Independence Army Research Articles

The ‘Kando’ Intervention Strategy and Actual Condition of the Japanese Army : Focusing on 'The Kando Intervention Materials'

Dispatch of troops to ‘Kando’(1920) refers to a series of military actions by Japanese troops that, with official approval from the government on October 7, 1920, wiped out the base of an independent army in Gando, destroyed the Korean village, and killed thousands of Koreans. In this paper, the strategy and actual condition of the ‘Kando’ Intervention(1920) were approached in three different ways. First, it took a different approach in terms of the timing of the consideration. While previous studies have overlooked or neglected the Cabinet s move before the approval of the ‘Kando’ Intervention, this paper noted the progress in negotiations with China. The review revealed that the Japanese military worked to the end to draw consultations with China. In other words, securing the cause of approval of a cooperative trove with China was an important strategy as a shield against international criticism of illegal military action. Second, it noted the trend of strategic changes. It said the initial plan before and after the deployment there was often a big difference between the plan. In particular, the Higashi area, which had to deal with Hong Beom-do and Kim Jwa-jin units, had many changes to the extent that additional operational plans had to be drawn up separately, and did not produce any significant results in the initial response operation. Third, the differentiation and visualization of the data used. Previous studies have mainly used editorial materials that do not contain maps. However, the paper helped readers understand the Japanese invasion and the movement of the Korean independence forces by utilizing a self-captured map.

한국광복군의 군모와 모표에 관한 연구

The Korean Independence Army founded by the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea played pivotal roles in the history of armed strife for independence by waging joint operations with the united forces until the moment of liberation from the Japanese colonial rule. Despite proactive historical research on the army’s organization and activities, there is a lack of research findings in the apparel study on their military uniform. And yet, considering the prestigious position of the Korean Independence Army in the independence history of Korea and frequent appearance of the military uniform in diverse media, it would be significant to conduct systematic research on what they wore. This study aims to devise basic materials for the appraisal standard for relics and representations by looking into the military cap and the emblem attached as components of the military uniform worn by the army. The military cap of Nationalist Army worn by the Korean Independence Army, the military cap along with the emblem prescribed in Yukgun Jebok Doan(Protocol of Army Uniform) were researched for this study based on relevant laws, literature and photography. The military cap used at Nationalist Army worn by the Korean Independence Army originated from the ski cap of the Germany troops. It has ear flaps to protect the face in cold winter. They also wore peaked caps and garrison caps as prescribed in Yukgun Jebok Doan. The military cap of the Korean Independence Army protected the head of its users, and its emblem distinguished them from soldiers active in China by indicating their affiliation and rank. The Taegeuk (meaning

한국광복군의 <육군제복도안>에 대한 고찰

한국광복군의 <육군제복도안>에 대한 고찰

Contemporary Interpretation and Military-Historical Implications for the Draft Infantry Training Manual of Anti-Japanese National Independence Army : Focused on the Comparison between the Infantry Training Manualand the Draft of Infantry Training Manual

Contemporary Interpretation and Military-Historical Implications for the Draft Infantry Training Manual of Anti-Japanese National Independence Army : Focused on the Comparison between the Infantry Training Manualand the Draft of Infantry Training Manual

