Iranian Interests Research Articles

IRAN’S POSITION ON THE LEGAL STATUS OF THE CASPIAN SEA

For some time after the collapse of the USSR, the Caspian Sea continued to belong to two states, namely Russia, as the successor to the USSR, and Iran. However, this caused serious contradictions between the coastal newly formed post-Soviet countries overthe use of the Caspian Sea water area, seabed and subsoil. To solve such problems, it was necessary to establis h a new legal status of the Caspian Sea, taking into account the interests of all Caspian littoral states.At the initiative of the Russian Federation, work began in 1996 on a draft convention on the lega l status of the Caspian Sea, which was to be oriented towards the interests of all littoral states. Including more than 50 meetings and 5 summits, the draft Convention reached its culmination in 2018 in Aktau. The purpose of this research paper is to examine Iran's perspective on the legal status of the Caspian Sea and assess the impact of the Aktau summit on Iran. The paper analyzes Iran's role in the negotiations and its position on various issues related to the legal status of the Caspian Sea. Through this analysis, the paper aims to provide insight into the complexities of the Caspian Sea legal framework and its implications for Iran's interests and its relations with other littoral states.

WORLD TOURISM INDICES AND TOURISM COMPETITION BETWEEN COUNTRIES

This article aims to evaluate tourism competition between countries by examining world tourism indices. Tourism indices are widely used tools to measure and compare the performance of the tourism industry. This study will discuss the Global Tourism Competitiveness Index, Travel and Tourism Competitiveness Index and other important indices, explain the calculation methods of the indices and analyze the results. Sustainability, the economic contribution of tourism and future trends are also among the focuses of this article. This study will help us understand how tourism indices affect tourism competition between countries and predict future tourism trends. Major tourist destinations such as Turkey and the USA are making various efforts to promote sustainable tourism practices. This is an important step aimed at growing tourism sectors sustainably in the future. Countries such as Georgia, Azerbaijan and Iran have the potential to offer different experiences for tourists with their cultural diversity and unique traditions. These countries have growth opportunities in the field of cultural tourism. Sustainable tourism practices are important for future growth and success for major tourist destinations. A major tourist destination like the USA aims to make its tourism industry more environmentally friendly by increasing its efforts on sustainability. Iran may not have been able to fully utilize its tourism potential due to regional and international political factors. Security concerns and political instability may limit tourist interest in Iran. As a result, these five countries have different tourism potentials and each offers unique attractions. Turkey, the USA and others aim to grow their tourism sectors in the future by promoting sustainable tourism practices. The competition between the countries examined reflects the development of tourism indices and the diversity of tourist destinations.

The Roots of al-Hashd al-Shaabi Groups and its Impact on their Composition and Loyalty

The aim of this study is to introduce and analyze the historical stages of the formation of Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) and introducing their numbers and groups and present the religious, sectarian and ethnic communities within Hashdi Shaabi groups.Because without identifying the historical roots of these groups, their numbers, composition and supporters, we cannot identify the reasons and goals behind the formation of PMF groups. The study also introduces Iran's efforts to support PMF groups to dominate the security and political arena in Iraq and protect Iranian interests in the Iraq and region.

Hezb-e Tudeh-ye Iran and Its Struggle Against the Challenges Posed Against It by the British, 1942–1946: An Analysis Based on Soviet Documents

Abstract Archival documents from Russia, which are becoming more accessible, help to provide a more accurate accounts of Iran's political past. Based on Soviet documents from the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History, as well additional primary and secondary sources in various languages, the focus of this article is on the challenges and obstacles which the Tudeh Party faced from the British and their proxies in Iran during the Allied occupation of Iran in Second World War (thus creating Tudeh's ‘British Problem’). The article delves not only on describing and analyzing those challenges and obstacles, but also on the way the Tudeh was able to overcome them, and its political breakthrough and success in the Fourteenth Majlis elections and later in introducing three of its members into Qavam's coalition government. Faced with such successes of the Tudeh, and worried about the future of their own interests in Iran, and especially the oil installations of the AIOC, the British sought American assistance. According to the Soviet view, it was only through an Anglo-American cooperation that Tudeh's political rise in Iran was checked.

