Indo-Pacific Countries Research Articles

Allometry and condition factor of Faunus ater (Cerithioidea: Pachychilidae) from An Estuarine Habitat of Kerala, Southern India

Faunus ater is a pachychilid gastropod known to inhabit brackish water habi-tats of Western Indo-Pacific countries. This study aimed to analyse the mor-phometric relationships and condition factor of F. ater collected from the Eda-va-Nadayara brackish water lake of Kerala, India. Hydrographic parameters of sampling stations were recorded. A total of 1,522 specimens were collected every month from March 2019 to February 2020. The mean values recorded for total length, shell width, body whorl length, opercular length, opercular width, and total weight were 45.38±13.44 mm, 14.47±3.88 mm, 20.81±5.83 mm, 7.71±3.08 mm, 4.62±1.62 mm, and 6.97±3.72 g, respectively. The length-weight relation was obtained as Log W= -1.005+2.871 Log L. The b value (<3) indicated a negative allometric growth of the organism. Regression analysis of other morphometric measurements also showed a positive correla-tion (P<0.001). The analysis of Fulton’s condition factor indicated a state of well-being of F. ater in this habitat, with condition factors ranging from 5.87 to 6.99 spatially and 5.48 to 7.00 temporally. This study provides the first detailed investigation of morphometric relationships and condition factors in F. ater.

Article: Friends and Free Trade: How Indo-Pacific Countries Can Leverage the QUAD and I2U2 in Friendshoring

Recent disruptions in international relations and the international trading order have given rise to new innovations in the ways countries trade. In this regard, friend-shoring is emerging as a means to recast entrenched global supply chains in a manner that favours friends and allies. Through this paper, we seek to explore how Indo-Pacific countries particularly India, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Japan, Australia and the United States (US) can use friendshoring to integrate itself into global supply chains. Particularly, we focus on how these countries can leverage ‘minilaterals’ such as the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD) and I2U2 (India, Israel, UAE. US) to collaborate on traditional as well as emerging areas of trade and gain from the strengths of these trading partners. In doing so, we look at free trade agreements (FTA) and regional agreements that exist between these countries, to examine if the same may be channelized to further friendshoring. We also study major collaborations that are taking shape amongst these countries. friend-shoring, QUAD, I2U2, IMEEC, minilaterals

CagA toxin and risk of Helicobacter pylori-infected gastric phenotype: A meta-analysis of observational studies.

Helicobacter pylori (H. pylori) is frequently associated with non-cardia type gastric cancer, and it is designated as a group I carcinogen. This study aimed to systematically review and meta-analyze the evidence on the prevalence of CagA status in people with gastric disorders in the Indo-Pacific region, and to examine the association of CagA positive in the risk of gastric disorders. This study focused on the Indo-Pacific region owing to the high disability adjusted life-years related to these disorders, the accessibility of efficient treatments for this common bacterial infection, and the varying standard of care for these disorders, particularly among the elderly population in the region. Relevant studies were identified in the health-related electronic databases including PubMed, Ovid, Medline, Ovid Embase, Index Medicus, and Google Scholar that were published in English between 1 January 2000, and 18 November 2023. For pooled prevalence, meta-analysis of proportional studies was done, after Freeman-Tukey double arcsine transformation of data. A random-effect model was used to compute the pooled odds ratio (OR) and 95% confidence interval (CI) to investigate the relationship between CagA positivity and gastric disorders. Twenty-four studies from eight Indo-Pacific countries (Bhutan, India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Myanmar, Singapore, Thailand, Vietnam) were included. Overall pooled prevalence of CagA positivity in H. pylori-infected gastric disorders was 83% (95%CI = 73-91%). Following stratification, the pooled prevalence of CagA positivity was 78% (95%CI = 67-90%) in H. pylori-infected gastritis, 86% (95%CI = 73-96%) in peptic ulcer disease, and 83% (95%CI = 51-100%) in gastric cancer. Geographic locations encountered variations in CagA prevalence. There was a greater risk of developing gastric cancer in those with CagA positivity compared with gastritis (OR = 2.53,95%CI = 1.15-5.55). Findings suggest that the distribution of CagA in H. pylori-infected gastric disorders varies among different type of gastric disorders in the study countries, and CagA may play a role in the development of gastric cancer. It is important to provide a high standard of care for the management of gastric diseases, particularly in a region where the prevalence of these disorders is high. Better strategies for effective treatment for high-risk groups are required for health programs to revisit this often-neglected infectious disease.