STANDARDS OF ORDINARY LIFE IN THE ARMED FORCES OF THE GRAND DUCHY OF LITHUANIA IN 1764–1788

The article analyses ordinary life of the Armed Forces of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the period between the beginning of the rule by the King of Poland and the Grand Duke of Lithuania Stanisław August Poniatowski, and until the reforms by the Four-Year Sejm (1788–1792). In the period of interest it was a small (up to 4,000 soldiers), independent army, made up from national contractors, mostly cavalry detachments, the main unit being a flag of 30–100 soldiers, and the so-called foreign contractors (cavalry, infantry and artillery), the main unit being a company of 60–100 soldiers. In 1775–1777, division by contractors’ ethnicity was replaced with the territorial divisions. The main changes took place in the national cavalry, where two equally sized brigades of hussars and petyhorcy were created, whereas majority of foreign contractors were reorganized into infantry. Peace-time armed forces was an important factor for the Lithuanian public, the ruling elite and the local communities. Army was not a tool for use in large international politics, it was more of a current order preserving instrument. Army supply system was based on the independent economic unit, governed by the unit commander. Attempts by the Lithuanian Military Commission to impose greater control gave insignificant results, although the reforms of 1775–1775 were able to strengthen control of the treasury and procedures, making relationships more visible and transparent, and the actual composition of the armed forces was very close to the theoretical provisions. The economic weakness of the nation after the First Partition of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and lack of correlation between recovery of the treasury and army financing put bridles on the army, preventing it from development and change. In spite of all 1764–1788 reforms, the Lithuanian armed forces remained a stagnating institution, where routine and established traditions dominated over novelty and change. Keywords: Armed Forces of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, ordinary army life, rule of Stanisław Poniatowski, Military Commission, Military Department of the Permanent Council.

‘보고’에서 ‘석고화한 기억’으로 : 청산리 전역 보고의 정치학

A battleeld is a place where there is a risk of life and death. Records of this place are drawn up from the perspective of the producer, but they are aected by the specic characteristics of the battleeld. Especially, the risk of life and death, which is likely to be encountered at the battleeld interferes in the form of ‘combat noise.’ us, in order to understand the earlier records on the whole area of Cheongsan-ri properly, it is necessary to understand the uniqueness of the battleeld and to dierentiate ‘combat noise’ here.BR Military gains were very important since they showed the outcome of the war. Accordingly, military gains were mostly aected by ‘combat noise.’ Especially, the independence army quickly got out of the area to preserve war potential according to ‘measures for avoiding the war.’ is shows the situation of the independence army of the time. In other words, it was meaningless to check military gains from the independence army. Military gains became important later because the aspect of the independence movement was changed. There is a record that it was interfered with by ‘combat noise’ in this process.BR At the time, Japan invaded Jiandao by massive forces. The purpose of Japan was to eliminate the independence armed active in Jiandao. And yet, Japan was unable to achieve the purpose, and the independence army continued threatening Japan. Like this, Korean armed resistance forces showed independence will and contributed to advancing the defeat of Japanese imperialism. At the starting point, the independence army’s triumph in the whole area of Cheongsan-ri. is study examined the reality and signicance of the whole area of Cheongsan-ri, focusing on the earlier records on the area.

Contemporary Interpretation and Implication of Military Education Materials for the National Independence Army in Manchuria : Focused on『‘Sinheung Hagubo』and『Training Manual for Officers of the National Independence Army』

Contemporary Interpretation and Implication of Military Education Materials for the National Independence Army in Manchuria : Focused on『‘Sinheung Hagubo』and『Training Manual for Officers of the National Independence Army』

