International Reality Research Articles

El comunismo mexicano y la lucha por la paz en los inicios de la Guerra Fría

El artículo se propone estudiar la línea política del Partico Comunista Mexicano frente a la realidad internacional de los primeros años de la Guerra Fría (1947-1950). El PCM atraviesa una larga crisis entre 1940 y 1960, que condiciona su accionar y lo empuja a una declinación en sus relaciones con las masas populares y una debilidad orgánica muy acentuada. La influencia de la concepción browderista no le permite abordar adecuadamente las relaciones con el estado mexicano ni plantear una estrategia revolucionaria. Su crisis también está relacionada con la acentuación de la dependencia a los mandatos recibidos de la Kominform, el nuevo organismo de conducción del movimiento comunista internacional. El artículo estudia el desarrollo del contexto internacional en el surgimiento de la Guerra Fría, la respuesta soviética desde el movimiento comunista internacional y la línea política establecida a partir de 1947 del Movimiento Internacional por la Paz. Muestra las características de la dirección de Dionisio Encina como ejemplo de las formas adoptadas por el estalinismo maduro, su incapacidad, falta de autonomía y servilismo a los dictados soviéticos y la política establecida en cumplimiento de las directivas de la Kominform a través de Congresos partidarios y plenos del Comité Central. Por último, estudia los Congresos por la Paz en Wroclaw, París y México como escenarios de la política aplicada en el periodo estudiado.

ALVARO LINS. CARÁTER E FUNÇÃO: dilemas e contradições de um embaixador do Brasil em Portugal

This article aims to analyze the performance of Brazil's ambassador in Lisbon, Alvaro Lins, between the years 1956 and 1959, from the crisis triggered by the granting of asylum to the defeated candidate for President, General Humberto Delgado. We still have, as an essential element for the analysis of Luso-Brazilian relations in the period, the multifaceted personality of Alvaro Lins, its contradictions and dilemmas that challenged deeply by words and deeds, the policy of President Kubitschek, not only in Portugal relation, but also the manner in which the Foreign Ministry realized the international reality, and the strategies of insertion of Brazil in the new order established after World War II. Thus, Alvaro Lins contributed decisively to the debate that has put on the agenda of the major issues that would subsidize the construction of the Independent Foreign Policy of Presidents Quadros and Goulart.

Peacekeeping Operations of China in the Changing International Power Structure and World Political Order

With the power struggle among international political forces as well as the changes in world power structure, at present, the relational construction between rising countries and defending powers, and the cause and effect of world order and international geopolitics has become the focus of attention in the academic circle of international relations. Two distinguishable schools have interdependently evolved over the past years－the Rise of China and the Threat of China. Under such theoretical frameworks and international realities, new significance has been added to China’s participation in the overseas peacekeeping operations of the United Nations. On the basis of current situation of national powers, this paper, guided by structural realism, mainly explores the following issues from the perspective of the change of power structure: a) In the new circumstances, what effects will China’s increasing constructive efforts in overseas peacekeeping operations make on regional security pattern and world political order? b) To what a suitable degree should China undertake overseas peacekeeping operations? and c) How should China address the challenges and opportunities of world order change during the peacekeeping operations?

The Strong Do What They Can and the Weak Suffer What They Must—But Must They? Fairness as a Prerequisite for Successful Negotiation (Benchmarking the Iran Nuclear Negotiations)

The multilateral negotiations on Iran's nuclear programme finally came to a conclusion on 14 July 2015 after over 10 years of difficult talks. The negotiations were accompanied by military and economic coercion against Iran. Such use of coercion in negotiations distorts the rationality of bargaining from the very beginning and the upshot is that any deal is less than optimal. International law has attempted to introduce fairness into bargaining by outlawing coercion. However, the present international reality is such that coercion can be used relatively unchecked. Treaty law prohibitions are dependent on the UN Charter, whose position on economic coercion has been unclear from the very outset. Also, sanctions imposed by the Security Council are applied indiscriminately in negotiation settings, without any inquiry into their leverage, due process or their effect on the principles governing the negotiation. This leaves much to be desired in terms of fairness. The latest case law of the Court of Justice of the EU with regard to procedural justice in the imposition of sanctions is a concrete step towards the fair application of the law, albeit retroactively. Proactive steps for fairer negotiation can be achieved within the existing normative frameworks, thereby contributing to peaceful conflict resolution through agreement. Grass-roots specialist discourses, together with the observance of scientific conventions and the principle of inclusion, the General Assembly’s norm-consolidating debates and a call for the Security Council’s permanent members to act responsibly as Protecting Powers for the purposes of peace and security, are all ways of enhancing fairness. The fundamental factor for achieving change is the desire to be ruled by right rather than by might.

