International Relations Literature Research Articles

From Municipalist Activism to Institutional Changes: An Analysis of the Subnational Dimension in Mercosur (1995-2019)

Abstract Mercosur has gone through distinct phases, leading to the articulation between a myriad of sectors, groups, and actors, among which subnational governments stand out. Local governments started this movement in 1995, with the foundation of the Mercosur Cities Network. In 2000, the Specialized Meeting of Municipalities and Intendencies (REMI) was created, replaced in the following years by the Mercosur Advisory Forum of Municipalities, States, Provinces, and Departments (FCCR), known for being the channel for subnational representation in the bloc. Drawing on bibliographic and document analysis, in addition to interviews and questionnaires, this article aims to analyze the internationalization and inclusion of subnational actors in Mercosur, mainly focusing on the changes observed over the years within these three institutions. The first section introduces the literature on paradiplomacy and deals specifically with Mercosur, seeking to verify how the regional agenda has been expanded, despite decision-making processes not being decentralized. The second and third sections analyse the origins of subnational integration through Mercocities alongside the development of REMI and FCCR. Considering the historical and institutional specificities of Mercosur, the research concludes by questioning the assumption of International Relations literature that regional blocs are potential arenas for effective internationalization of subnational governments.

Currency Competition: Currency Internationalization Potential Assessment Using Fuzzy Logic Approach

Frequently noted inadequately explored connections between currency internationalization and expected change in the polarity of the international monetary system in the international relations literature are commanding the renewed attention and vigorous debate for more international monetary arena studies. This paper examines the potential of competing currencies to internationalize. For the first time, we utilize a fuzzy logic-based multi-dimensional model assessing separately the internationalization potential of 14 competing currencies in 2020 to predict whether the international monetary system is likely to remain unipolar and US dollar based, or evolve into a multipolar international monetary arena. The results suggest comparable levels of currency internationalization exist, indicating that the international monetary system may be further shaped into a more competitive (multipolar) monetary environment, controlling for economic, convertibility, monetary stability, political and legal factors. Finally, our results have policy implications since determined currency internationalization potential levels may facilitate economists and policymakers better understanding which currencies may play an increasingly large role in becoming a dominant international currency in the international monetary system.

Driving liberal change? Global performance indices as a system of normative stratification in liberal international order

The existing literature on Global Performance Indices (GPIs) is mostly dominated by unit-level analyses focused on specifying the relevant properties of the GPIs and the motivations of state actors in being influenced by GPIs. This article advances a systemic approach, which conceives of GPIs as collectively constituting a system of normative stratification in International Relations (IR). By bringing together the literature on GPIs with the relevant IR literatures on international hierarchies and status-seeking, we identify the structural attributes of the GPI-based system of stratification, how these structural attributes shape the distribution of normative status positions among states, and how this distribution is likely to condition the pursuit of status by states. In particular, we argue that the disaggregated structure and relative ranking of states, respectively, generate status ambiguity and immobility, which both dissuade states from seeking higher moral status through improving their scores in the existing indices. We illustrate the patterns of status ambiguity and immobility present in the GPI-based system of stratification through an empirical analysis of the scores and rank positions of the United States, European Union (EU) members, and “rising powers” in five different indices in the past decade.

Norm convergence and collision in regime overlaps. Business and human rights in the UN and the EU

ABSTRACT This paper investigates how practices of (de)legitimation deal with regime overlaps by invoking the convergence or collision of norms, rules and procedures in regime complexes. It brings together two strands of International Relations literature – the concept of regime complexes and (de)legitimating practices in global governance institutions – to analyse the UN Treaty Process as a case study in the field of business and human rights. It makes three main arguments. The first is that regime complexes can be characterized by the concomitance of a collision and convergence of norms, rules and procedures. Second, regime overlaps and the collision of norms and rules may appear within a single international institution. Third, norm collision and convergence are inferred in (de)legitimation practices that characterize contestations in regime complexes. The UN Treaty Process demonstrates convergence and collision as (de)legitimation in light of the UN Guiding Principles (intra-organizational overlap) and the European Union (inter-organizational overlap).

