National Independence Research Articles

The Libyan askaris on the eve of national independence: two life stories across different strategies of intermediation

ABSTRACT Italian colonial authorities heavily relied on the askaris (i.e. native soldiers) throughout the history of colonialism to alleviate the economic and political burdens of colonial warfare. For that, the askaris became privileged intermediaries for the Italians and emerged as a de facto elite within colonial society, seeking social mobility for themselves and their families. After the end of the Second World War, the askaris lost their role as soldiers, but gained new relevance as political intermediaries for Italian or British plans regarding the final resolution of the Italian colonies affaire. The article delves into the life stories of two askaris, which were documented by the author on 3rd November 2009, in Tripoli. Their memories highlight the relationships of friendship or intimacy that existed with the colonisers and showcase the askaris’ ability to downplay colonial elements of domination and oppression through their intermediation. Being an askar entailed, on one hand, questioning the political and racial boundaries of society, and on the other hand, challenging the agendas of nationalist groups. The transition to independence indeed involved a struggle between colonisers and the colonised, as well as among various groups of colonial subjects, all vying for power within the post-colonial State and society.

CONFLICTS OF NATIONAL IDENTITY FORMATION IN THE POST-COMMUNIST SPACE (IN THE CASE OF POST-COMMUNIST UZBEKISTAN)

Because of national independence, post-colonial, post-communist Central Asian values, such as democracy, pluralism, human rights and freedoms, entered the region. Such an important historical event occurred in 1991 after the collapse of the totalitarian, violent communist political regime called the USSR. The violent political system and its ideology disappeared, but its social psychology and mentality remained to a certain extent in the life of society and came into conflict with the values of the new, democratic thought. This was observed in the field of national identity, national self-awareness. The article analyzes the conflicts between the new, democratic values and the national perception inherited from the past in the field of social consciousness after national independence in the post-communist space, on the example of Uzbekistan, one of the leading countries of the Central Asian region, which is building a democratic society.

Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the Conduct of Elections in Nigeria: A Comparative Analysis of Maurice Iwu and Attahiru Jega’s Administration

Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the Conduct of Elections in Nigeria: A Comparative Analysis of Maurice Iwu and Attahiru Jega’s Administration

Declaration on the Common Language (Deklaracija o zajedničkom jeziku, 2017): Anti-nationalist Provocation, or a Reflection of Objective Reality?

The language policy of the states in which Serbo-Croatian was the official language at the time has not always been the same either in the historical plan or in the present. From the first half of the 19th century until the establishment of the Yugoslav state (1918), a part of the Serbian and Croatian elites was characterized by a search for ways to find a mutually acceptable standard for their common written language. This process then continued under changed political conditions after 1918, but without romantic notions, especially on the part of the Croatian political and professional community. The rejection of the sociolinguistic project of a common written language with the Serbs manifested itself first during the Second World War (1941–45), then in the period 1967–71, and finally in the new Croatian Constitution of 1990. Linguistic issues related to the specifics of the language of Montenegro and Bosnia and Herzegovina began to emerge in the late 1960s, but only came into full force after the break-up of the SFR Yugoslavia (1992). The four national communities using Serbo-Croatian (and then in a separate form Serbian, Croatian, Bosnian and Montenegrin) during the Yugoslav era generated a total of seven declaratory texts with different scope, content, accents and conclusions between 1967 and 2007. All of them, however, were united by their linguistic nationalism – from moderate and rather defensive to radical and offensive. The eighth was the Declaration on a Common Language (2017), another decade later, the nature of which contradicts many of the postulates proclaimed in previous declaratory texts. This approach has been described by many critics as a marginal effort to return to Serbo-Croatian or even as a provocation that contradicts the relevant constitutional articles and that threatens national independence. The authors of the Declaration, however, point out that their declaration does not mandate anything, does not oblige anyone, does not discriminate against anyone, but tries to point out the obvious shortcomings of the existing language policy in the post-Serbo-Croatian space, which lead to linguistic segregation in schools and other unusual and even defective manifestations caused by the alleged otherness of the four written languages mentioned above. At the same time, they offer a relatively simple and appropriate model of how to understand and interpret the linguistic situation in the territory of the former Serbo-Croatian language, e.g. in the university teaching of Slavic studies.