Индо-Тихоокеанский регион между вызовами конфронтации и возможностями взаимодействия

The article examines the priorities of China and the United States in the Indo-Pacific, examines the current trends of the US-Chinese strategic confrontation in the Indo-Pacific region, expressed, among other things, in the formation of new international institutions reflecting primarily the economic rivalry of regional leaders. The key features of the policy of the Chinese leadership led by Xi Jinping in the Pacific are highlighted. The course of Pacific diplomacy of the administration of J.P. Blavatsky is compared. Biden’s Indo-Pacificist policies pursued by previous American governments in the 21st century. The official regional strategies of China, the United States and American allies are compared, and the multivariance of U.S. partnerships with Indo-Pacific countries is assessed. The balance of positive consequences and risks in the relations between the United States and China with the countries of the region is analyzed, as well as the readiness of the East Asian states to follow in the wake of American and Chinese diplomacy. In this context, the potential and prospects of the subjectivity of the countries of the region in the context of the American-Chinese rivalry, their possible role as a stabilizer of political and economic processes in the Indo-Pacific are investigated.

Принципы американского подхода к КНР: идеология и борьба за влияние

The article analyzes the principles that determine the US policy towards the PRC in terms of ideological confrontation and struggle for the influence in the Indo-Pacific region. It is noted that such features of the Chinese political system as rule by law, autocracy and state-directed mercantilism are seen as its vulnerabilities. The U. S. competitive approach to the PRC is focused on exacerbating and exploiting them. China’s economic slowdown is expected to make the CCP uncertain of its own legitimacy and force the party to rely on authoritarian practices of social control to maintain political power. This, in its turn, will provoke social discontent and decrease support for the party among the population. Restrictions on Chinese technology companies and tightening of the counterintelligence regime against Chinese undergraduate and graduate students studying at U.S. universities are intended to impede China’s access to advanced technologies and developments. Beijing’s actions, interpreted as authoritarian practices, are used by Washington to rally allies and partners on the ideological basis and to justify sanctions. These actions include the re-education policy in Xinjiang, the Hong Kong policy, export of Chinese technological systems and internal control practices to the Indo-Pacific countries, and others. It is indicated that this approach was countered by the Washington’s right to free access to information and policy to protect Internet freedom. In the real world, it aims to undermine state control over information in countries that import Chinese practices of social control. The key role in implementing this approach is assigned to systems that will circumvent Internet traffic restrictions both in the Indo-Pacific states and in China itself. The U. S. approach to defense and security in the Indo-Pacific region focuses on the transition from a hub-and-spoke system to federated defense. It is recognized that while the federated approach initially focused on the U.S. allies, Washington is now integrating its regional partners as well. There are two stages in the implementation of this U.S. defense strategy. During the first stage, Washington creates separate elements of the future military alliance which still function as independent units. Such elements are represented by minilateral coalitions that are formed of states that have comparable or complementary capabilities in spheres that are key to China’s deterrence. These include AUKUS focused on building nuclear submarines, the upcoming trilateral alliance of Japan, South Korea, and the United States in missile defense, QUAD, and others. During the second stage, it is probably intended to unite the established coalitions under a single defense structure. It is pointed out that Washington’s choice in favor of this two-stage scheme is due to the need to refrain at the current stage from actions that would provoke the states of the region to choose a side between the United States and China, which would be inevitable in the case of creation of a full-fledged U.S. military alliance in the Indo-Pacific. It is noticed that the Biden administration effectively counters Beijing in international organizations. It has largely succeeded in frustrating China’s strategy to dominate them and in transforming them from within.