The Late-comer Friend: Iranian Interests on the Horn of Africa

In the competition among the great powers as well as Middle Eastern regional actors the Horn, especially with its background of the Red Sea, has become the scene of two regional overlapping rivalries, namely between Saudi Arabia/the United Arab Emirates/Egypt and Qatar/Turkey on the one hand, and Saudi Arabia and Iran, on the other. While Iran seems to be far from the Horn of Africa, its participation in the war in Yemen as well as its strategic position both along the land route and the maritime route of the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative make it an unavoidable party. Iran is operating on the Horn of Africa to extend its strategic depth, resist the pressure of rival powers and counterbalance their activities, and increase its political and economic gains. Compared to other Gulf states, Tehran started its campaign relatively late, and Iran’s economic potential is more limited as well. The lack of significant Shi’a presence in East Africa is also an obstacle for expansion. Therefore, Iran is still a secondary actor on the Horn of Africa.

US-Iran Relations and its Implications on International Peace and Security

This piece analyses stages of friendly as well as ferocious relationships between United States of America (US) and the Islamic Republic of Iran. The paper identified unhealthy struggle for dominance and the attendant use of surrogates by the countries to achieve their aims. The paper objective centres on ascertaining the causes of the multi-decade sour relations between the states. With the aid of descriptive approach, data obtained from text books, journals, mass media (of international repute), and internet resources were sourced and analysed. Theoretically, Morgenthau’s political realism, with emphasis on interest defined in terms of (political, economic, military and other corollaries) of power was adopted to unravel the relation between the variables. Findings show that US and Iran were allies before a military coup that unseat the democratically elected Prime Minister Mohammed Mossadeq and restored full political powers to the Shah in 1953. There was a trilateral relation amongst Iran, US and Israel; the relationship, necessitated by the fear of Soviet expansion into Middle East by all parties and amplified by Iran’s strategic position between Far-East and Indian Ocean and the need to protect multiple US economic interests in Iran, instilled fears and suspicion among Sunni majority of the region. The paper, also, traces the non-Arab cultural, linguistic, and historic Judeo and Persian national identities distinct in an otherwise predominantly Sunni-Arab region. Also that a US-Iran war portent the ability to suspend the fragile peace in the Middle East and further wreck the relations between US and host of Iranian super allies. Thus, the paper recommends among others that, there is need for the two sides to maintain their border of influence to allow peace and stability of the international political system though anarchically laden.

Iran's Interests in the Syrian Conflict

Iran's Interests in the Syrian Conflict

Actors in conflict of interest in Iran's health system: Ranking and policy recommendations for conflict of interest management

AbstractWe conducted this study to rank conflict of interest (COI) actors in Iran's health system. Based on a review of relevant literature, we extracted a list of 27 actors within seven categories who play roles in the COI in the health system. We considered three criteria for ranking the actors: the actor's interest, power, and authority concerning COI. Each actor scored one to five on the Likert scale in every criteria. Using descriptive statistics, each actor's mean and standard deviation of its scores were calculated in these three indicators. The actors were ranked using the fuzzy TOPSIS method. The results showed the leading players in abusing the COI in the health system of Iran are the “Food and Drug Organization” and the “Parliament.” The role and capacity of civil society and nongovernmental organizations as essential arms of oversight and transparency should not be overlooked. The government needs to enhance its efforts, we envisage, to utilize the capability of these actors by opening a dialog with them and providing the necessary training for COI.

IRAN AND RUSSIA – STRATEGIC ALLIANCE OR TEMPORARY PARTNERSHIP?