Agents of peace or enablers of violence? The proximal effects of mediators in international disputes

ABSTRACT The international relations literature typically portrays mediators as effective agents of dispute de-escalation. Upon mediation onset rivals are expected to lower the flames of conflict and enter into negotiations. We argue, however, that the mediator’s presence may actually prompt and facilitate conflict escalation, particularly immediately following the onset of mediation. Hostilities, which may be motivated by rivals’ strategic need to signal resolve, may be further energized by the belief that the mediator will curb retaliatory actions. In this sense, the mediator is perceived as an “insurance policy,” reducing both the perceived likelihood and the potential costs of escalation. To explore this phenomenon, we track rivals’ behavior patterns in the six-month period after mediation onset in intrastate conflicts, 1995–2010. We find that in 42% of the conflicts, the arrival of the mediator was significantly associated with increased hostilities. We discuss this pattern and examine factors that might be linked to its occurrence.

Populism and foreign aid

Pundits, development practitioners, and scholars worry that rising populism and international disengagement in developed countries have negative consequences on foreign aid. However, how populism and foreign aid go together is not well understood. This paper provides the first systematic examination of this relationship. We adopt the popular ideational definition of populism, unpack populism into its core “thin” elements, and examine them within a delegation model of aid policy—a prominent framework in the aid literature. In so doing, we identify specific domestic political processes through which the core components of populism may affect aid spending. We argue that increases in one component of populism—anti-elitism—and in nativist sentiments, an associated concept, in a donor country lead to a reduction in aid spending through a public opinion channel. We supply both micro- and macro-evidence for our arguments by fielding surveys in the United States and United Kingdom as well as by analyzing aid spending by a large number of OECD donors. Our findings show that nativism and anti-elitism, rather than populism per se, influence not only individual attitudes toward aid but also actual aid policy and generate important insights into how to address populist challenges to foreign aid. Beyond these, our study contributes to the broader International Relations literature by demonstrating one useful analytical approach to studying populism, nativism, and foreign policy.

Hut at Strathmore – TWAIL for a Culturally Appropriate Teaching of Public International Law in African Law Schools

The teaching of Public International Law (PIL) in African law schools is backward. While Article 13 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights demands that, for education to be acceptable, it must also be culturally appropriate, the teaching of PIL in our schools is largely only reflective of European westernisation. This study reviews relevant literature in law, sociology, international relations, history and politics, and rely on surveys on PIL syllabi in select leading African law schools to attempt to make this violation more explicit. As a recommendation of a possible way forward, the study provides PIL as taught in the Hut at Strathmore Law School. The Hut is an intellectual movement within Strathmore Law School that has tried to contextualise Third World Approaches to International Law (TWAIL) to Africa.

From Local to Global: Examining Sister City Cooperation as Paradiplomacy Practice in Denpasar City, Bali, Indonesia

This research aims to examine the sister city cooperation as paradiplomacy practice to establish international relations in Denpasar City, Bali, Indonesia, through the multidisciplinary perspectives of Legal and International Relations studies. This research seeks to answer how Denpasar City, Bali conducts its paradiplomacy through sister cities to build international cooperation and the legal and social challenges. The implementation of three layers of paradiplomacy, according to Lecours (2008), which consists of the economic issue (first layer), cultural, educational, technological, and other multidimensional aspects (second layer), and political considerations (third layer), will be determined by using interview methods and International Relations literature studies. The legal corridor of conducting paradiplomacy, as it assesses the legal basis and limitation for local government to interact with international actors, will be explored using the data collected through legal instruments and legal literature studies. The research used a qualitative empirical approach to connect both disciplines. The results show that Denpasar’s sister city cooperation can be classified as the first layer (economy) and the second layer (culture, education, and technology) of paradiplomacy practice, whereas the third layer (politics) is excluded from this cooperation. Denpasar faces several challenges in conducting its sister city plans of action, such as legal obstacles, continuity of the cooperation, human resources limitation, funding reallocation, and limited citizen participation. The COVID-19 pandemic affects the implementation of the planned sister city cooperation.