Analysis of the Indo-Pacific Outlook and Impact of the AUKUS Triatral Pact

Competition for influence/hegemony between the United States and China in the Indo-Pacific is, among others, in the context of controlling the trade market and the supply of natural resources/energy in the region. It is marked by a change in the United States strategy to move its military power center to the Asia Pacific region, with the excuse of increasing/reviving economic and military power. This study aims to examine the tensions in the Indo-Pacific that gave rise to the AUKUS trilateral pact and its impact on countries in the Indo-Pacific. The research method used in this research is document-based qualitative research or literature-based qualitative research. Indo-Pacific countries must realize that the worsening of Australia-China relations and increasing Chinese military activities in the South China Sea are signs. It signifies that the regional security reality is getting worse and requires real action through material balance, both economic and military. AUKUS is a manifestation of America's multilateral approach to maintaining its superiority in the region and thwarting China's ambition to become the most powerful country that overrides common interests in the region. So the formation of AUKUS can be seen as the embodiment of an international institution. It was created in response to the national interests of many countries in the region.

Effects of management objectives and rules on marine conservation outcomes.

Understanding the relative effectiveness and enabling conditions of different area-based management tools is essential for supporting efforts that achieve positive biodiversity outcomes as area-based conservation coverage increases to meet newly set international targets. We used data from a coastal social-ecological monitoring program in 6 Indo-Pacific countries to analyze whether social, ecological, and economic objectives and specific management rules (temporal closures, fishing gear-specific, species-specific restrictions) were associated with coral reef fish biomass above sustainable yield levels across different types of area-based management tools (i.e., comparing those designated as marine protected areas [MPAs] with other types of area-based management). All categories of objectives, multiple combinations of rules, and all types of area-based management had some sites that were able to sustain high levels of reef fish biomass-a key measure for coral reef functioning-compared with reference sites with no area-based management. Yet, the same management types also had sites with low biomass. As governments advance their commitments to the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework and the target to conserve 30% of the planet's land and oceans by 2030, we found that although different types of management can be effective, most of the managed areas in our study regions did not meet criteria for effectiveness. These findings underscore the importance of strong management and governance of managed areas and the need to measure the ecological impact of area-based management rather than counting areas because of their designation.

Facilitators and barriers to engaging communities in health service research on dengue control in Indo-Pacific region: a systematic review

BackgroundDengue is a public health problem in the Indo-Pacific countries. There are concerns over the facilitators and barriers to community engagement in health service research aimed at dengue control. The objective of his study was to identify and synthesize facilitators and barriers to community engagement in health service research aimed at dengue control.MethodologyThe Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Review and Meta-analysis (PRISMA) checklist was used to perform this review. Health-related databases including PubMed, Ovid, and Google Scholar were searched for relevant studies. A consolidated framework with five domains was developed after undertaking a six-phase reflective thematic assessment of the data.ResultsThirteen studies were identified, spanning eight low-and middle-income countries of the Indo-Pacific region including Cambodia, India, Indonesia, Myanmar, Philippines, Sri Lanka, Thailand, and Vietnam. The studies in this review covered the period from 2002 to 2021. A broad range of study designs and objectives were revealed across these 13 studies. An array of communities such as the local government, project-related health staff, local health services staff, community leaders, local communities/residences/general public, heads of households, community health volunteers, school teachers, and schoolchildren participated in these dengue related studies. The five Consolidated Framework for Implementation Research (CFIR) domains of ‘intervention characteristics’, ‘inner setting’, ‘outer setting’,’ individual characteristics’, and ‘program implementations’ were used to identify and describe barriers and facilitators.ConclusionsThe findings indicate a range of barriers and facilitators to community engagement in dengue control in the selected LMIC in the Indo-Pacific countries. Future health services research on dengue control approaches should be carefully planned, methodologically constructed, aligned with community engagement principles, and involve considerable community participation at all stages of the research.

