقوف على حيثيات عملية التوظيف والأساليب المستخدمة من قبل السياسيين وطبيعة الصورة المشکلة عنهم لدى متابعي صفحاتهم الشخصية عبر الفيس بوک من خلال استخدام طريقة تحليل المضمون لتلک الصفحات والاستبانة للوقوف على موقف الجمهور من عملية التوظيف تلک. وتوصل الباحث إلى العديد من النتائج، منها: 1. السياسيون يوظفون الفيس بوک کثيرا جدا. 2.الفيس بوک لم يحسن صورة السياسيين، بل إن الصورة رسمها عنهم أنهم يبحثون عن مصالحهم الشخصية؛ إذ جاءت بالمرتبة الأولى، تلتها الطائفية، وحلت ثالثا صورة الارتباط بالخارج. 3. استخدام السياسيين العديد من الأساليب الدعائية عبر الفيس بوک، أبرزها (توظيف العامل الديني)،(إثارة الخوف) و(تقمص البساطة). Abstract: Nature of the employment of new mass media, as represented via Facebook, by Iraqi politicians, and the consequences as to the images formed about them across such media by public audience; as well, the attempt is made to understand the nature of the effect of the propagandistic employment of new mass media on public audience in terms of Cultivation Theory as adopted by the researcher, along with the public audience's standpoint towards what is being exposed on the politicians' pages on new mass media (Facebook). The researcher has arrived at a number of results; of which are the following: 1- Politicians employ Facebook to a great extent. 2- Facebook has not made better the politicians' images, but the images formed about them meant that they are after their personal interests (ranked first), they are sectarianists, and last, they tend to make foreign relations abroad. 3- Politicians have employed many methods on Facebook: religious factor (ranked first),(ranked second),and (ranked third).

The Big Man Muqtada al-Sadr: Leading the Street in Iraq under Limited Statehood

ABSTRACT The article conceptualises the Shia cleric Muqtada al-Sadr as a big man to explain his proven capability for navigating the hazardous terrain of Iraqi politics. Introduced in Sahlins’ anthropology on Melanesia and refined in African studies, the notion of the big man has been underexploited in accounts of the Arab region. This article defends its relevance for sociopolitical analyses of Iraq and for the study of religious actors. Personal authority is the defining characteristic of a big man, and the mobilisation of followers is the key to his renown. In situations of limited statehood, the ability to build support upon extra-institutional foundations can yield long-lasting political results. Muqtada al-Sadr has relied on an exceptional combination of resources to establish himself as a kingmaker on the political scene. We trace the roots of his ascent and foreground the strategies he has used to accumulate authority in his person. The article analyses Muqtada’s response to the wave of popular protests that swept Southern Iraq in 2019, observing a shift from initial support to open confrontation with the demonstrators. We argue that this shift threatens his status because it undermines his most important power resource: the ability to lead the street.

The Chaldean patriarch and the discourse of ‘inclusive citizenship’: restructuring the political representation of Christians in Iraq since 2003

ABSTRACT Since the invasion of Iraq in 2003, the Chaldean Church has sought to play a role in Iraqi politics that counteracts the impact of the declining Christian population. Within a general climate of identity politics and efforts to reformulate conceptions of Iraqi national identity and political representation of diversity, this contribution explores the role of the current Chaldean patriarch, Cardinal Louis Raphael I Sako, the leader of Iraq’s largest Christian denomination. The contribution shows that Cardinal Sako emphasises the need for inclusive citizenship (al-Mowatana) for all Iraqis. I contend that this is in keeping with the modern history of relations between the state and the Chaldean Church, and also born of dynamics within the community, particularly with the growing diaspora, as well as political difference between Iraq’s Christian communities. The aim of Sako’s al-Mowatana discourse is to safeguard the stability of the central government as a bulwark against further violence and displacement, as well as to offer Christians a way to participate in rebuilding Iraq. The Chaldean Church represents Christians to the state, arguing for their significance in building bridges, but also promotes the state to Christians as viable and necessary for enabling Christians to remain in their ancient homelands.

¿Un califato islámico en el Sahel?