조선혁명군 국내유격대장 徐元俊 - 노동자에서 독립군으로 -

서원준은 1933년 조선혁명군 국내유격대장으로 국내에 파견되어 군자금을 모집한 대표적인 인물이다. 그는 노동자 출신으로 평양점원상조회, 평양노동청년회에서 활동하였고 평양노동연맹원사건으로 투옥되기도 하였다. 출옥 후 만주로 망명하여 조선혁명군에 가입하여 독립운동을을 전개한 인물이다. 그는 1908년 5월 25일 평안남도 중화군 출신이다. 아버지는 목수출신이었으며 노동자 집안으로 가난하였다. 때문에 서원준은 보통학교에서 조차 교육받지 못하였다. 그가 13세인 1920년에 평양에 정착하여 상점에서 점원으로 일하기도 하였고, 양말직공으로 일하며 가난한 가세를 도왔다. 보통학교조차 교육받지 못하였지만 평양에 정착한 후 3년간 야학에서 수학하였다. 서원준은 1924년 평양점원상조회에 가입하였고, 17세부터 평양점원상조회 간사로 일하였다. 평양점원상조회에서 간사로 일해온 서원준은 노동운동가였던 한해, 한종유 등과 함께 활동하였다. 서원준은 1927년 2월 평양노동연맹원사건으로 체포되었다. 평양노동청년회는 박철, 한종유 등과 함께 사유제산재도를 부인할 목적으로 조직되었다. 서원준은 이 사건으로 인하여 체포되어 8개월을 복역하고 1928년 9월 출옥하였다. 서원준은 출옥 후 1930년 4월 만주로 망명한다. 만주로 망명하게 된 것은 옥중에서 만난 김관우의 영향으로 짐작된다. 1930년 10월에 조선혁명군 군사부 부사령이었던 양세봉의 권유로 동 당에 가입하였다. 조선혁명당에서 2년 반 동안 피복제조창, 자치부, 지방정세조사부에서 활동하였다. 서원준은 1932년 11월 고이허로부터 국내에 잠입하여 당의 활동자금과 연락기관을 설치하라는 지령을 받았다. 그리고 자동권총과 탄환을 받아 1932년 12월 왕청문에서 안동현으로 이동하였다. 1933년 1월 15일 평안북도 용천군 남시역의 장날에 포목상점원으로부터 현금 1,600여원을 빼앗아 군자금으로 송금하였다. 이후 서원준은 평양에서 군자금 모금을 계획한다. 평양 내에서 현금 수송액이 가장 큰 식산은행 평양지점을 목표로 하였다. 1933년 6월 3일 계획을 실행하려고 하였으나 실패하였고, 수상함을 감지한 일제 경관은 서원준이 은거해있던 가옥을 수색하였다. 서원준은 권총을 발사하며 수사를 피해 도주하였다. 도주 중 6월 10일에는 일제 경관을 저격하여 처단하기도 하였다. 일제 순사부장의 사망으로 인하여 일제는 더욱 삼엄한 수사망을 펼쳤다. 서원준은 6월 3일 오후 10시부터 일제의 감시망을 피하여 도주하고 6월 16일 오후 11시에 체포된다. 이러한 활동으로 인하여 서원준은 사형판결을 받았으며 1935년 4월 30일, 28세의 나이로 평양형무소에서 순국하였다. 일제 경관을 처단하며 벌였던 평양 군자금 모금 활동은 ‘평양권총사건’ 혹은 ‘평남권총사건’으로 불리며 서원준은 ‘권총청년’으로 불리기도 하였다. 이 활동은 당시 『동아일보』, 『조선일보』, 『매일신보』 등에 대서특필되었다. 또한 『동아일보』는 1933년 6월 17일 호외를 발행하여 그의 활동에 대하여 단독보도하기도 하였다. 또한 총독부 기관지였던 『매일신보』 또한 서원준의 사진을 포함하여 12건의 기사를 실어 대대적인 보도하였다. 서원준의 활동은 1933년 국내 항일독립운동 활동 중 대표적인 군자금 모금활동으로 볼 수 있다. 또한 그의 행보는 노동자에서 독립운동가로 변모한 인문의 유형이라는 것에서 연구할 가치가 있는 것으로 보여진다.

Mobilising affinity ties: Kachin internal displacement and the geographies of humanitarianism at the China–Myanmar border

This paper considers how webs of connection bridge people from different social worlds and engender affinity ties that can be mobilised to nurture caring relationships, despite the physical and cognitive borders that exist within and between societies. Territorial contestation between the Myanmar military and the Kachin Independence Army has precipitated internal displacement in Kachin state (Myanmar). The situation of Kachin internally displaced people in camps at the China–Myanmar border directs attention to how geographical and geopolitical constraints deter international humanitarian assistance yet provide opportunities to engage a different set of humanitarian actors. The paper first argues that Kachin internally displaced people are treated as surplus populations by the sovereign states in both Myanmar and China. Surplus populations come into existence when nation‐states impose punitive measures that compromise the survivability of populations that are considered threatening to national sovereignty. Second, the paper examines how mobilising affinity ties enables Kachin humanitarian workers to leverage the citizenship resources of empathetic Chinese nationals to negotiate humanitarianism constraints at the China–Myanmar border. Affinity ties refer to connections emanating from a dynamic constellation of cultural attributes to do with history, ethnicity, religion and place among other malleable identity constructs. Interlocking constellations form webs of connections that transverse essentialising categories of social difference and contribute to shared biographies that allow for cultivating emotional attachments to a place and its people. Affinity ties may congeal into durable ties of solidarity and activism, but no less significant are vernacular expressions of affinity that prompt empathy for proximate or distant strangers and a predilection to act on behalf of those experiencing oppression. The paper proposes that conceptualising affinity ties draws out transversal webs of connections that bridge people of differential social positionings. This approach provides a potential ethical stance and productive analytical lens for advancing wider migration and citizenship debates.