Long-term transformative learning from short-term outbound mobility programs and the connection to government’s soft power initiatives

ABSTRACT In this paper we describe the long-term impact of engagement in a short-term outbound mobility program (OMP) that connected Australian preservice teachers with Malaysian preservice teachers at an education institution in Kuala Lumpur. The university program was funded in the first iteration by Australia’s Study Overseas Short-term Mobility program and subsequent iterations by the New Colombo Plan. These grants are a government soft power initiative that partners Australian students with colleagues in Indo-Pacific countries to further Australia’s influence in the area. This qualitative research focuses on the transformative learning of graduate teachers who participated in a two-week OMP as undergraduates. Transformative learning occurs when new experiences challenge individuals’ prior knowledge, beliefs, practices, and basic assumptions about things, prompting them to reflect and consider new ways of thinking and being. Our research followed the Australian teachers up to seven years after they completed their Bachelor of Education program to learn what transformative learning from their engagement in the OMP was realised in their current teaching practice as a result of the government’s soft power initiative.

The Rise of China and Evolving Defense Cooperation between India and Japan

This research paper investigates the evolving defense cooperation between India and Japan in the context of the strategic landscape in the Indo-Pacific region, particularly considering China’s rise. The existing literature recognizes China’s increasing influence as a significant factor in India-Japanese security cooperation, but tends to overlook the dynamics behind India’s shifting stance. The study reveals that India initially hesitated to actively engage in anti-China security cooperation with Japan until the mid-2010s, but later adopted a more proactive partnership. An analysis of policy documents, political speeches, and government records attributes India’s initial reluctance to its commitment to non-alignment and strategic autonomy, its desire to balance relations with both China and Japan, and its domestic political priorities favoring economic development over military expansion or strategic alliances. However, growing concerns over China’s assertiveness, military modernization, a change in political leadership, and the Quad’s development as a regional security platform have prompted India’s attitude shift. The research’s recommendations not only offer a roadmap for India, Japan, and other Indo-Pacific countries with deep economic ties to China, but also help combat China’s military threats to contribute to regional stability and security, address common challenges, and foster a peaceful and prosperous Indo-Pacific region.

Health and Social Implications of Potential Indo-Pacific Chemical, Biological, Radiological, and Nuclear (CBRN) Proliferation Driven by Adaptation to Population, Climate Change and Geopolitical Upheaval

Introduction:Future strategic pressures in the Indo-Pacific region will present major policy and strategic challenges driven by rapidly increasing populations, resource depletion and contests, and forced adaptation to a changing climate. While regional countries remain likely to continue on a high growth trajectory, there is growing concern that nations will face difficulty to sustain economic gains in the face of strategic resource depletion and availability, population growth, and increasingly frequent extreme weather events. This mismatch could result in strategic miscalculation and reformulation, driving CBRN proliferation choices that fall outside of historical norms or standards. Such societal stressors are already occurring in the region and themselves may suddenly impact on health and social systems in unpredictable and complex ways.Method:Three tabletop exercises called the Boxwood Scenarios were conducted utilizing the Avalanche TTX system, including participants from key intelligence, military, and academic experts. Participants were invited to a Delphi study examining positive and negative drivers, shaping factors, motivators, and consequences of CBRNE proliferation in the Indo-Pacific region. Two rounds of result review were conducted by the group. These results underwent a systematic mixed methods analysis (quantitative and qualitative methods) and interpretation.Results:Climate change, demographic and geopolitical pressures were highlighted as key to future potential CBRN proliferation risks, with this nexus resulting in major proliferation concerns as early as 2040. Proliferation decisions driven by, and occurring in parallel to, climate and demographic pressures were identified as of major concern. Such decisions would have profound multi-layered social, health and broader implications for Indo-Pacific countries with declining determinants of national power.Conclusion:Climate change and demographic and geopolitical pressures could drive future Indo-Pacific CBRN proliferation. The consequences to human populations, the viability of ongoing international disaster risk reduction and capacity-building efforts, and the increased future risk of major CBRN events cannot be overstated.