CHO‘LPON LIRIKASI TALQINLARI

In the poetry of Cholpon, a representative of Jadid literature, the motives of national independence are analyzed and the contribution of their work to the development of modern Uzbek literature is studied.

“Les femmes dans l’ombre”: Gendering the 1946 Revolution in Haitian Literature

This article examines revolutionary episodes, particularly the events of January 1946 in Haiti, which stage the exclusion/inclusion of women’s bodies in post-revolutionary politics. These were tensions with which Haiti’s first revolutionary generation had already grappled following national independence in 1804. Here, we will consider how the revolution was gendered, how it was experienced through the female body, and how the women of the revolution were represented in Haiti’s cultural and journalistic sphere of the mid-1940s. We will then examine how revolutionary women and the events of January 1946 have been portrayed in Haitian literature, including the writings of former revolutionaries like Gérald Bloncourt and novels by women such as Marie Vieux Chauvet and Yanick Lahens. Through the tradition of a female revolutionary spirit, its revival in 1946, and its subsequent literary reincarnations, this article examine how Haiti’s revolutionary women have historically played a role in shaping national identity and how fictional landscapes continue to be shaped by the collective memory of previous generations of female revolutionaries. It concludes that taking gendered, embodied, and intergenerational perspectives into account can be a useful way of diversifying our understanding of Haiti’s multiple historic legacies of revolution.

Phan Chu Trinh's Ideology on National Self

Phan Chu Trinh is a famous Vietnamese intellectual in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. He believed that national self-strengthening is the decisive factor for the existence and the development of a nation. He emphasized that the spirit of national autonomy and national solidarity is considered as a weapon against oppression, to protect the national culture and identity. Phan Chu Trinh had searched for a new moral foundation for the nation based on the combination of East and West. He believed that it was necessary to expand the people's knowledge, revive the people's morale, and restore the people's livelihood in order to strengthen the national self-strengthening. His ideology had expressed a strong desire for national patriotic tradition, a sense of national independence and national self-strengthening. His contribution is not only to the Vietnamese but also to the expanding impact on the world political philosophy. In this article, we will clarify the Phan Chu Trinh's ideology on national self-strengthening and his contribution to the world political philosophy.

The Ipiranga Society of Rio de Janeiro: tensions and limits of the emergence of gradual abolitionist associativism in Imperial Brazil (1855-1863)

The article deals with the Ipiranga Society (SI) of Rio de Janeiro, dedicated to the celebration of national independence through the granting of manumissions and its relationship with slavery. It seeks to understand whether there was abolitionism in the practices of the IS and how to characterize it. In broader terms, the relationship between slavery and the constitution of modern public space in mid-nineteenth-century Brazil is discussed, assessing its potentialities and limitations. The ambiguities of the IS’s practices of gradual abolitionism, their unfolding at the national and transnational levels, as well as the internal tensions within the association that led to the end of such practices, reinforced by state intervention, through the application of the “law of obstacles” of 1860, are indicated.

The Ipiranga Society of Rio de Janeiro: tensions and limits of the emergence of gradual abolitionist associativism in Imperial Brazil (1855-1863)

The article deals with the Ipiranga Society (SI) of Rio de Janeiro, dedicated to the celebration of national independence through the granting of manumissions and its relationship with slavery. It seeks to understand whether there was abolitionism in the practices of the IS and how to characterize it. In broader terms, the relationship between slavery and the constitution of modern public space in mid-nineteenth-century Brazil is discussed, assessing its potentialities and limitations. The ambiguities of the IS’s practices of gradual abolitionism, their unfolding at the national and transnational levels, as well as the internal tensions within the association that led to the end of such practices, reinforced by state intervention, through the application of the “law of obstacles” of 1860, are indicated.

