Ideological Work Research Articles

ОСОБЛИВОСТІ РОЗВИТКУ ЕСТЕТИЧНИХ ДОСЛІДЖЕНЬ: МІЖ РАДЯНСЬКИМ І КИТАЙСЬКИМ МАРКСИЗМОМ

The article reveals the features of the formation and functioning of aesthetic research in such two areas of Marxism as Soviet and Chinese. The study identified three key stages in the development of aesthetics in Soviet Marxism – the pre-war (the 1920s and 1930s), late Stalinism and the Khrushchev thaw, and the late period (1970-1980s). It should be noted that in the context of Soviet Marxism, the key tasks were that aesthetics becomes influential and in-demand science, included in the program of "technical progress" and "education of the builder of communism", important ideological, aesthetic, and applied field of philosophy. Therefore, in addition to the fact that purely ideological works were developed within the framework of aesthetic discourse, aesthetics itself in Soviet Marxism was able to develop thanks to contacts with semiotics, psychology, anthropology, cultural history, and sociology. Relying on a selective stream of translations of Western philosophies of art, Soviet aesthetics is beginning to resonate with global trends, which is facilitated by the unspoken consensus of the idea of aesthetics as a part of philosophical and humanitarian knowledge that has its own autonomy. Proved that in China culture and the cultural revolution are inextricably linked with the Marxist projects of critiquing capitalist modernity and building alternative modernity. Aesthetics and culture also were at the center of attention in Chinese Marxist circles. In this respect, the diverse practices and designs of Chinese Marxism are similar to those of Western Marxism or an equally distinct variety of Euro-American Marxist intellectual enterprises. Aesthetic Marxism in China had a dual mission – to criticize the internal contradictions of revolutionary hegemony and to offer a constructive vision of culture in a post-revolutionary society. This is the value of Chinese aesthetic Marxism, the implications of which go beyond China proper in the world of global cultural criticism. Moreover, being non-Western, Chinese aesthetic Marxism deliberately questioned the inherent Eurocentrism of Marxism. If this Eurocentrism is to be challenged and problematized, the questions posed by Chinese aesthetic Marxists cannot be ignored.

On The Path of Improving the Effectiveness of Network Ideological and Political Education

With the deepening of social information, China's network ideological work is facing a more severe situation and challenges. Network ideological and political education as an important weapon to "off" and means, in practice is not fully adapt to the network development, thus appeared the network ideological and political education work results did not achieve the desired effect phenomenon, this paper analyzes on the practical level network ideological and political education in the cause of the development bottleneck and provides the corresponding solution path.

Application of Psychological Contract Theory in Mental Health and Professional Development of University Teachers.

Mental health is an important element of human public health. To investigate the respective causes of and the relationship between effort-reward imbalance and psychological anxiety of university teachers, the author, after making a targeted survey of more than 2000 questionnaires and conducting statistics and analysis of the survey data, discovers that the effort-reward imbalance has a significant effect on the anxiety of university teachers and meanwhile, effort-reward imbalance will indirectly affect the anxiety of university teachers through the breach of psychological contracts and thus directly affect the mental health of university teachers. To solve this problem, the author takes advantage of the psychological contract theory and designs a mental health improvement system for university teachers, that is, to pay more attention to the feeling of effort-reward balance of young university teachers, to give more care and help to teachers who have imbalance feelings, to take the maintenance of psychological contracts as an important starting point of the ideological work of young teachers in universities, and so on. Through the implementation of relevant systems, colleges and universities have effectively strengthened their ability to fulfill contracts, established convenient and unobstructed communication channels, prevented breach of psychological contracts of teachers, and prevented teachers from working at high exhaustion at the cost of their physical and mental health, which can finally improve the job satisfaction and professional development of university teachers and enable them to be devoted to higher education in better health.