УДОСКОНАЛЕННЯ ДІЯЛЬНОСТІ З ПРОТИДІЇ ТА НЕЙТРАЛІЗАЦІЇ ЗАГРОЗ ВІД НЕСАНКЦІОНОВАНОГО ВТРУЧАННЯ В СИСТЕМІ ЕКОНОМІЧНОЇ БЕЗПЕКИ ЗАЛІЗНИЧНОГО ТРАНСПОРТУ

The article examines the situation in the sphere of unlawful interference in railway operation. The types of potential threats from unauthorized interference: stealing, explosions, damage by hazardous substances, blocking, capture. The main factors facilitating unauthorized interventions in the financial and economic, personnel, technical, technological, military, legal, organizational and administrative subsystems of the mechanism of economic security of PJSC "Ukrzaliznytsia". The conclusion is made about necessity of new approaches, methods and mechanisms of combating unauthorized interference in the work of railway transport taking into account international experience and Ukrainian realities, scientific approaches and analyses available own experience. It proposes a set of measures aimed at improvement works to confront and neutralize threats from unauthorized interference in rail transport, among which are the necessity of an organizational structure of safety management and training in the sphere of ensuring economic safety on a railway transportation.

Following the American lead: Canada’s Cuba policy, 1945–1951

ABSTRACTDrawing on correspondence between Canada’s Department of External Affairs (DEA) and the Canadian legation in Havana, this article examines the evolution of Canada’s Cuba policy from 1945 to 1951 within the context of shifting international realities, Canadian–US relations, and the changing dynamics of Canadian diplomatic personnel. The preponderant necessities of the Cold War, specifically Canada’s alliance with the United States against the threat of Soviet expansion, persuaded senior DEA officials, as well as Canadian diplomats on the ground in Havana, to support the US-led status quo in Cuba. Far from being forced into supporting the US line, Canadian diplomats – both in Havana and Ottawa – shared the same fundamental Cold War ideology as their US counterparts. Moreover, Canada’s policy toward Cuba – which differed substantially from the United States after 1959 – was barely distinguishable from that of the United States during the pre-revolutionary period. In this way, rather than showcasing Canada and Cuba’s shared refusal to “exist merely as the satellite” of the United States – a trait that has distinguished Canada and Cuba’s bilateral relationship during the Castro years – relations between 1945 and 1951 show that Canada was satisfied to follow the US lead.

El enfoque del diálogo civilizacional desde América Latina

Este artículo se enmarca en el debate teórico del paradigma del civilizacionismo en la disciplina de las relaciones internacionales, a partir de sus dos vertientes opuestas, la de choque de civilizaciones y la de diálogo de civilizaciones. El objetivo es demostrar su validez y aporte en la explicación teórica a problemas de la realidad internacional considerando tres niveles de análisis: internacional, regional, y local. En concreto, analizamos las propuestas de diálogo civilizacional y los encuentros de Alianza de Civilizaciones que tienen lugar en el marco de Naciones Unidas. Dicha tendencia global la explicaremos como problemática en América Latina tomando en consideración tres planes nacionales de Alianza de Civilizaciones, los de Argentina, Brasil y México, así como también analizaremos a nivel local ejemplos de diálogo institucionalizado que se registran en el caso argentino

From Universal Perceptions to Diverging Behaviors: An Exploratory Comparison ofResponses to Unreasonable Accusations among People from the United States, Japan, and South Korea

From Universal Perceptions to Diverging Behaviors: An Exploratory Comparison ofResponses to Unreasonable Accusations among People from the United States, Japan, and South Korea Sachiko KIYAMA, Yuki TAKATORI, Hyunjung LIM ; Katsuo TAMAOKA Abstract The combined application of Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL) and Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) principles in some modern studies has gone beyond the boundaries of fictional discourse / text. It has witnessed an increasing interest in real-life discourse /text such as newspapers / magazines articles, court verdicts, and presidential and/or political speeches. This new linguistic-discursive trend is substantiated by the fact that the real-life and non-fictional texts/discourses are often ideologically loaded. Therefore, analyzing such speeches would enable to scrutinize, unearth, and reveal their hidden ideologies. It is against this backdrop that this article aims at shedding the SFL projectors’ light on the Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari’s inaugural speech, by adopting CDA theory as the backbone. The analysis focuses on mood, epistemic and deontic modality choices, as well as recoverable references through personal pronouns used throughout the political discourse under consideration. The study has demonstrated how political leaders' discourses unearth a sort of harmony with ideologies that tally and commensurate the domestic, sub-regional and international realities. Furthermore, it provides sufficient evidence that the grammar of speech is not merely a combinational tool of creating correct constructions, but a method of structuring information and transferring ideology. Full Text: PDF DOI: 10.15640/ijlc.v4n1a3