Research on the Constitutional Reform of Kyrgyzstan and Its Influence on Political Transformation

In the 1990s, Union Republic of the Soviet Union Kyrgyzstan passively began the process of national independence and political transformation. As a country in transition, all the constitutions in Kyrgyzstan not only regulate the political life of the country, but also epitomize the practice of political transition. By combing the history of political transformation and constitutional reform in Kyrgyzstan, this paper analyzes the main contents and characteristics of the successive constitutional amendments in Kyrgyzstan by using the methods of literature analysis, text analysis and comparative study, and focus on analyzing the impact of constitutional reform on political transformation.

India’s G20 Presidency and Impact on Indian Tourism, Travel and Hospitality Business

It has been called Bharat’s G20 moment and how, the nation is using the opportunity to boost tourism and its vibrant culture. Milestones in any business are necessary, as they usher in a turning point. The push and pull factors of India, has ensured, not only inbound tourism, but galvanized domestic tourism on account of the facilities and opportunities and yes, the pride of every citizen to see his/her own country. If Covid-19 was a milestone with the learnings that it provided, G20 too has helped evoke the tourism, travel, and hospitality (TTH) business to reach the $1 trillion mark by 2047; when the nation celebrates its 100 years of existence as an independent nation. It was a moment of pride when Prime Minister Narendra Modi, leading the Indian delegation took over the G20 Presidency in 2022 from Indonesia and it was official that from 1st December 2022 to 30th November 2023. It was envisaged that a total of 215 G20 meetings would be conducted across 55 locations and tourism would have a total of four meetings. Three of the official meetings under the tourism track led by India’s G20 Sherpa, Mr. Amitabh Kant would be held at: Gujarat (Rann of Kutch), West Bengal (Siliguri) and Jammu and Kashmir (Srinagar). The fourth Ministerial Level tourism meeting of G20 leaders was organized in Goa where a multitude of decisions were taken on various domains that will impact the TTH businesses and yes, most importantly environmental. The research paper focuses on what that TTH stakeholders feel about the G20 meetings in India and how it would impact the Travel and Tourism scenario, both inbound tourism (IBT), outbound tourism (OBT) and domestic.

‘I am safer in Hong Kong’: Transimperial entanglements in Filipino nationalist explorations

Abstract Between 1907 and 1914, Filipino lawyer, journalist, and nationalist Vicente Sotto found in Hong Kong a sanctuary from the clutches of the Americans. The city also provided him with a space in which to explore alternative ideas for both his own development and the future of the Philippine Islands beyond the confines of pan-Asianism and anti-imperialism. Using Sotto’s experience in Hong Kong as a point of access, this article demonstrates modern Asia’s anti-imperial era as a product of transimperial ‘connectivities’ and ‘ruptures’ wherein new political affinities were forged between like-minded Asians, while interstitial imperial spaces between colony and metropole carved space for radical, yet nuanced and inconsistent, visions of national independence to materialize—at the expense of abutting empires. It serves to decentralize the role of empire, conflating instead the activities of local, colonial, and imperial actors as a singular experience that shaped modern Asia’s revolutionary decades.

Martyr’s Rose - Imaginary Arms of St. Adalbert in Polish and Czech Tradition

An ideal of nation and freedom, characteristic of the 19th century, constituted the grounds for the patriotic image of St. Adalbert. In the circumstances of the loss of national independence, the first patron saint of the motherland managed to thrive as a potent symbol of independent Poland. An analysis of selected texts of patriotic and religious propaganda revealed its background. It is the language of myth that transforms the historic person of Wojciech (Adalbert) Slawnikowicz into a model hero, who makes a comeback to the glorious and commendable beginnings in the history of the nation possible in order to restore the religious and independent Poland.