Активизация лекционной политико-просветительной работы на Алтае в послевоенный период

In modern historiography, the problem of the relationship between party-political interpretations of the past and the mass historical ideas constructed in the post-war decade remains poorly understood. The article undertakes a socio-cultural analysis of lecture activities in Altai in the ideological space of 1945-1955. The research is based on the normative documents of the Central and Altai Regional Committees of the Communist Party; clerical sources of propaganda and agitation bodies of the region from the funds of the State Archives of the Altai Territory; materials of the press, educational and instructive literature on the issues of ideological work. It has been established that during the period under review in Altai, the propaganda network, reduced during the war years, was expanding, which was faced with the task of constructing in the minds of the population ideas about justice and the advantages of the socio-political system in Soviet Russia. The agitation carried out in the region pursued the goal of eradicating from the worldview of the inhabitants of the traditional views that did not fit into the creation of the image of the USSR as an advanced superpower based on the idea of modernization. At the same time, in the conditions of post-war devastation, the fulfillment of the large-scale task of constructing a unified model of collective identification was complicated by a complex of difficulties caused by the socio-cultural situation of the agrarian peripheral region.

Some issues of the organization of ideological work in modern conditions

Some issues of the organization of ideological work in modern conditions

Exploration on Innovation of Ideological and Political Education Model in Public Universities in the New Media Age

New media brings not only technical and material innovation, but also ideological and cultural challenges. The diversification of thought and value brings various challenges to the current ideological work, especially to the ideological and political education in colleges and universities. How to make good use of new media to prevent and deal with the current ideological and political education may encounter a variety of problems, is the vast number of ideological and political education workers in the arduous task. This paper probes into the opportunities provided by new media for the reform of ideological and political education in public colleges and universities, and analyzes the problems faced by ideological and political education in the new media era.

Research on Red Culture Merging into Ideological Work in Colleges and Universities Under the Background of Integration of Culture and Tourism—Taking Red Culture Resources in Wuhan as an Example

Research on Red Culture Merging into Ideological Work in Colleges and Universities Under the Background of Integration of Culture and Tourism—Taking Red Culture Resources in Wuhan as an Example

A Study on the Way of Wuhan S Red Music Culture Integrating into the Ideological Work of College Students

A Study on the Way of Wuhan S Red Music Culture Integrating into the Ideological Work of College Students

THE MANAGEMENT OF AGITATION AND PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES IN IZMAIL REGION UkrSSR IN 1944–1945

The work aims to study the formation of a system of ideological influence on the Izmail region’s population in 1944–1945. Based on archival sources and materials of the regional press, the tasks of agitation and propaganda activities, the general forms and methods used by the Communist Party to spread ideology among the population of the annexed region were revealed. The author paid particular attention to determining the role of the regional party leadership in managing and conducting agitation and propaganda. The methodology. The study is based on the principles of historicism, scientificity, objectivity, systematics, specificity, and reliance on historical sources. With the aid of the historical-typological method, it was possible to determine the main tasks, forms, and methods of agitation and propaganda. The historical-comparative method opens the way to reveal the peculiarities of ideological work with various categories of the citizens and to determine the specific features of the Communist Party’s agitation and propaganda activities in the Izmail region. The application of historical-systemic and historical-genetic methods contributed to the consideration of various measures to ideologize the population in co-relation, to identify the causal links between the methods and results of propaganda policy. The scientific novelty. For the first time, a comprehensive analysis of agitation and propaganda activities in the Izmail region after the territory was returned to the USSR has been carried out. The conclusions. The analysis of the party documentation of the Izmail regional committee of the Communist Party gives reason to assume that immediately after the region returned to the USSR, the Soviet leadership launched active information and propaganda activities among the population. During 1944–1945, a network of agitation teams, groups of lecturers and speakers was formed to spread communist ideology among various segments of the population, a system of party propaganda bodies was created, events to celebrate new Soviet holidays were organized, and radio broadcasting and adaptation for the cinema were organized. The media, cultural and educational institutions, Komsomol organizations, and pioneers played a significant role in propaganda activities. Propaganda and agitation departments established at the region, city, and district committees of the Communist Party were constantly monitoring the ideological activity progress.