Leadership in high-level forums on energy governance: China and Russia compared

ABSTRACT This study investigates the participation of China and Russia in the Clean Energy Ministerial (CEM). In which policy initiatives have these two countries participated? In which initiatives have they taken the lead? Building on the club theory and international relations literature, we approach the research questions by offering an in-depth analysis of the policy dynamics inside the CEM. From a theoretical viewpoint, we posit that China has been more active in the CEM than Russia, which our empirical analysis confirms. However, Russia has also been involved in several CEM initiatives. Concerning leadership, China has demonstrated a greater interest in playing that role than Russia. We conclude that, overall, China makes a better strategic use of the CEM in terms of gathering information and developing networks with other member states as well as private actors in order to implement measures for overcoming the challenges of clean energy transition.

(Geo)Politics of Universal Periodic Review: Why States Issue and Accept Human Rights Recommendations?

Abstract The research identifies geographic proximity as the crucial driving force behind state behavior in the Universal Periodic Review (UPR). Looking at both stages of the UPR mechanism, we pose two questions: what best explains states issuing human rights recommendations and what best explains states accepting those recommendations? Our model controls for a variety of alternative explanations—state capacity, international structure, and international institutions. The results show that the closer the states are, the more likely it is that they will issue each other recommendations; however, the closer the states are, the less likely it is that they will accept recommendations from one another. We also find an important caveat: the logic of issuance and acceptance of recommendations is reversed when it comes to neighboring states. The latter speaks against general international relations literature, where sharing a border and geographic proximity are both associated with increasing the likelihood of conflict.

Internalizing External Conflicts: Thick Skin in the Face of Economic Sanctions and a Pandemic

Economic sanctions regimes have played and continue to play a significant role in the geopolitics of recent years. Sanctions are designed to punish by isolation, economic pressure, and severe trade and service restrictions. This research presents a case for the importance of examining the role of economic sanctions for organizations, particularly employee behavior. Borrowing from the literature in international relations, international law, and political science, the paper provides background regarding how economic sanctions actually work in international relations. It analyzes the micro impact of economic sanctions as it creates ontological insecurity for the target population. The paper utilizes novel data from sanctioned and non-sanctioned countries during the Covid-19 pandemic. The results indicate significant differences in performance, work engagement, ethical behavior, affect, and work climate. Specifically, individuals from the sanctioned country, compared to individuals from non-sanctioned countries, demonstrated more resiliency during distress. Despite a harsher work environment, they demonstrated less negative emotions, more ethical behavior, better work engagement, and consistent performance. The paper concludes by furnishing a new theory—ontological resiliency—and proposing new solutions to the underlying problem of lack of resiliency.

Taking power seriously – A holistic approach to assessing the international distribution of power

The literature of international relations and political geography agrees that world order is in transition. Some claim that power is shifting east, others argue that American leadership is renewing, still others think that a post-polar world is emerging. Despite the debate, no principled approach to assessing the distribution of power has been proposed. Arguments regarding the evolution of world order have come up against the usual stumbling blocks of measuring power. Relying on the meta-analysis of the general definitions of power, a theoretical framework is derived, identifying factors that turn passive strengths into dynamic power. Putting theory to test, the practical notion of power is provided based on the content analysis of the national security strategies of the US issued in the post-Cold War period. The factors identified in the two analyses overlap significantly. A holistic approach is proposed using the systemic qualities that distinguish power from strengths and resources.

TAWARAN STUDI AGAMA HINGGA FEMINISME BAGI ILMU HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL

This paper explored some methods and approaches in qualitative methodology in international relations research, from religious, literature, anthropology and feminism approaches. At the end, with the interdisciplinary approach that showed the prons and cons in international relations research—multi perspectives but the lost of identity epistemologically.