Este artículo compara las condiciones políticas, sociales e históricas del Estado de Irak en el momento de la expansión territorial de Daesh con las condiciones políticas, sociales e históricas presentes actualmente en el Estado de Mali. Para el análisis se emplea el modelo de extremismo de John M. Berger, las diversas teorías sociológicas que lo acompañan y otros análisis sobre la presencia de potencias extranjeras en Estados débiles. El análisis a través de este modelo permite constatar cómo se han forjado las identidades grupales tanto en Irak como en Mali, cómo estos grupos han entrado en conflicto en ocasiones patrocinados por potencias extranjeras y cómo las organizaciones yihadistas han aprovechado el conflicto intergrupos para engrosar sus filas, legitimarse, y en el caso de Daesh, expandirse para fundar un Califato en Oriente Medio. Tras establecer similitudes y diferencias entre los casos de Irak y Mali, se determina si una expansión similar a la de Daesh y protagonizada por grupos yihadistas podría tener lugar en el territorio maliense.

Leadership and Post-Conflict State Rebuilding: Iraq after 2003 Case Study

The Iraqi political and social arena has been characterized, subjectively and objectively, by the weakness of leadership building. This has led to a leadership crisis, reflected in the quality of the outcome of the process of rebuilding the state in Iraq. Thus, this building process lacked the simplest requirements and conditions of success. It suffered from a major and obvious failure: the situation in Iraq has raised conflict leaders, not building leaders, and this confirms the existence of a cultural crisis in the production of conscious, aware leadership compatible with democratic action. The weakness of the leadership in Iraq is reflected in a series of ongoing crises that require radical solutions in accordance with long-term strategic plans; the crises are especially reflected in the absence of building visions and the predominance of self-interest, along with the impact of social reality on leadership practices, which has an adverse effect on state-building.

Leadership and Post-Conflict State Rebuilding: Iraq after 2003: Case Study

امتازت الساحة السياسية والاجتماعية العراقية بضعف البناء الذاتي والموضوعي للقيادة، الأمر الذي ولد أزمة قيادة، انعكست بالمحصلة النهائية على جودة عملية إعادة بناء الدولة في العراق. فكانت عملية البناء هذه تفتقر لأبسط متطلبات النجاح وشروطه، كما عانت من تعثر كبير وواضح كانت أزمة القيادة إحدى مسبباته، إذ أفرز الواقع العراقي قادة صراع وليس قادة بناء، وهذا الأمر يؤكد وجود أزمة ثقافية في أنتاج القيادات الواعية والمدركة والمتوافقة مع العمل الديمقراطي. وباتباع منهجية الانتقال من العام إلى الخاص بالاعتماد على المقاربات الوصفية والتحليلية، عمدنا في البحث إلى دراسة مفاصل الموضوع، القيادة- بناء الدولة- دور القيادة في بناء الدولة، كل على حدة وربط كل مفصل في نهايته بالسياق العراقي. وقد خرج البحث باستنتاج أن أزمة القيادة في العراق تجسدت من خلال مجموعة من الأزمات المستدامة التي هي بحاجة فعلية لحلول جذرية، استناداً إلى خطط استراتيجية مدروسة بعيدة المدى، لاسيما في ظل غياب الرؤى البنائية وسيادة المصالح الذاتية، إلى جانب تأثير الواقع الاجتماعي على ممارسات القيادة، الذي عزز من غلبة الهويات الفرعية الضيقة على حساب الهوية الجامعة، الأمر الذي أثر على مسألة بناء الدولة.

Pragmatics of Political Blame in British and Iraqi Parliaments

This research is a pragmatic study of political blame in British and Iraqi Parliaments. It aims to unfold the similarities and/or differences in terms of the pragmatic and pragma-rhetorical strategies used by British and Iraqi politicians when they exchange blame in both offensive and defensive situations. A statistical analysis is conducted to quantitatively support the findings of the pragmatic analysis. The analyses conducted have yielded different results among blame is a process composed of two stages. Each stage is distinct for its pragmatic components and pragma-rhetorical strategies. British and Iraqi MPs at the blame stage tend to utilize impoliteness as their main strategy. However, British and Iraqi MPs perform differently at the blame avoidance stage in that British MPs employ politeness as their main defense strategy, whereas Iraqi MPs exploit impoliteness. Besides, British and Iraqi MPs at the blame stage tend to violate the maxim of quality by fabricating their statements. At the blame avoidance stage, the maxim of relevance was the most violated one through the strategy of evasion. As for pragma-rhetorical strategies, British and Iraqi politicians at the blame stage exploit the pragma-rhetorical strategy of number-game to support their credibility. At the blame avoidance stage, British politicians primarily utilize hyperbole, whereas Iraqi politicians deploy shifting blame.