Iran’s policy in the South Caucasus is based on pragmatic approach and above all takes into consideration interests of Russia.Iran sees Russia as a counterweight of the West in the region and this factor prevails over the others. For Tehran Moscow represents a tool for escaping the sanctions imposed by the US. Russia, which in under sanctions itself, perfectly understands that Iran liberated from sanctions, could become a fierce rival with gigantic reserves of oil and gas if Tehran gets the possibility to access the Black Sea cost with the most convenient and for it the safest route – Iran-Armenia-Georgia, and in this way connect India and the Persian Gulf with the Black Sea.Iran’s interests regarding the Caspian Sea are obviously incompatible with the other littoral countries, among them Russia’s interests. Positions of two countries concerning the partition of the Caspian Sea are different. Russia secured an agreement with other littoral countries about the sectoral partition of the Sea. Since Iran still supports the equal partition of the Sea floor, despite that President Rouhani signed the agreement concluded on the Caspian Sea Summit, Iranian parliament has not ratified the agreement yet. Caspian oil and gas transportation issue is a perfect example of the crash of the ‘two great axes’: Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan (BTC) oil pipeline and the Baku-Tbilisi-Erzurum (BTE) gas pipeline are controlled by the West; therefore, in this case, Russia and Iran remains left out, hence their interests are damaged. The efforts of the West to diminish the dependence on Russia’s natural gas correspond to Iranian interests. it would be logical if Iran took full advantage from the situation created after the Russian aggression against Ukraine but Tehran took steps in the opposite direction and by the further rapprochement with Russia made such a prospect even more unrealistic. One of the major economic projects of Iran and Russia is North-South Corridor project. Its length should be 7,200 km (sea, railway, roads). Iran aims at using its geographic location and becoming a hub for energy supply lines and transit routes for Europe, Russia and the Middle East on the one hand and Central Asia, China and the Indian subcontinent on the other. Thus, together with Russia and India Iran is promoting a project to build an international north-south railway corridor. But there are also many factors that can negate the economic benefits of the project for Iran. After the outbreak of the war by Russia against Ukraine in February 2022, this project also became unrealistic – European countries won’t use the Russian territories as a transit route for trade with the East. Iran holds careful position careful position concerning the conflicts in South Caucasus. In this case also Iran cannot contradict Russia, whose dominant position in the region is recognized by Iran. However, the Russo-Iranian relations are fragile. While Russians consider themselves as the last bulwark against Islamic fundamentalism, the Iranians see Russia as a ‘newcomer’ in the region. Attitude full of suspicions is also determined by historical factors. Russian interference in country’s affairs in 19th and 20th centuries is deeply rooted in the memory of Iranians. Russia aims to be the main player in its southern neighborhood. Therefore, Moscow is opposed to the significant presence of any other regional power with ethnic and cultural affinity with the indigenous peoples of this region. In this aspect, the South Caucasus stands indeed close to Iran. So, the Iranian-Russian relations were primarily like a marriage of convenience and a matter of mutual commercial benefit. Each seemed suspicious of the other and was willing to take opposing positions when it suited its immediate interests. Since the invasion of the Russian troops in Ukraine and the outbreak of war in February 2022, it is difficult to speak about the future of Russian-Iranian relation, but it is certain the new reality created in the world after the Russian aggression, will affect also Iranian-Russian interactions. Today Russia and Iran are more close partners than before the war but it is difficult to speak about their interactions in mid or long-term perspective.

Perks and Perils of Strategic Choice: South Korea’s Iran Policy Under Moon Jae-in

After some two decades of growing partnership between Seoul and Tehran, South Korea’s bilateral relationship with Iran reached a bottom of absolute gloom under the leadership of Moon Jae-in. Most of his presidency coincided with the administration of Donald Trump who followed a relatively contrasting approach toward the North Korean and Iranian nuclear issues. Washington’s Pyongyang and Tehran policies were naturally bound to create opportunities as well as troubles for the Moon-led Korean government’s dealing with North Korea and Iran. Arguing from a perspective of strategic choice, this study asserts that Moon almost forfeited the ROK’s commercial interests in Iran for the sake of advancing his North Korean agenda. As a corollary, the South Korean–Iranian ties sank to an all-time low, culminating in unprecedented diplomatic tensions between the two countries over the issue of Iran’s oil incomes frozen in Seoul. The Mideast country’s subsequent resort to gunboat diplomacy by seizing a Korean oil tanker in the Persian Gulf did also little to break the gridlock over the dilemma of blocked assets because any satisfactory and lasting solution regarding this intractable trouble largely hinged on resolving the fate of Iran’s nuclear deal between Tehran and Washington.