The Formation of the Leading Role of Communist Ideology in the People’s Democratic Republic of Korea

The formation of the ideology and leadership role of the Korean Communist Party took place in the conditions of overcoming the negative influence of the Yoshida doctrine. Korean communists attributed the failure of both the Korean national liberation movement and the early communist movement to the influence of the Yoshida Doctrine. Bourgeois nationalists concentrated their efforts on searching for a “powerful power” that they could rely on in the struggle for independence. However, they did not consider the Korean people as a subject in this struggle. This fact determined the defeat of the bourgeois nationalist movement and contributed to the preservation of foreign domination. Korean communists waged an ideological struggle against the Yoshida Doctrine, striving for an ideological theory of self-determination. This became the source and foundation of the future “Juche ideology” – the basic principle of North Korean socialism associated with political independence and economic self-sufficiency. Only under the leadership of the working class and its political parties was it possible to formulate the correct strategies and tactics, carry out the armed struggle for independence in an organized manner, overcome the fragmentation and spontaneity of the struggle and achieve victory in the struggle for national independence. In the process of fighting for the complete elimination of the “Yoshida Doctrine” in their minds, the Korean communists, represented by Kim Il Sung, created their own political party and determined the main principle of the struggle: to consider the people as the main force of it. The creation of a political party and the determination of the status of the people as the main subject became the main and direct sources of the Korean “Juche ideology”.

Winstedt, colonialism and the Malaysian history wars

ABSTRACT European colonialist thinking continues to influence history writing after national independence – even in the construction of national narratives. In the case of Malaysia, the work of the scholar-official, Richard Winstedt, has had a far-reaching impact – and one that is seldom recognised. The 20th century was a crucial period in the political and historical construction of ‘Malay(si)a’ – a time when a colonial state was imagined, and then positioned as a foundation for post-colonial nation-building. Malay(si)a did not exist as a political entity before this time – it had to be carved out of the Indian (or ‘Malay’) Archipelago, an enormous region largely under Dutch authority. The historical construction of Malay(si)a was never a homogenous process, even in colonial narratives. This article examines the strategy Winstedt undertook to develop a state narrative – suggesting how his work moved beyond that of earlier British historians. Although Winstedt’s project was explicitly ‘modern’ in its purpose and style, we also note ways in which he was influenced by pre-modern Malay writers. The final section examines Winstedt’s impact on local Malay(si)an writing, including Malaysia’s standard national narrative. Some local historians, however, resisted Winstedt – and sought to write the Malaysian nation from alternative perspectives. Nation-making in this and other regions of Southeast Asia is all the more interesting because it has been a dialogic rather than merely integrative project.

A Mathematical Model of an Electoral Process and Predicting of Outcome

We developed and analysed a mathematical model to study the dynamics of an electoral process and predict the outcome in Nigeria with three political parties as major actors. We model the ruling party (P1); major opposition party (P2) and minority opposition parties (P3). The model includes party campaigners of the three political parties and a class of eligible voters. The model also incorporates the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), electoral observers, judiciary, security personnel and thugs. The influx of voters into the system is determined by the registration rate of voter cards. The model’s interest lies in the measure of positive influence that the party campaigners who eligible voters to join their party. With this, the model mirrors election’s outcome and the movement of voters between the three groups of political parties involved. The model has proven that the pattern of election’s outcome for each political party is affected by the defection of party members and lack of policy consistency. We determine the equilibria analytically and discuss the stability of the system. Numerical simulations are graphed in combination with curve fitting to compare each party’s performances over the years. The result shows that no political party remains in power steadily from 2007 to 2019. Thus, the prediction of elections outcome to the political space of any region in Nigeria depends on political party structures and voters’ decisions.