The Impact of U.S. and UN Sanctions on Iraqi Political Elite

The problem of sanctions effectiveness as a means of a regime change is one of the key issues for researchers in the field of sanctions policy. The case of U.S. and UN sanctions against Iraq is one of the most vivid examples of how sanctions can be effective in terms of limiting the undesirable international behavior of a country, while failing to instigate a regime change and severely hampering the social and economic conditions for general population. The article discusses the dynamics of restrictive measures against Iraq during Saddam Hussein regime, the problems of regimes adaptation to international sanctions as well as the evolution of U.S. and UN sanctions against the country. For this purpose the authors reviewed the key UN sanctions documents, as well as the evolution of the main aspects of Iraqi political regime with regards to the power distribution between different groups. The research shows that sanctions aimed at regime change failed to fulfill this task. Despite constantly degrading social and economic conditions, the Saddam Hussein regime demonstrated considerable resilience. This can be attributed primarily to the use of contradictions of complex tribal and religious composition of the country, as well as to oppression and a relatively effective re-distribution of the scarce resources between different power groups. Under these conditions, even the presence of intra-elite conflicts strengthened the regime, rather than weaken it. Another important factor was the very policy of external pressure on the elite and the country as a whole. The severity of restrictive measures was partially offset by the presence of programs such as “Oil-for-Food”, which, given the poor development of the programs themselves, as well as corruption schemes involving its executors, reduced pressure on the regime and, consequently, the effectiveness of sanctions. Thus these factors contributed to the ultimate failure of the sanctions policy towards Iraq in 1990-2003.

4 Middle East and North Africa

Key trendsConflicts in the Middle East remain highly regionalised and internationalised; rivalries among external powers play out across the region.The US-backed Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) liberated the last ISIS-held territory in Syria. ISIS adapted by resorting to insurgency tactics, in both Syria and Iraq.Iraq’s post-ISIS stabilisation is tentative. By 2019, a large protest movement upended Iraqi politics, while US–Iran tensions also played out in the Iraqi arena.In Libya, a new, more brutal phase of civil war began, with more direct involvement of regional rivals.Egypt contended with regular attacks in the Sinai Peninsula although the insurgency began to lose its strength.Israeli dominance and unilateralism shaped the trajectory of the Israel–Palestine conflict.Strategic implicationsSyria is likely to remain an exporter of instability in the foreseeable future and to continue drawing external interference.Turkey’s intervention in Syria isolated the country from its regional interlocutors and NATO allies. Russia attempted to fill the diplomatic vacuum created bythe sudden withdrawal of US forces from northern Syria.The influence of pro-Iranian militias, the weakness of the central government and US–Iran tensions put the stability of Iraq at risk.Many global powers see the conflict in Libya as an opportunity to expand their strategic influence in the Mediterranean.The Saudi-led coalition came under greater scrutiny in 2019, from the US and UK in particular.President Trump’s pro-Israeli policies alienated Palestinians and undermined the United States’ role as negotiator.ProspectsWhile a comprehensive and inclusive political settlement in Syria remains elusive, a new insurgency is brewing in southern Syria. The resurgence of ISIS is already under way.A lull in hostilities in northern Syria is possible, but prospects for peace are non-existent in the short term. Turkish forces in Syrian areas are creating tensions with local communities and fuel low-intensity conflict.A return to large-scale territorial control by ISIS is unlikely, but without adequate counter-insurgency efforts, Iraq will struggle to eliminate remaining militants.The Saudi-led coalition’s declining appetite for war in Yemen suggests a potential peace settlement more expansive than the Stockholm Agreement envisaged.Increased fragmentation in Libya raises concerns over a possible partition. Proxy wars are unlikely to end soon.

Sectarianism and Recognition in Iraq

This article uses the theory of recognition to analyze sectarian conflicts in Iraq. After describing the sectarian and historical background of contemporary Iraqi politics, the article critiques the implementation of consociationalism and policies influenced by liberal multiculturalism in deeply divided societies. It argues that these policies lead to a dangerous reification of identities. The article argues that a progressive implementation of deliberative democracy practices could improve identity-related issues in Iraq and explains how democratic practices are legitimized by the most influential Islamic religious figure in Iraq.