Wady i zalety członkostwa w Unii Europejskiej oraz nowe wyzwania dla polityki integracyjnej Polski

Advantages and disadvantages of membership in the European Union and the new challenges for Polish integration policy
 The purpose of this article is an attempt to show from the perspective of the 12 years that have passed since Polish accession to the European Union, the pros and cons of our membership in this unprecedented European project, and the analysis of the importance of this fact for the Polish domestic and foreign policy. Furthermore, the article shows the current threats the Union is facing and against this background presents new challenges and tasks for the Polish integration policy. The main thesis of the article is the observation that the Polish accession to the EU has been and is still one of the most important events in recent Polish history and success of its international policy. She became almost a turning point in Polish domestic and foreign policy. Poland thanks to the accession to the EU has strengthened its position in Europe and in the world, but today we must develop a new strategy and to establish further tasks and goals for the Polish integration policy, which should be adequate for the rapidly changing international reality.

The Blurry Boundaries Between War and Peace: Do We Need to Extend Just War Theory?

Saint Augustine, being seen as one of the first just war theorists, famously stated that the true object of war is peace.¹And while just war theory is often said to be the leading position on the morality of war, today, it is struggling to keep up with the changing international reality. It is premised upon a certain conception of war - as armed conflict between two states - and on a clear demarcation line between the situation of war and the situation of peace. This however, seems to no longer fit the political reality. More often than not, we find ourselves in a grey area. This ‘new’ political reality, the changed character of war(fare), and the often blurry boundaries between war and peace, pose serious challenges to just war theory. This paper analyzes one solution: an extension of the bipartite conception of the theory. A branch called jus ante bellum, preventive peacemaking, is sometimes suggested to precede jus ad bellum. And jus post bellum, justice after the war, is the welcomed branch that could provide post war guidance. This paper explores what it means to adopt these branches. What does it bring us to extend the theory? It is presumed that it would benefit the goal of just war theory, that Augustine already pointed at: limiting war and realizing a ‘just and durable peace’. But is an extension really a good idea? There are several reasons why we should be careful to regard these arguably important issues within the parameters of just war theory.

Realism vs. Neoliberalism and Constructivism: Main Points of Debate

Abstract: Following the collapse of the bipolar world realist approaches were placed under close scrutiny by neoliberals and constructivists. The legacy of the realist school actually became an object of numerous attacks, which were undertaken to demonstrate its discrepancy with new international realities. In the course of sharp debates proponents of realism managed to show the weakness of neoliberal argumentation and, further, to testify that a number of high-sounding neoliberal theories are poorlygrounded. At the same time, realism’s supporters proved themselves to be incapable of defeating constructivists. The new opponents persuasively revealed the apparent though neglected earlier controversy between the basic materialist assumptions of the realist school and the not entirely materialist tool of their reflection in the international relations, i.e. the concept of power. Only after a time realists managed to find some credible theoretical ground and make first effective steps towards building a consistent system of counterarguments against constructivism. However, ‘the constructivist assault’ caused a profound review of the realist theoretical and practical apparatus. Among currently relevant applied propositions of the school we should name assumptions of statism, of anarchy, of the significance of the power factor (while recognising the dual nature of power in international relations) as well as the ‘relative gains problem’.

GRANDE ESTRATÉGIA: POLÍTICA EXTERNA E DEFESA EM UM MUNDO EM TRANSFORMAÇÃO

In the last years of the twentieth century, after the end of the Cold War, the world has evolved into a mixed structure, which preserves the characteristics of unipolarity at the same time that approaches to a multipolar world in some ways. In an international reality marked by its fluid nature, the emergence of new actors and the so-called "asymmetric threats" has not eliminated the former agents in the world order. And the conflict between the States has not disappeared from the horizon. In this context, diplomacy must have the permanent support of defense policy. Therefore, in the Brazilian case, the paper presents that the country should adopt a grand strategy that combines foreign policy and defense policy, in which soft power will be enhanced by hard power.