Exploring the Styles of Peasant Painters in the Netherlands: A Case Study of Bruegel Pieter the Elder

This section discusses the origin and main types of development of the Renaissance. It gradually developed from Italy to the whole of Europe. Artists find inspiration from ancient Greek works and use scientific techniques such as perspective in their paintings, resulting in works that are full of volume. At the same time, the styles of southern and northern Europe are also different, especially in the southern region of the Netherlands where Bruguel is located. This is the birthplace of humanism, which has made the civic class the main force on the path of the Renaissance. It is precisely because of spiritual liberation that art has become a tool for ordinary people to showcase their thoughts and feelings. This article focuses on the peasant painter Peter Brueghel the elder of the Renaissance. And Bruegel was the last painter in this region after the Renaissance. He is also the founder of the Dutch painting school. Most of his works are inspired by farmers and his own life, as he chose to use art as a weapon to praise virtue and hope for national independence. He is a true 'farmer painter'. At the same time, his creative techniques are also changing over time.

Fiscal and Tax Policy of Bogd Khanate of Mongolia (1911–1919)

Abstract As a result of the prolonged struggle for national independence, the Mongolian people, who endured over two centuries of oppression under Manchurian rule, regained sovereignty in 1911 and established the Republic of Mongolia. During this period, significant economic, social, and political reforms were initiated, laying the groundwork for the national financial system. This article examines the social, political, and economic landscape during the Bogd Khanate of Mongolia. Research into the tax and financial policies implemented during this period was conducted using historical documents and sources. Within the framework of Mongolian governmental financial policies, five ministries were established, accompanied by the enactment and implementation of various regulations about finance, taxation, and customs. Efforts were made to enhance state revenue; however, the accumulation of debt owed to foreign moneylenders and merchants, coupled with the taxation burden on Mongolian citizens, including payments to domestic nobles and religious institutions, exacerbated poverty and economic hardship among the populace. In June 1915, the autonomy of Mongolia, as stipulated in the treaty between Russia, Mongolia, and China, was abolished in 1919, resulting in the reassertion of foreign control over Mongolian governance.

Geopolitics in the Maldives: Intersection of Foreign Relations and Internal Political Rivalries

This article connects the political science literature on small states and the historical coverage of trade in the Indian Ocean to identify a remarkable pattern in foreign relations management of Maldivian geopolitics. The long history of interaction with foreign powers since at least the fifteenth century shows how this small state has, historically as well as now vis-à-vis India, China and the Middle East, managed well to retain control and sovereignty as an independent nation. Rich experience in handling the challenges posed by competing geopolitical interests in the wider region partly explains this Maldivian success story. However, this article also brings out the role of constant internal political rivalry within the Maldivian elites. The resulting highly dynamic intersecting pattern identifies how different parties, fractions and certain strong personalities as competing stakeholders constantly attempt to retain or grab power through strategic alliances with foreign powers. Identifying this underlying pattern allows deeper analysis of the unique, literally liquid characteristics of Maldivian geopolitics and similar small-state scenarios.

Italia tra storia e storiografia. In cerca dell'identità nazionale

Starting from the fundamental studies of the historian Giuseppe Galasso and in the context of a close confrontation with the most experienced European historiography on these topics, the essay reconstructs some issues of the italian national identity through the different guidelines of the historiographical debate from the nineteenth century to today in a comparative and historical setting of european modernity. The centuries-old duration of the events related to the process of formation of the Italian identity, from the tradition of the Roman Empire to the Risorgimento and national independence, passing through the long domination of foreign powers, finally ended with the unification of the peninsula and the state-building in 1861. The most significant terms of the identity discourse are thus affirmed: territory and nation, whose underlying grounds, however, still struggle to find shared reasons for a unitary understanding of the national historical framework. In this respect the category of national identity starts its construction at the time of the Romantic ferments and remains intimately linked to those anthropological traits that would have provided to found in the mid-nineteenth century the community of Italians, finally rejoined under the frame of a new State. Not a single identity, therefore, but a multiplicity of references to the rich, centuries-old Italian cultural heritage, rethought in the light of a decisive season for national destinies.