Sectarianism and Political Order in Iraq and Lebanon

AbstractAlthough Iraq and Lebanon are deeply divided societies, they have followed varying political trajectories. Whilst Lebanon has accommodated sectarianism within a consociational democracy since its inception, until 2003 Iraq had an authoritarian regime that ostensibly repressed sectarianism. However, after 2003, Iraqi politics began to converge with the consociationalism of Lebanon. Taking a longitudinal approach, the study explains this puzzle by focusing on one factor: sectarianism. It asks how and why sectarianism has shaped the political trajectories and regime types in the two cases and, conversely, how sectarianism has been shaped by these trajectories and regimes.

Impact of Political Instability on the Reality of Iraqi Political Parties: A Study According to the Results of the 2018 Elections

Abstract The Iraqi political parties had been affected since 2003 by the political pivotal transformations which happened according to the aftermaths of democratic elections , especially under the disruptions of American’s invasion that led in cooperation with its allies in April 2003 .So the social and political situations became ruling according to the new aspects of practicing the new stage of authority as compromise settlements and quota and ethno - sectarian distribution to be as following as compatible with theory of practicing the authority responsibilities(Power sharing ) as what happened now , besides to that all political democracy scene has greatly been distorted because of the instability penetrated within rebuilding the state and its institutions from the beginning as planned by an active powerful political forces . Many functions that are characterized by competitions among the political parties had changed the concepts of exercising democracy in a real way to be done an effective shape ,because of the political and social actors had different role ,which were being a reflection of another reality within the democracy’s process .So that all the situations had been complicated too much owing to the factors of political instability that influenced negatively on the framework of the state , especially the impacts of economic and social factors as of poverty, stagnation , ignorance and disease and another underdevelopment features which predominated over political and social retrogression levels . In addition to that the absence of an efficient administrative elites , which appeared recently under different conditions and circumstances .So it was became very obviously as we know precisely that democracy’s process in Iraq since 2003 was comprehensively undemocratic in practicing because the political forces have not democratic culture that encourage the dialogue to solve all pending problems , and have not abundant tolerance to accept the differences of others parties yet . The phenomenon of the political instability has divided into different varieties by which scattering among the addresses of suspicion and it definitely has a sectarian discourse dimension in case of dealing among each other . So these addresses and dialogues were being away from the political national conformity correctly , because of there was something like definitely as the exclusion and marginalization discourses in order to narrowing any active political party within the political process try to do pro - active role to settle all pending crises . Furthermore , the reality of political life has been under the continuous crises and conflicts over an authority along time not to gain gradually the outcomes of procurement during application the constitution clauses and valid laws , in order to preserving the political stability and to be done more far from the national unity fragmentation and the weakness of political institutions . Finally , we need too much time to reach into condition of stability , especially after opening anew spaces toward active real participation , and because there was a growing need for educated people who could administer the society and the state institutionally by existing strong government, and ultimately peoples will have ability to form new political governing elites later.

Challenging the anocracy model: Iran’s foreign policy in Iraq as an obstacle to democracy?

ABSTRACTSince America’s invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the consequent partial collapse of the state Iraq has been undergoing a process of deterioration and disintegration mainly because America’s vision of establishing a new, more democratic political order there encountered a lack of readiness to understand what the structure of a democratic state should be. The political process that Iraq has been going through – that is the transition from autocratic dictatorship to adopting a kind of democratic system is called anocracy, which means a political system that is neither fully democratic nor fully autocratic.Furthermore, the Iranian intervention into Iraqi politics that took place after 2003 has led to the creation of a virtually imperial model of regional power (Iran’s) that has turned Iraq into a kind of informal protectorate in ethnic and religious issues. This article wishes to offer a better understanding of the anocratic political shift that Iraq has been going through by adding the component of Iran’s influence and foreign policy upon it as an ambivalent factor that is both accelerating yet also preventing the process of democratization from properly establishing itself in Iraq.

Impact of Political Instability on the Reality of Iraqi Political Parties: A Study According to the Results of the 2018 Elections

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