Variability in chemical composition and antibacterial activity of Salvia majdae essential oil under various extraction techniques

ABSTRACT Salvia majdae (Lamiaceae) is an aromatic herb of pharmaceutical interest in Iran due to its several biological properties. In the present study, we studied the chemical composition and antibacterial activity of S. majdae essential oil (EO) by comparing several extraction methods, including hydrodistillation (HD), steam distillation (SD), ultrasound-assisted hydrodistillation (UAHD), microwave-assisted hydrodistillation (MAHD) and ohmic-assisted hydrodistillation (OAHD). The major EOs compounds obtained with all methods included linalool (39.4–45.7%) and camphor (30.9–34.3%). The highest EO yield was obtained using HD and MAHD, with 9 and 5% (w/w), respectively. The shortest extraction time (20 Min) was obtained using MAHD. The antibacterial activity of S. majdae EOs was evaluated by the minimum inhibitory concentration (MIC) method on a panel of Gram-positive (Bacillus subtilis, Staphylococcus aureus and Curtobacterium flaccumfaciens) and Gram-negative (Agrobacterium tumefaciens, Xanthomonas citri and Escherichia coli) bacteria. Notably, the EO obtained by HD demonstrated the highest antibacterial activity.

Effects of dietary various oil sources on zootechnical performance, sexual maturation, whole‐body proximate composition and fatty acid profile of Hediste diversicolor

The ragworm, Hediste diversicolor, is one of the few polychaeta species to present a commercial interest in Iran. In this study, the effects of six oil sources in the diet, namely fish oil (FO), soyabean oil (SBO), canola oil (CAO), corn oil (COO), sunflower oil (SFO) and mixed vegetable oil (MO), on growth, survival, fatty acid profile and biometric measurements of H. diversicolor were conducted during eight weeks. Furthermore, the mean survival rate of H. diversicolor reared on MO (82.93 ± 2.01%) diet, vice versa SGR, WG, Final biomass and PER, was significantly (p < 0.05) lower than that H. diversicolor fed the FO (89.40 ± 3.00%) diet. These findings suggested that MO could supply sufficient essential fatty acids, especially n3 and n6 and effective on zootechnical performance, survival and gonad maturation for juvenile H. diversicolor and should be given to individuals considered for production of dry feeds (and cheaper) of H. diversicolor. The results revealed a higher proportion of n3 HUFA in whole body of H. diversicolor than those in the experimental diets and values of n-3/n-6 in H. diversicolor fed the vegetable diets ranged from 0.13 in the COO diet to 0.21 in the CAO diet, meanwhile the values of n-3/n-6 in H. diversicolor fed the vegetable diets were lower than that obtained for the MO treatment. The FA such as C16:0, C17:0, C18:0 and C20:4ω-6 had a higher concentration in experiment groups than in control. Vegetable oils, especially mix vegetable oils, were economic alternatives to the expensive fish oil used in the H. diversicolor aquaculture industry.

ИРАНСКАЯ МОДЕЛЬ ЭКОНОМИКИ УСТОЙЧИВОСТИ: УРОКИ И РЕКОМЕНДАЦИИ ДЛЯ РОССИИ

The term of the resistance economy has been one of the most important topics of interest in Iran over the past decade, which is addressed as the main strategy of Iran to neutralize the negative consequences of the imposed sanctions by the West. The purpose of this research is to investigate the concept of resistance economy in the economic literature of Iran and Russia, to investigate the policies of the resistance economy of these two countries against economic sanctions. Also, in this article, the examined similarities and differences of the concept of resistance economy in two countries are described. The main conclusions highlight the positive impact of this strategy in order to mitigate the negative consequences of the financial and economic sanctions imposed by the western block. However, Iran and Russia should pay more attention to the advantages of multilateralism and regionalism in economic intreactions beyond the western sanctions

Implications of the New Taliban Government for the Biden Administration

ABSTRACT The August 2021Taliban takeover of Kabul, and the prospect of Jihadi influxes from Afghanistan subject to Taliban government manipulation, elicit several international security challenges to the United States, and several international and domestic security challenges to several nation-states in close proximity to Afghanistan. Those countries include, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Russia, Pakistan, India, China, and Iran. The threat from potential Jihadi influxes is examined, along with new opportunities for the Biden administration to improve relations with Iran’s Ayatollah Khamene’i and President Raisi by means of what political scientists call “assurance games.” It follows the use of an “ assurance games” framework to help protect Iranian interests in Afghanistan such as the Hazaras for example, has the potential to influence the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) talks because issue areas in international politics are related. To further this goal, public U.S. administration support for the efforts by the Taliban government to protect Hazara communities in Afghanistan against ISIS-K terrorism is critical for a substantive reengagement of American influence in Afghanistan. At the domestic politics level, this is also a prudent position for President Biden to take after his ill-conceived and costly withdrawal from Afghanistan