Research on the Path of Patriotic Education for College Students in the New Era

Patriotic education in the new era needs to give full play to the role of the main channel of ideological and political courses, strengthen and improve the ideological and political work team, strengthen the construction of practical education base. At the same time, we will continue to explore new channels for educating people, and will fully integrate patriotic education with cultural and moral education. Students need to strengthen their ideals and beliefs, cultivate their patriotism, and turn their patriotism into a trip to serve the country.

Nil Khasevych’s Works in the Context of Ukrainian Resistance Art of the First Half of the 20th Century

The purpose of the study is to determine the role of the creative personality of Nil Khasevych in the process of forming the fine art component of the anti-imperial resistance ideology in its Ukrainian version. The methodology of the scientific study is based on the systemacy that combines the art critical approach and the culturological one. As a research method was chosen the diachronic comparative analysis of the tasks set themselves by artists, as well as the main ways of their handling. The scientific novelty lies in the fact that the creation of Nil Khasevych is for the first time considered in a broad context of organized attempts of planning and implementing visual works of anticolonial trend in the temporal range of the First World War to the mid-XXth century. Summary. The Ukrainian anti-imperial cultural resistance in the first half of the XXth century has been implemented in various forms, starting with documenting the events related to the liberation struggles, and completing with the works of purely ideological art, which became a reaction to an array of propaganda produced by public outreach machines of totalitarian states. Artists deliberately or intuitively worked on creating an institute of national remembrance as the basis of Ukrainian identity. N. Khasevych’s creative and organizational activities, given a string of historical circumstances, occupies a central place in this phenomenon. First, these his activities was the longest in time and concentrated immediately in the midst of the OUN–UPA underground on the territory of mainland Ukraine. Secondly, N. Khasevych’s professional, intellectual and organizational potentials, his ability to choose the most optimal artistic means also played a significant role. Thirdly, the artist’s personality, his unique biography and even disability became a basis of a very holistic artistic image, filled with symbolism, which felt as if to be tight in the chronological framework of the 1930s–1940s. A part of N. Khasevych’s ideological works by its content was aimed in a utopian way at realizing an independent Ukraine, that is, he was the first to transcend the limits of responding to the challenges of time and to offer one’s own concept of the future.

Saving Nation, Faith and Family. Yoram Hazony’s National Conservativism and Its Theo-Political Mission

Particularly pushed by the Edmund Burke Foundation and its president Yoram Hazony, the political movement of National Conservativism is largely based on specific concepts of nation, faith and family. Driven by the mission to overcome the violence of liberalism, identified with imperialism, national conservatives shape potent international and interreligious alliances for a religiously based system of independent national states. The article gives an outline of the main programmatic pillars of National Conservativism at the example of Yoram Hazony’s The Virtue of Nationalism, one of the current ideological key works of the movement. It will show how its political framework is based on a binary frame of liberalism (identified with imperialism) versus nationalism, the latter supported as the way forward towards protecting freedom, faith and family. The analytic part will focus on the use of religious motifs and the construction of a specific kind of Judaeo-Christianism as a means of exclusivist theo-political nationalism. It will be shown that Hazony’s nationalism is no way to overcome violence, but a political theory close to theo-political authoritarianism, based on abridged readings of Scripture, history and philosophy. It severely endangers the foundations of democracies, especially with regard to minority and women’s rights, and delegitimizes liberal democracy and religious traditions positively contributing to it.