We’re Safer than You Think

This article examines terrorism, arguing that the goal of terrorists is to invoke fear into individuals. The consequences of terrorist attacks in San Bernardino and Paris, among other places, is that the perceptions that terrorism is a threat to national security are high. This work contends that such fears are unwarranted as it is more likely that one dies in a traffic accident than a terrorist attack. Delving into the International Relations literature, this article highlights the current debates about terrorism and threats to security.

China’s rise in Latin America and the Caribbean 1990–2019: navigating perceptions in the relationship

To date, perceptions of China's rise in relation to US hegemony in the international realm has not escaped scholarly scrutiny. For the period 1990–2019, the International Relations literature has made a somewhat copious contribution to the broader debates on the US and China. Within the Sino-Latin America Caribbean (LAC) discourse, the implications of China's ascent for US interests in the region is an underlying concern. The region is considered salient in broader power configurations as a result of its geostrategic positioning in relation to the US. However, perceptions pertaining to the triad of interests in the space account largely for powerful states in the dynamic. Despite the ambiguous perceptions associated with a rising China in the international realm and the Latin America Caribbean region's strategic position, rather than being preoccupied with ideas of the ‘China threat’, these states appear to have largely bypassed the more threatening rhetoric associated with China's rise in the period under scrutiny. In seeking to bring Latin America and Caribbean states into the discourse, the article examines how benign perceptions shaped the region's relationship with China. The argument is made that Latin America and Caribbean states sought to frame and navigate their relationship with China largely on the premise of economic opportunity amidst a firmly embedded US role inside the region which further repudiated ideas of the ‘China threat’ in the engagement. In unpacking the argument, the discussion seeks to show that more favourable images of China's economic ascent punctuated LAC states responses to China and that such states have been driven by a high level of economic pragmatism in the relationship. It also illustrates that the underlying hegemonic order has practical effects and more subtle manifestations inside LAC states which mitigated against perceptions of threat in China's rise in the region.

Unpacking the Concept of ‘Energy Security’: Lessons from Recent WTO Case Law

‘Energy security’ is a crucial concept in international relations, as well as in international (economic) law. Although no international legal definition of this multi-layered notion exists, and the concept has been recognized as ‘vague’ in international relations literature, it remains a term that is used time and again by states when referring to measures taken in connection with safeguarding their national energy supply. This contribution identifies the various dimensions of the concept of energy security, after which it studies its role in international (economic) law and zooms in on the World Trade Organization (WTO). It critically assesses how the panel and Appellate Body (AB) have dealt with WTO Members’ arguments connected to energy security in two recent WTO disputes, India – Solar Cells and EU – Energy Package. The article demonstrates that while energy security concerns may be a valid basis for defending a Member’s measure, they will not hold if that measure is applied in a discriminatory manner. This may be problematic, as energy security concerns are frequently geo-political in nature and may be inherently discriminatory. The contribution also explains why ‘long-term energy security’ defenses are more likely to meet the threshold of the Article XIV(a) General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) public policy exception, rather than the ‘products in local short supply’ exception of Article XX(j) GATT. Energy Security, ECT, IEA, OPEC, PTAs, WTO, dispute settlement, public policy exception, local short supply

Splitting Climate Engineering Governance: How Problem Structure Shapes Institutional Design

AbstractThis article adds conceptual discipline to a well‐rehearsed but largely intuitive argument within the climate engineering community that carbon dioxide removal (CDR) and solar radiation management (SRM) should be treated separately – ‘split’ rather than ‘lumped’ – in policy discussions. Specifically, we build the first, theoretically derived argument for ‘splitting’. We do this by engaging a set of theoretical insights from the international relations literature, having to do with the relationship between problem structure and institutional design. Centrally, we apply some key elements of problem structure – which allows us to compare policy issues along variables such as geographic scope, costs, and actor number and asymmetries – to the cases of SRM and CDR. By analyzing their problem structures, we demonstrate that SRM and CDR are different in ways that are likely to yield different state preferences for institutional design, and thus policy proposals that split SRM and CDR are more likely to be adopted by states. In short, we construct a theoretical argument for ‘splitting’ SRM and CDR governance in global policy discussions.