Examining the legal aspects of Iran's presence in Syria from the perspective of international law

Developments in the Middle East began with the popular movements in Tunisia in 2010. Due to the spread of this movement among the Arab countries, Western countries also tried to enter these developments in order to protect their interests, and the management of the route took some of these movements.Meanwhile, Syria is one of the Arab countries that was involved in some unrest and protests in 2011. With the intervention of Western countries and Saudi Arabia's support for Sunni extremist groups and the formation of a free army in Syria, these conflicts have expanded and led to Murder and bloodshed in this country Iran has tried to play an effective role in the current situation in this country due to its geopolitics and the benefits it has in relation to this country.Therefore, in this article, Iran's interests, the role and impact of this country on the developments in Syria, how to be present in Syria according to the opinion of the international community and according to the rules and regulations of international law are examined.

The Iranian policy in the Middle East: evolution and consequences

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to study and analyze the Iranian policy towards the Middle East (ME) and its consequences on Egypt. Design/methodology/approach This study uses the national interest approach and system analysis approach as analytical framework. Findings Several areas are points such as pillars of the Iranian National strategy, pillars of the Iranian policy in the ME and the concept of the Iranian National Security. Originality/value Iran is one of the most important and influential regional powers in the Middle East that affects dramatically regional security and stability. The paper analyzes Iranian policy in the ME and its determinants. In this context, this study deals with the Iranian strategy and Iranian interests. It focuses on the impact of Iranian policy on Egypt and its national security from a comprehensive perspective.

Germany-Iran Relations in Political-Military Sphere: The Impossible Unlocking of Potential?

The article explores the current relations between Germany and Iran in politicalmilitary sphere. Both countries belong to the category of emerging powers (the Germany is perhaps the single emerging power among Euro-Atlantic states). Outlining the contours of bilateral relations, the authors underline the presence of imperial historical code in each country, the growing internal political problems (dwindling authority of the ruling elites) and mutual interest in deepening trade-industrial partnership with Germany becoming a technological modernizer of Iranian economy.The authors show that Iranian factor has a growing impact over German policy in the Near East and the Middle East, especially in Lebanese, Syrian, Iraqi and Yemeni armed conflicts. In the first three cases Germany tries to limit the scale, the character (non-combatant capabilities), geographic area (not in deep regions) of the Bundeswehr usage. One of the key reasons of it is that Germany avoids being drawn into action against the Iranian troops or its junior allies («Hezbollah» in Lebanon, Shia combatants in Southern Iraq). Germany also recognizes that ignoring Iranian interests in each of these cases will make it difficult to maintain its political-military presence in the region. Because of the Yemen conflict with active participation of Saudi Arabia Germany has imposed arms embargo for the Kingdom.Germany attempted to keep the Iranian nuclear deal after Trump`s administration withdrawal from the agreement. The authors try to estimate the probable position of Germany towards possible military-political crisis in the region involving Iran and especially towards a potential US war against Iran.What result will Germany strive for in the Iranian direction? According to the authors, this is a significantly expanded formula of 2015. In addition to maintaining the JCPOA and mutually beneficial growth in trade and economic cooperation, this formula includes:– minimizing the threat of a military conflict against Iran (which has become especially important after the assassination of General Qasem Soleimani on January 3, 2020);– in exchange for this clear limitation of Iran’s influence in Lebanon, Syria, Iraq and Yemen.