Audiences and Ideological Work in the “Dream Factory”: Halldór Laxness and Cinematic Modernity

Audiences and Ideological Work in the “Dream Factory”: Halldór Laxness and Cinematic Modernity

Building Out the Edges: Reading Racial Capitalism Into Jean Anyon’s Political Economy of Urban Education

Background/Context: For over three decades, Jean Anyon produced scholarship that revealed the deep-structural causes of educational inequality. Anyon’s work in political economy includes a racial analytic; she argues that access to education does not reduce economic disparities in urban communities of color, and that schools in poor and working-class communities of color in particular often serve to reproduce inequality across generations. It is common, however, for critical scholars analyzing educational inequality to be steeped in either Marxism or critical race theory, and less knowledgeable about the other. As a result, analyses rarely place equal emphasis on both theoretical frames or synthesize race and class. Using theories of racial capitalism to extend Anyon’s political economic analysis, we contend, brings forward conceptual tools and angles that capture the material and ideological work being done by current, highly racialized neoliberal restructuring in and beyond the school walls. Purpose/Objective/Research Question/Focus of Study: We focus on the ways race operates as a material force that is part and parcel of the capitalist dynamics that create and require inequality, and argue that racial violence structures capitalist development, making the systematic impoverishment of urban schools and neighborhoods possible and permissible. First, we provide an overview of two key theories of racial capitalism from Cedric Robinson and Jodi Melamed. We then revisit Anyon’s work on school knowledge and the hidden curriculum to consider how these operate as forms of epistemic and psychic racial violence that (re)produce racial capitalist conditions. Next, we consider Anyon’s work on political economy and public policy in light of the ways neoliberal racial capitalism links the production of differential human value to capitalist development in urban neighborhoods, deploying public policies that limit the life chances of working class and poor youth of color. Finally, we consider the implications of these dynamics for the “radical possibilities” that inhere in urban schools, arguing that opposition to racial capitalism stretches Anyon’s formulation of the “radical” and the “possible,” as youth oppose racial capitalism by resisting the school itself. Research Design: In this theoretical article, we use theories of racial capitalism to analyze Anyon’s major works in urban education. Putting core concepts from these theories into conversation with Anyon’s findings and her own theorizations, we offer an analytical synthesis that braids together race and class to unpack the production of urban educational inequality. Conclusions/Recommendations: We propose that reading racial capitalism into Anyon’s work can extend her political economic analysis, and through such extension, her findings, analyses, and arguments can be leveraged to help us better understand how race and racism interlock with the ideologies, social structures, and chaos of capitalist development and neoliberal reform. We contend that such an analysis can build out both the “radical” and the “possible” with implications for how we think about opposition and organizing not just within but against schools.

“Director of Ukraine”. Behavioral mechanisms and specifics of professional relations of Petro Shelest, the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine

Based on a detailed study and analysis of archival sources and testimonies of contemporaries, the characteristics of Petro Shelest’s methods and principles of personnel selection for key positions in the Ukrainian SSR, his relations with subordinates in the process of work, formation of the closest circle of colleagues are presented. The analysis of the personnel of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party in 1963-1972 has been made. Based on memoir sources, character traits have been studied; personal qualities, as well as originality of relations of the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party both with subordinates and the top leadership of the Soviet state and family members have been de- scribed. The author of the article clarifies the main trends in the development of the system of privileges and the privileges of the Soviet nomenklatura in the period of “stagnation”. The pro-Ukrainian course of the leader of the republican party organization was reflected in the author’s book OUR SOVIET UKRAINE, which was published in 1970. At first glance, the openly ideological propaganda work of Petro Shelest clearly demonstrated the attention of the republican party-state elite to the social economic problems of Ukraine, and the interest in its history and culture. Sometimes Shelest defended individual Ukrainian cultural figures who were subjected to ideological persecution. At the same time, Petro Shelest remained a typical expression of the Soviet command-administrative system. It was during his leadership of the republic that mass punitive operations against the Ukrainian national movement took place. In August 1968, Shelest was one of the initiators of the suppression of the “Prague Spring” which, in his opinion, contributed to the spread of anti-Soviet sentiment in Ukraine.However, P. Shelest’s pursuit of an autonomist course, his independence in resolving issues, and “localism and manifestations of nationalism” could not please the allied leadership. In April 1973, a campaign was inspired against his book OUR SOVIET UKRAINE. The book, which had a circulation of 100,000 copies, was withdrawn from sale and libraries. Shelest was removed from the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee “for health reasons” and was forced to take retirement.