청산리 전역의 전개 배경과 독립군의 작전

1920년 10월 독립군은 안도현으로 전투력을 보존하기위해 이동하던 도중에 추격하는 일본군과 조우하게 되었다. 독립군과 일본군은 청산리 일대 어랑촌을 중심으로 전투가 벌어졌고, 독립군은 일본군의 추격에서 벗어나 안도현 등지로 이동할 수 있었다. 이러한 독립군과 일본군의 활동은 청산리 지역 일대의 작전환경에 많은 영향을 받았다. 여기서는 청산리 지역 일대의 작전환경을 중심으로 분석하여 청산리 전역의 주요 전개 과정의 배경을 살펴보고자 하였다. 특히 청산리 지역은 산악지형에 조밀한 삼림이 형성되어 있었고, 기동이 가능한 도로망은 회랑형태로 되어있었다. 안도현 등과 연결된 도로는 어랑촌을 중심으로 형성되어 있었다. 이러한 지형적 요소가 청산리 전역의 전개 과정에 미친 영향을 살펴보았다. 독립군은 전투력을 보존하기 위해서 탈출할 수 있는 경로를 모색하였고, 일본군 역시 지역내 도로를 중심으로 예하부대를 광범위하게 배치하여 독립군의 탈출을 차단하면서, 독립군울 추격하기 위해 동분서주하였다. 이러한 과정에서 일견 무질서 보이는 각각의 전투가 어떠한 맥락 하에 이뤄지게 되었는지 살펴보았다. 특히 작전적 중심에 해당하는 어랑촌 일대에서는 김좌진 부대와 東지대의 예비대가 조우하여 대규모 전투가 벌어졌다. 청산리 전역의 가장 핵심적인 전투는 어랑촌 전투였다. 어랑촌 일대는 지역내 도로망의 중심지역이기 때문에 독립군은 어랑촌을 중심으로 형성된 도로망을 이용하여 탈출로를 모색하였고, 일본군은 작전적 중심인 어랑촌에 거점을 마련하고 여기에 예비대를 배치하는 등 양측의 전력이 집중되었다. 그 결과 독립군은 어랑촌 전투에서 가장 큰 전과를 여기서 거둘 수 있었다. 이후 독립군은 분산되어 계속해서 탈출로를 모색하였다. 일본군 역시 독립군 부대를 추격하고자 하였으나 지형적 제약으로 인해서 병력을 광범위하게 분산배치하여 예비대를 제대로 확보할 수 없었다. 이로 인해 독립군 부대에 결정적인 타격을 가할 수 없었다. 이러한 과정에서 독립군은 안도현 일대로 탈출할 수 있었고, 청산리 전역은 종료되었다.

Gen. Choi Yongdeok's Achievements in the Aviational Independence Movement and His Role in the Korean Independence Army

Gen. Choi Yongdeok's Achievements in the Aviational Independence Movement and His Role in the Korean Independence Army

Formation and Activities of Domestic Branch of the Korean Independence Army

Formation and Activities of Domestic Branch of the Korean Independence Army

Япония и Мьянма: история “особых отношений”

Burma and Japan had long held the strongest ties among Asian countries. Such “historically friendly relationship” were based also on the sentiments and experiences of the leaders of both countries. Young Burmese patriots were trained by the Japanese army officers leading to the birth of the Burma Independence Army. Huge official development assistance provided by the Japanese government also cemented this “special relations”. However the military coup (1988) and Japanese ODA Charter (1992) drastically changed this favorable ties. Japan’s government and business have shown a keen interest in Myanmar since the establishment of a formally civilian government (2011) and beginning the rapid political reforms.