The discourse of anarchy in IR

Contemporary International Relations (IR) typically treats anarchy as a fundamental, defining, and analytically central feature of international relations. Furthermore, it is usually held that IR since its inception has been structured around a discourse of anarchy. In fact, however, until the 1980s anarchy was rarely employed as a central analytical concept, as I show by examining 145 books published between 1895 and 1978. The conceptual and analytic centrality of anarchy is not imposed on us by international reality. Rather, it is a recent and contingent construction. Given the shortcomings of standard uses of ‘anarchy’ – especially the facts that there is no clear, generally agreed upon definition, that ‘the effects of anarchy’ are not effects of anarchy (alone), and that anarchy is not the structural ordering principle of international systems – I argue for returning to earlier practice and putting anarchy back in the background of IR.

Theoretical Approaches to Nuclear Proliferation

This article analyses discussions between representatives of three schools in the theory of international relations - realism, liberalism and constructivism - on the driving factors of nuclear proliferation. The paper examines major theoretical approaches, outlined in the studies of Russian and foreign scientists, to the causes of nuclear weapons development, while unveiling their advantages and limitations. Much of the article has been devoted to alternative approaches, particularly, the role of mathematical modeling in assessing proliferation risks. The analysis also reveals a variety of different approaches to nuclear weapons acquisition, as well as the absence of a comprehensive proliferation theory. Based on the research results the study uncovers major factors both favoring and impeding nuclear proliferation. The author shows that the lack of consensus between realists, liberals and constructivists on the nature of proliferation led a number of scientists to an attempt to explain nuclear rationale by drawing from the insights of more than one school in the theory of IR. Detailed study of the proliferation puzzle contributes to a greater understating of contemporary international realities, helps to identify mechanisms that are most likely to deter states from obtaining nuclear weapons and is of the outmost importance in predicting short- and long-term security environment. Furthermore, analysis of the existing scientific literature on nuclear proliferation helps to determine future research agenda of the subject at hand.

Military Force in Contemporary Political Reality

For the purposes of this article it has been assumed that the army should not become an autonomous constituent of the state’s structure, since this would pose a threat of taking over a dominant position by this specific formation. The aim of the article is to analyze the modification of the reasons for the outbreak of war, and the means of conducting it. The ongoing changes in the security environment, both in national and worldwide scale, as well as the proceeding national interests of our country imply increasingly advanced tasks for the army and considerably extend their range. The process of transformation in the Polish army is being continued. Further changes are targeted at increasing operational capability in order to enable efficient accomplishment of domestic tasks and performing missions outside its borders. In the contemporary international reality there is a prevailing conviction, that the threat of the outbreak of a global-scale war is rather unlikely. However, other jeopardies and risks have recently come to the fore.

Opinion

Qatar, a backwater state in regional and international politics until 1995, has in recent years pursued a high-profile foreign policy in the areas of dispute mediations, maintaining balanced relations with allies and adversaries alike, adept use of soft power tools, and even military interventions in fellow Arab states, Libya in particular, to aid the Arab pro-democracy forces. This high-profile foreign policy has aimed at strengthening Qatar’s national security in the Gulf neighbourhood and playing a more proactive role in the Arab world. This article examines Qatar’s activist foreign policy role in the Arab Spring and probes whether such a role is sustainable in future in view of the constraints Qatar faces at home, in the Gulf neighbourhood and beyond. It concludes that Qatar, as a tiny state, has little choice other than to strike a balance between its oversized foreign policy role and the imperatives of regional and international realities.

Qatar and the Arab Spring: Down the Foreign Policy Slope

Qatar, a backwater state in regional and international politics until 1995, has in recent years pursued a high-profile foreign policy in the areas of dispute mediation, maintaining balanced relations with allies and adversaries alike, adept use of soft power tools, and even military interventions in fellow Arab states, Libya in particular, to aid the Arab pro-democracy forces. This high-profile foreign policy has aimed at strengthening Qatar’s national security in the Gulf neighborhood and playing a more pro-active role in the Arab world. This article examines Qatar’s activist foreign policy role in the Arab Spring and probes whether such a role is sustainable in the future in view of the constraints Qatar faces at home, in the Gulf neighborhood and beyond. It concludes that Qatar, as a tiny state, has little choice other than strike out a balance between its oversized foreign policy role and the imperatives of regional and international realities.