Taiwan in the Indo-Pacific Region: Prospects and Challenges

Taiwan's security is inextricably linked to the strategic stability and preservation of the regional order in the Indo-Pacific region. For the leading Indo-Pacific powers, particularly the United States, maintaining the status quo ante in the Taiwan Strait is an integral part of the rules-based order. The United States and Japan have linked it to their own security. Even though Taiwan has no formal diplomatic relations with the majority of the nations in the Indo-Pacific region, it is an intrinsic part of the regional dynamics, particularly in trade, investment, and regional supply chain contexts. Taiwan has been trying to regain its political and diplomatic position in recent years, especially under the Tsai Ing-wen administration. In that context, the Taiwan government has been reiterating the need to collaborate with the Indo-Pacific countries to safeguard a rules-based order and secure a more resilient and peaceful Indo-Pacific community. Taiwan's advocacy for an open, transparent, inclusive, rules-based order is backed by its good governance practices domestically and non-confrontational approaches externally. A region as diverse as the Indo-Pacific, where like-minded countries face a range of shared and divergent concerns and interests, needs to be truly inclusive to find solutions to traditional and non-traditional security challenges. Furthermore, the China-US rivalry, with Taiwan as a major factor between the two, is shaping the Indo-Pacific discourse. This article discusses Taiwan's centrality in the Indo-Pacific dynamics, particularly regarding the region's major power politics.

The geo-economic approach to the European Union’s strategy for cooperation in the Indo-Pacific region

The purpose of this study is to discuss the European Union’s (EU) cooperation and geo-economic approach towards the Indo-Pacific Region (IPR). This study examines the EU’s comprehensive strategy for the expansion of its presence in the Indian and the Pacific Oceans. The EU wants economic and political partnerships between the Indo-Pacific countries so as to strengthen its position in the region. The European Union’s policy has been operating in the regions as an instrument of soft power to cooperate with countries of this region. The research highlights that the EU implies the construction of structural strategic networks to intensify the high capacities in the projection of economic cooperation. As a result, the EU somehow makes a rational connection to expedite economic activities while, on the other hand, the EU needs to establish a strong mechanism to achieve ultimate geopolitical and geo-economic interest in the region.

The unexpected consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic on maritime crime: Evidence from Indonesia and Nigeria

The economic fallout from the COVID-19 pandemic has been devastating. Job losses, negative growth rates, and increased poverty have all followed rising infection rates. The economic costs have been especially challenging for many piracy-prone countries. The international monetary fund anticipates sizable unemployment increases in many Indo-Pacific countries. Deeper and more durable economic damage may materialize in some West African countries. Often, negative economic shocks produce surges in crime, both on land and at sea. The present study evaluates the effects of COVID-19 on maritime pirate attacks in two countries, Nigeria, located in the Gulf of Guinea, and Indonesia, located in the Indo-Pacific. We employ monthly and quarterly data on government measures to prevent infection, sea-piracy incidents, and economic conditions to explore whether the subsequent economic fallout produced more maritime crime. We do not find clear evidence of this relationship in Indonesia. However, COVID-19-induced stringency measure does appear to have increased sea-piracy incidents in Nigeria.

Znaczenie relacji z Australią i Nową Zelandią w ramach pobrexitowego zaangażowania Zjednoczonego Królestwa w regionie Indo-Pacyfiku

In the geopolitical situation in which Great Britain found itself after its withdrawal from the European Union in 2020, it was necessary to develop a new foreign and security policy strategy. The flagship concept of ‘Global Britain’ assumes the reorientation of the United Kingdom outside Europe and greater involvement in the security architecture of the Indo-Pacific region. The article examines to what extent the intention to strengthen relations with as likeminded partners in the Indo-Pacific region coincides with the assumptions of Australian and New Zealand policies. It has been shown that the former British dominions, which are part of the so-called Anglosphere, have been given a vital role in securing the UK’s position as a world leader. From the perspectives of the national interest of both countries, rebuilding ties with the former empire is considered an important strategic element, although giving it a priority in the current geopolitical realities is not possible. Australia and New Zealand put special emphasis on developing cooperation with the Indo-Pacific countries.