Training Foreign Militaries for Peace – U.S. IMET and Militarized Interstate Disputes 1976-2007

How do U.S. International Military Education and Training programs affect the recipient states` behavior in militarized interstate disputes? While the relationship between U.S. military aid in the form of arms and equipment transfer and MID involvement has been studied extensively in international relations literature the effects of U.S. IMET programs on the same phenomena has been largely ignored. This study intends to fill some of this gap. This paper proposes that American educated and trained foreign military personnel return home with a better understanding about the role of the military as an instrument of national power, civil-military relations, and the cost of war. These military personnel advise their political masters against the use of military force during international disputes leading to a decreased probability of both MID initiation and escalation. To test this argument the analysis employs a merged dataset from the Correlates of War Projects and the most prominent U.S. IMET and coups data. Using logistic regression analysis this study finds that more U.S. IMET support a country receives the less likely it initiates MIDs. The analysis also finds that countries that receive U.S. IMET support are less likely to escalate ongoing MIDs to higher levels of hostility.

Power and Cultures of the World. Developing New Social Architectures of Influence in the UN: A Network Analysis

The most important sociologists have discussed whether it is the social structure that produces individual behaviours or the latters are only the results of individuals’ will. In the literature of international relations, as well, a similar debate about the structure-agency problem has developed: in this context, the central question is whether or not there exist external sources of influences for the decisions that states take in international politics. This article, by sharing an integrative and post-structural approach (Archer, 1995; Foucault, 1970) proposes an empirical analysis of the formation of power architectures within the UN-SC surrounding the question of Intercultural Dialogue. A Social Network Analysis checks whether the way actors exercise power is concurrently the result of individual wills whose contents follows both institutional and cultural conditioning. Findings show that there is not a fixed structure of power relations which can be given for granted but it is continuously negotiated through both practices and social interactions. However, both institutional and, above all, cultural factors shape power relations.

Uluslararası İlişkiler Disiplininde Ontolojik Güvenlik Teorisi: Kavram ve Literatür Odaklı Bir İnceleme

Bu makale, Türkiye’de yeterince iyi tanınmayan, ancak Batılı Uluslararası İlişkiler (Uİ) yazınında uzunca bir süredir çalışılan “Ontolojik Güvenlik Teorisini” (OGT), çeşitli kavramsal ve pratik tartışmalarla, tanımlayıcı yaklaşımla incelemektedir. Giddens’ın “insanın öz-kimliğinin sürekliliğine ve çevresindeki sosyal ve maddi eylem ortamlarının tutarlılığına duyduğu güven” olarak açıkladığı ontolojik güvenlik; insanlar kadar, toplumların ve devletlerin de yaşamlarındaki rutinler, sosyal etkileşimler ve istikrarla bağlantılıdır. Bu noktada çok sayıda iç ve dış politika eyleminin arka planında ontolojik güvenlik ya da güvensizlik olgusunun yattığı görülmekte; tekrarlayan çatışmalar ve irrasyonel devlet davranışları bu kavram üzerinden sosyo-psikolojik bir altyapı ile incelenebilmektedir. Bu araştırma hem kavrama dair tanımları derinlemesine ele almakta, hem de konuyla ilgili çeşitli vaka analizlerini geniş bir literatür taramasıyla ortaya koymaktadır. Amaç, Türkiye’de Uİ alanında gelecekte yapılacak güvenlik ve dış politika çalışmalarının, bu tartışmalar eşliğinde analitik bir zenginlik kazanmasına katkı sağlamaktır. Öz-kimlik/benlik ve güvenlik ilişkisine dair bulguları ve disiplinlerarası yapısı sayesinde, ontolojik güvenlik yaklaşımı böyle bir potansiyele fazlasıyla sahiptir.