Study on the location of the general headquarters of the Korean Independence Army in Chungching

Study on the location of the general headquarters of the Korean Independence Army in Chungching

Tania Bruguera: Between Histories

In revolution, we used our loudspeakers as much as our weapons. In 1980, Ana Mendieta returned to Cuba and, between 1980 and 1985, the year of her death, made seven trips to the island. Developing the practice she began in 1973, in which she used her body or a plywood cutout as its surrogate to mark her silhouette in the landscape, Mendieta carved female forms into the walls of caves once occupied by the Cuban Independence Army during its fight for independence from Spain (Fig. 1). Mendieta's mark in Cuba's political landscape made manifest the absence she had felt since 1961, when, at age 13, she left Cuba for the United States. Mendieta was one of 14,000 children who participated in Operation Pedro Pan, a program organised by the US State Department and the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Miami to find foster care for the children of parents who opposed Fidel Castro's Revolution.2

Bernardino Rivadavia y las Ciencias Naturales

Bernardino Rivadavia and the Natural Sciences. The contributions of Rivadavia to the development of science in general, and in particular the natural sciences are analyzed during the Revolucion de Mayo and subsequent years. His contributions are highlighted in four stages, first as Secretary of the Primer Triunvirato (1811-1812), then as Plenipotentiary Minister in Europe (1814-1820), continuing as Minister of the Governor of Buenos Aires (1821-1824), and finally as President (1826-1827). The four stages have in common a constant concern for science education, by creating and restoring academic institutions, and the aggrandizement of the country. The events of those years with very critical situations, such as the “Conspiracy of the Spanish”, the maintenance of the independence army, the war with the Brazilian Empire, besides the local fighting, despite its gravity, not deviating him from his deep convictions that science would contribute to the future development of the country. The University of Buenos Aires and the Natural History Museum should be eternally grateful to him for their foundation and initial impulses.

Sloweniens Geschichte: Die Eigenstaatlichkeit und der Umgang mit der Vergangenheit

The question of Slovene statehood has its origins in the Second World War, when it became obvious that the Yugoslav state did not live up to the confidence and the loyalty with which the Slovenes had joined it. The discussion on the future fate of the Slovene nation developed both in the clerical camp and in the camp which had gathered around the liberation front. Subsequently, the Yugoslav option prevailed and was intended to be based on federalism and on a Slovene autonomous republic, including the right to secession. In the framework of such a scheme the liberation front, during the war, introduced a series of administrative measures and important decisions which became the pillars of Slovene statehood (e. g. an independent army). Although the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, after it had taken over in 1945, attempted to shape the Yugoslav federation according to the principle of “democratic centralism” as it had been coined by Lenin, it did not fully succeed in oppressing the autonomist tendencies present in Slovenia. Eminent Slovene communists themselves supported such tendencies. They became all the more obvious after the split between Tito and Stalin in 1948, when Yugoslavia embarked on multifold inner reforms. The Slovene political and intellectual elites proved quite convinced and determined to pursue their autonomist goals, and soon found themselves in conflict with the Belgrade more centralist ideas. It was this conflict that proved to be a leitmotif throughout the existence of Tito’s Yugoslavia, and it was one of the central reasons for its demise.