When protest humor is not all fun: The ambiguity of humor in the 2017 Romanian anti-corruption grassroots mobilization

This article focuses on the ambiguous ideological work of citizen-produced humor in protest. Using the case of the 2017 Romanian anti-corruption protests as empirical data, the article shows how humor can simultaneously signal grassroots creativity and resistance to power structures, and reproduce conservative gender and class hierarchies. Unlike other types of texts, humor presents itself as an innocent and light message, absolved of the need for critical scrutiny. However, protest studies need to engage in a more nuanced way with the ideological articulation of democratic politics via protest humor by asking not only how humor helps protest communication, but also how it achieves shared enjoyment, for whom, and to what consequences for the ideological articulation of democratic politics. The article concludes by proposing that researcher reflexivity can afford a new sensitivity to the ambiguousness of protest humor.

Selection Method of Network Ideological and Political Education Resources under Big Data

The continuous development of network information technology has prompted people to use big data to process information in order to improve work efficiency. All kinds of data are affecting people’s lives. Under the background of the big data era, college students’ values, studies and lifestyles, and access to information have changed obviously. Therefore, colleges and universities should make full use of the convenience of information in the era of big data to improve the informatization of ideological and political work in colleges and universities. The ideological consciousness and values of contemporary college students are strongly impacted by big piece of data. Based on the characteristics of big data, this paper conducts research and analysis on ideological and political education in colleges and universities in the era of big data, and makes full use of network resources to improve the ability of ideological and political education.

Algorithmic Risks and Countermeasures of Ideological and Political Education in Colleges and Universities from the Perspective of Communicative Practice

Algorithm recommendation has become the main means of social life information dissemination. As the forefront of ideological work in colleges and universities, ideological and political education is more directly affected by algorithm recommendations. There are algorithmic risks in the relationship between the lack of subjectivity of educators, the solidification and closure of the value of the educated, and so on. The algorithmic risks exist in the field of communication, such as the personalization of technical algorithm recommendation, the broadening of traditional ideological and political education, and the confusion of values in mainstream ideology. The Marxist concept of communicative practice takes people as the basis of production practice, and highlights the practical structure of ‘subject-object-subject’. It provides useful thinking for dealing with the algorithmic risks of ideological and political education in colleges and universities. It is necessary to reconstruct the relationship between teachers and students in ideological and political education and strengthen the construction of cultural positions in ideological and political education in universities.

Retrogressive Mobilization in the 2018 “Referendum for Family” in Romania

ABSTRACT We approach critically the assertion that a referendum ultimately defends the “traditional family,” by examining the articulation of anti-gender politics in Romanian parliamentary debates. We contribute theoretically by employing the concept of retrogressive mobilization in plebiscitary circumstances. We show that in Romania the contours of retrogressive mobilization transgress both the ideological left–right cleavage, and even party loyalty. We demonstrate how the ideological work done for the fantasmatic logics of retrogressive mobilization articulates two antithetical narrative scenarios, both centering on the Orthodox “nature” of the Romanian nation, whose existence and survival are said to hinge on the protection of the “traditional family” from “LGBT ideology.”

In the Footsteps of Galileo

Abstract Italian scientific biopics experienced a period of extraordinary media hype in the 1970s, when some intellectuals personally committed to bringing the lives of the scientists of the past to television in order to discuss the relationship between knowledge and power in the present. Nevertheless, might we properly speak of “Italian-style” historical-scientific fictional drama? To answer this question, we will focus on Roberto Rossellini, Liliana Cavani and, above all, Lucio Lombardo Radice, a promoter, scientific consultant, author and presenter of, and sometimes even actor in, some of the most controversial of these scientific biopics. This article aims, first of all, to reconstruct this history, explaining the reasons for the success of the genre, starting in the 1960s, and the crisis it underwent in the 1980s; secondly, to ascertain the influences these ideological works exerted on choices, approaches and styles of the next generation of science historians and communicators.