Лоббирование интересов ОАЭ в США при администрации Д. Трампа

This article looks at the ways and means of lobbying of the United Arab Emirates interests in the U.S. under D. Trump Presidency. Direct lobbying of the Administration, Congress and public opinion by PR- and GR- firms hired by the UAE is considered. Main cases of lobbying are related to issues of bilateral or foreign relations and economic cooperation. First, Abu Dhabi was concerned about the Bill that would have ended U.S. military assistance for the Saudi-led war in Yemen against Iran-backed rebels and arms sales to the UAE. Second, members of Congress deeply criticized Saudi-UAE coalition strikes that killed thousands of Yemeni civilians. Third, Emirates tried to lobby against interests of Iran and Qatar. And fourth, the UAE were deeply interested in American business investments and acquiring some assets in the United States. The research is based on FARA e-Files of lobbyists and reports of Department of Justice to Congress. Main ways of lobbying were based on influencing the Administration, lawmakers, Congressional staff, public opinion through media and think tanks. The lobbying was eased by the U.S. interests in stability Gulf region, countering Iran, fighting terrorism and willing to save the UAE as ally. It can't be recognized as a success the attempt to attract the United States to the side of the UAE in the conflict with Qatar, despite the fact that Abu Dhabi and Riyadh lobbied together. But Washington has decided that any action against Doha may be in the interests of Tehran. Another thing is that the preservation of defense cooperation between the UAE and the United States was due to the help of the American arms lobby. The author also concludes that there are no signs of the "Arab lobby" that operated in the late 1960s and early 1970s and had an agenda on the Israel-Palestine issue. It is necessary to recognize the exist-ence of a common lobby of Saudi Arabia & the UAE against Iranian interests and the willingness of Abu Dhabi to help Cairo in lobbying in the United States.

Asymmetric Effects of Real Exchange Rate on the Trade between Iran and China

The Exchange rate and policies related to that have long been a subject of interest in Iran and one of the main challenges of the country's economy. The exchange rate determinant, effects of currency depreciation or devaluation on a country's trade balance and economic variables are usually critical issue in Iran. So, this paper examines the effect of the real exchange rate on the trade balance between Iran and China which is one of its largest current trade partners. For this purpose, a nonlinear symmetric method is used over the period of 1993-2016. The results show that the most appropriate method in such studies is the use of asymmetric and nonlinear models, and it provides more efficient short-run and long-run coefficient estimates. On the other hand, the increase of the exchange rate, which is the depreciation of the Rial against the Yuan, improves in the long-run and short-run trade, although its long-term effect has been more than its short-term effects. But the depreciation of the Yuan makes the balance in favor of China, as well as the effect of the depreciation of the exchange rate more than its effect on the trade balance between the two countries. Therefore, it is suggested that the realization of the value of the Rial against the yuan and allowing the depreciation of the national currency in line with inflation and other indicators would increase the competitiveness and expand foreign trade.

الموقف السوفيتي من قضية تأميم النفط في إيران 1951 – 1953

عقب رفض البرلمان الإيراني للاتفاقية النفطية السوفيتية الإيرانية عام 1947 حاولت موسکو من خلال وکلائها الشيوعيين في إيران إحراج موقف الحکومة الإيرانية وذلک عن طريق إثارة الرأي العام ضد الحکومة الإيرانية لوجود امتياز نفطي بريطاني في الجنوب , وقد نتج عن ذلک أن قام البرلمان الإيراني بتأميم النفط في عام 1951 والذي أدى إلى وجود أزمة في العلاقات البريطانية الإيرانية , وکان الحذر هو موقف الاتحاد السوفيتي في تعاملهم مع الحکومة الإيرانية , وذلک بسبب مخاوفهم من أن تؤثر فکرة التأميم على المصالح السوفيتية المستقبلية في إيران , وترک جميع المبادرات في يد الحزب الشيوعي في إيران للتعامل مع تلک الأزمة Abstract : Following the Iranian parliament's rejection of the 1947 Soviet-Iranian oil agreement, Moscow, through its communist proxies in Iran, attempted to embarrass the Iranian government by arousing public opinion against the Iranian government for a British oil concession in the south. As a result, the Iranian parliament nationalized oil in 1951, which led to a crisis in British-Iranian relations. Caution was the position of the Soviet Union in their dealings with the Iranian government, because of fears that the idea of ​​nationalization will affect the future Soviet interests in Iran . and The Soviets left all initiatives in the hands of the Communist Party of Iran to deal with the crisis