The <i>Myaungmya</i> Incident and Karens under the Japanese Occupation in Burma

The Myaungmya Incident was the first large-scale ethnic collision between Karens and Burmans in the history of Burma, and it was triggered by the entry of the Japanese Army and the BIA (Burma Independence Army) into Burma in early 1942. This paper examines the significance of the incident for the Karens, who were in fact a scattered people comprising several distinct groups or communities before it occurred. Among them, it was Baptist Sgaw Karen who, in collaboration with Baptist missionaries, British colonialists, and Burman intellectuals, had propagated Karen-ness in the colonial society and cultivated the idea that there is an entity or people called the Karen. However, Buddhist Pwo Karen, for example, who constituted about two-thirds of the whole Karen population in the Irrawaddy Delta region, had hardly shared a sense of being Karen as defined by the Baptist Sgaw.It has been said that clashes between the Karens and Burmans took place because the BIA were in need of weapons, and they believed these could be found in the hands of Karens without regard to their internal differences. However, the BIA and Thakins or Burman nationalists, applied a label of Karen versus Burman to this complicated conflict. As a result of the incident, about 5, 000 were killed and 15-30% of the 2, 000 villages in the northern Myaungmya District suffered partial or total losses of their houses. In the course of the clashes, the Buddhist Pwo suffered most and accepted the label applied by the BIA and Thakins. During this process, the Buddhist Pwo gradually realized that they were a part of the Karen and began to foster Karen nationalism. This development can be best observed through the existence and image of Shwe Tun Kya, who was an ordinary Buddhist Pwo and even a Thakin before the conflict and who subsequently took on an active role as a Karen nationalist.For the Karens, the Myaungmya Incident incited various grass-roots movements, and limited though these movements were, the participants actually perceived, experienced, and shared a collectivity of Karen-ness, which had mostly existed on the level of discourse until then. This Karen-ness was perceived first by the Karens who suffered in the Myaungmya Incident and second by the Karens who heard of the event afterwards and received it as part of their own experience. Furthermore, without the events of the Myaungmya Incident, the Buddhist sector would have participated less in the Baptist-led armed struggles of the Karen against the Burman central government in independent Burma, which started in 1949 and is still continuing to this day. Only after the Myaungmya Incident were the Karens able to form an ethnic political movement, which could mobilize the wider part of the Karen population.

I. Dünya Savaşı ve Kurtuluş Mücadelesi Sırasında Maraş'ta Ermeni Mezalimi

Maraş, Osmanlı Devleti döneminde Halep Vilâyetine bağlıydı. O dönemde Maraş yöresinde ve özellikle Maraş'ın Zeytun (Süleymanlı) kazasında küçümsenemeyecek miktarda Ermeni nüfusu vardı. Ermeniler, Gregoryen, Katolik ve Protestan mezheplerine bölünmüşlerdi. 1908 Halep Vilayeti Salnamesi'ne göre, Maraş merkezinde 4 Ermeni (Gregoryen), 3 Protestan, 2 Katolik, 1 Latin kilisesi ve 15 Hıristiyan mektebi vardı. Zeytun'da 6 kilise, 2 manastır, 1 gayrimüslim rüştiye ile 5 iptidai mektebi bulunuyordu. Elbistan'da 3 kilise, Göksun'da 1 Ermeni (Gregoryen) kilisesi ile 4 Protestan mektebi görünüyordu. Şehir merkez nüfusu toplam 67.974 olan Maraş'ta, 46.557 Müslüman, 11.180 Ermeni (Gregoryen) ve 3.567 Katolik yaşamakta idi.

Soldiers of diplomacy: the United Nations, peacekeeping, and the new world order

United Nations peacekeeping troops, or 'Blue Helmets,' were first deployed in 1956 to oversee the withdrawal of French, British, and Israeli forces from the Suez Canal. Canadian Lester B. Pearson was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize the following year for proposing this solution to the Suez crisis. Now forty years later, United Nations peacekeepers play a very different role from that of Pearson's lightly armed 'soldier-diplomats.' In June 1997, there were only seven UN missions in which the Blue Helmets were acting as true peacekeepers; another ten missions placed the Blue Helmets in civil conflicts where their roles ranged from evacuating threatened groups to organizing elections, and their tasks were much more dangerous. Jocelyn Coulon draws his experiences visiting nine peacekeeping missions, including Cambodia, Bosnia, and Somalia, at a pivotal point in UN history, when the UN troops were increasingly acting as warriors of a new world order. He raises important questions: How can the UN distinguish its objectives from the interests of the great powers? Could - and should - the UN maintain an independent army? How can the pitfalls encountered by the peacekeepers in Somalia and Bosnia be avoided? Finally, Coulon urges a return to the original, though less spectacular, role of the UN soldiers: keeping the peace where peace is really the goal of the parties involved. Soldiers of Diplomacy was first published in French in 1994; this new English edition has been updated to reflect recent events. The result of interviews with dozens of soldiers, officers, and officials involved in peacekeeping activities, it is a unique and thought-provoking investigation of UN peacekeeping.