Внешнеполитические ориентации россиян на новом переломе

The authors’ research interests are focused at the analysis of the actual views of the Russians on the international reality and the place of Russia in it. The scholars pay special attention to the long-term dynamics of foreign policy orientations and views of citizens that have undergone serious transformation during the last few years under influence of the revaluation of Russia’s place in the world and the character of its relations with the states of near and far abroad as well as of the revaluation of the international status of the state in the 21st century, as changes in the domestic politics. In order to achieve this goal, the authors gradually solve several research tasks, studying – on the basis of extensive sociological data – the Russians’ core values in the sphere of the country’s foreign policy strategy, its relation to the Western states, cooperation and collaboration. The authors formulate an important idea: if some 10‑15 years ago, the category of the “West” was associated largely with the United States, nowadays, Europe as presented by NATO and the EU is perceived by Russians as an integrated with the U.S.A. symbiosis that is antagonistic to Russia. While backing the foreign policy course of the state leaders, the Russians, however, worry about the escalating tensions with the West. Most of them believe that Russia and the United States are coming back to the Cold War times. It was revealed that the level of mass confidence to the Europe, especially to the EU, is decreasing, that eventually leads to an increase of the number of Russians who doubt in ability of our state to be part of the European civilization and believe that modern Russia has a special vector of development. While speaking on the goals of the global policy of Russia, citizens tended to support the idea of Russia’s revival as a great power. But this idea is not associated with the revanchist sentiments or the nationalistic hysteria. The bulk of Russians consider that the status of the leading world power should be achieved by Russia not by means of an aggressive foreign policy, but by solving political, social, economic, and cultural problems, by guarantying of welfare and safety to its citizens. Evaluating the impact of the recent foreign policy developments on the mass Russian consciousness, the authors draw a conclusion that the myth of the “Russian imperialism,” triggered by events in the Crimea and South-Eastern Ukraine, is seriously excessive. Today, we are witnessing a dropping number of those Russians who believe that the goal of Russia’s revival as a superpower is realistic. Today, Russians tend to stick to a more realistic goal for Russia to join the most economically developed and politically influential world states. Post-reform generation of our citizens actually have no illusions about the real intentions of some Russia’s international partners in the world. At the same time, they are devoid of a “besieged fortress” syndrome. The vast majority of Russians support the idea of international cooperation, but only such a cooperation that has a positive impact on the well-being of the state. This attitude seems to remain dominant in the near future.

Modelo de mediaciones pedagógicas y tecnológicas para entender e incorporar adecuadamente procesos pedagógicos-comunicativos-tecnológicos de ambientes virtuales de aprendizaje en la Policia Nacional de Colombia

From CEMPE he visualized it was time to create a Performer according to institutional, national and international realities, long-term task but thanks to the long experience and professional expertise of the team that integrated the CEMPE, managed to condense and present the police school a document called Model of Pedagogical and Technological Mediations for police educational processes vision paper that besides being a model, is also a teaching strategy in which institutional, national and international guidelines integrate demanded the global education. Therefore in this article are condensed, roughly, the relevant aspects that made it possible to give life to reference topic.

Przestrzeń badawcza nauki o stosunkach międzynarodowych

International relations science research space In this article the research problem is connected to relations between the change of international reality on the one hand, and the science of international relations, its theory, methodology and the terminology, on the other. International relations under conditions of globalization processes are subject to a radical, qualitative change encapsulated in the formula of the late‑Westphalia order. Meanwhile theories of international relations, methodology of examining them came into existence in qualitatively other reality called the Westphalia system of international relations. Essential question is whether theories as well as research methods, but also a terminology which rose in conditions and for the purposes of explaining the Westphalia reality, are able to analyse and to explain late‑Westphalia reality? There is an analysis of the influence of the change of international reality, i.e. the subject of the research on applied theories, methodology and the terminology. In the methodological meaning the change of international relations is treated as an independent variable, and the change of the theory, methodology and the terminology is a dependent variable. The hypothesis is subjected to the verification, according to which a pluralism and hybrydity of the late‑Westphalia order is accompanied by a pluralism and an eclecticism of theories and research methods within the science of international relations. For the need of analysis of the taken research problem – what is also finding expression in the title of article – it has been acknowledged that talking about the research space is more justified, than about border disciplines. It has been acknowledged that the research space of international relations as the discipline has multi‑layered structure composed of the subject of the research, theories, methodological assumptions and methods, and language of discipline. These four elements determine the structure of the identity of the international relations as the discipline. The analysis has been focused on changing ontology of international relations and its impact on epistemology, methodology and terminology.