The European Union Strategy for Partnership in the Indo-Pacific Region

The aim of the paper is to study the European Union’s geoeconomics policy for cooperation in the Indo-Pacific region. In recent times, the Indo-Pacific has been gaining attention of the global economic powers. On this issue, the EU has launched a cooperation policy in the IndoPacific. This study examines the EU’s comprehensive strategy for the expansion of its presence in the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea. The EU wants economic and security partnerships among the Indo-Pacific countries. Among the EU member states, the French government is much enthusiastic about strategic cooperation in the Indo-Pacific. The European Union’s policy has been operating in the regions as an instrument of soft and hard power. The research highlighted that the EU implies the construction of structural strategic networks to intensify the high capacities in the projection of power. The EU uses the key approaches of hard and soft power to achieve transatlantic goals. The comparative case study method is useful to know the objectives and results of the research. In conclusion, the EU needs to establish a much stronger relationship among the pacific countries to counter the Chinese aggression and expansion in maritime diplomacy.

ISLAMOPHOBIA IN INDO-PACIFIC COUNTRIES AND THE ROLES OF REGIONAL ORGANIZATION

Many scholars accused that anti-Islam sentiment in many countries came after the 2001 Al-Qaeda attack. This study proves that such a phenomenon has become an issue in Indo-Pacific countries long before the attack. The article explains the root causes and impacts of Islamophobia in India, Myanmar, Thailand, and South Korea. It suggests that the regional organization should play a role in addressing this problem. The concepts of Islamophobia and national and human security are used to examine the issue. Qualitative methodology in case studies was used, with data collection from focused group discussions and literature reviews. The results show that the causes of Islamophobia range from the historical problem of colonialism, religious conflicts between majority and minority groups within a socio-political framework, separatism issues, and the medias role that stigmatizes Muslims. The Islamic-based terrorist attack in 2001 is merely a justification for violating Muslims rights in Indo-Pacific countries. This condition threatens the regions stability and leads to serious human rights violations. Therefore, ASEAN, as a regional organization in Southeast Asia and partnering with Indo-Pacific countries, must address the issue while resolving its internal challenges.

Emergence of Indo-Pacific Digital Economic Order: US Strategy and Economic Statecraft toward China

Why has the United States (US) changed its stance toward China and kept it in the digital economy domain, despite the change in its government? The extant literature finds causes from China yet barely addresses perceptual factors. This study, however, argues that the strategy and policy of the US have undergone a process whereby the US has securitized the domain by designating China as a threat instead of a risk. Furthermore, the US has internationalized securitization to include its allies and close partners among the Indo-Pacific countries. Analytical narratives examine the US’ economic statecraft, including commercial, industrial, and investment policies. A close examination reveals that the US-China technology competition has been undergoing partial decoupling in global supply chains of critical technologies.

The European Union’s Security Intervention in the Indo-Pacific: Between Multilateralism and Mercantile Interests

ABSTRACT Is the EU raising its political and security profile in the Indo-Pacific solely because of China’s assertiveness or US–China strategic competition, as often posited? On the basis of official documentation and elite interviews, this article advances a more nuanced view of the rationale behind the EU’s engagement there. Aside from increased European naval involvement the EU and its member states are fostering the capacity building of Indo-Pacific countries concerned with their maritime safety, maritime security and to uphold the rules-based multilateral order. Yet, this article demonstrates how mercantile goals lie behind the EU and its member states’ politico-security engagement.

Format Quad jako narzędzie Stanów Zjednoczonych w rywalizacji z Chińską Republiką Ludową

Quad format as an instrument of the United States in competition with the People’s Republic of China In the last years, international tensions in the Indo-Pacific region have become more frequent and intense. Some of them are caused by the spectacular economic growth of the People’s Republic of China in the last 40 years, which implies Beijing’s increasingly assertive stance on the international stage and the growth of China’s military power. To counterbalance the growing power of the People’s Republic of China, Indo-Pacific countries will steadily increase their focus on opportunities to operate in the framework of multilateral formats. One of them is Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad), which includes Australia, India, Japan, and the United States. The Quad group, due to the potential of its members, has a chance to become a format that will effectively inhibit China from potential aggressive actions in the Indo-Pacific region. However, because of the existing disparities within the Quad countries, as well as the ongoing rivalry between Beijing and Washington for world supremacy, the United States may use the format too instrumentally. The success of the Quad group in the future will be determined by US’s attitude related to the partnership-based treatment of the other three format members.