Hobbes Research Articles

Oil Exploitation, Environmental Issues and Resource Curse in a Post-Colonial Niger Delta Region of Nigeria: The Unending Search for Peace, 1960-2009

The issues surrounding the conflict in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria can never be over-flogged. It is no doubt that so much have been written in this regard, with each paper proffering a possible solution or adding to the numerous suggestions and recommendations already on ground. In spite of these however, the quest for peace has remained elusive or unending because the government and her counterpart multinational oil companies seem not to have really made a genuine or sincere efforts in addressing the myriad of teething issues that have generated conflict in the region ever since the discovery and exploitation of oil. There is therefore the need for a lasting peace and permanent solutions to all the areas of conflicts. If not the situation of the region shall continue to attract comments from scholars, relevant authorities, public affairs commentators, social analysts and concerned or interested opinions. It is thus on this note that this paper comes in handy as modest but useful contribution of the authors to the litany of extant literatures on the lingering conflicts in the region. It is worthy of note that the post-colonial Niger Delta region has never known peace ever since the oil exploitation began in commercial quantity in 1950. The Hobbesian state has almost become the order of the day. Despite the fact that over 90% of the country’s revenue (GDP) is being generated by oil exploitation from the region, the greater majority of the people are still languishing in squalor, in addition to large scale unemployment as well as lack of basic life infrastructural facilities. These obvious denials in the midst of abundance resources coupled with environmental related issues of degradations have been fundamental causes of conflict between the people and the government on one hand, and between the people and the oil extracting companies on the other hand. In view of this ugly development, it is therefore apparent that the gift of oil is now more like a curse than the earlier perceived blessings to the people of the Niger Delta. This study thus examined all the series of failed efforts made by Nigerian government to broker a lasting peace in the region starting from 1960 when the Niger Delta Development Board (NDDB) was established through the recommendation of Sir Willinik Commision of 1957, down to the “Amnesty Program” granted by late president Umar Musa Yar’Adua’s administration in 2009 which led to a large number of the militants numbering 26,808 surrendering their arms to the government in return for technical training and monthly payment of stipends. In spite of the temporal reprieve, there was a resurgence of new militants groups in 2016 seven years down the line. Thus, there is yet to be a definite solution to the conflict in the region as there are still clamour for resource control and occasional threats of militancy activities. In view of this, this paper in addition to many other suggestions already on ground in this respect, also made a number of some useful recommendations that if adopted can bring about lasting peace in the Niger-Delta region.

An Elusive Coexistence; The Individual, The State of Fear, Thomas Hobbes, and Taxation

Fear is a natural, strong and primitive human emotion. It is a universal biochemical response and includes a high individual emotional response. It also alerts us to the presence of danger or threat of harm, whether physical or psychological. In this respect, very briefly, “fear” is power. Fear is a concept that can be produced today and unfortunately it is unlimited. The source of producible and unlimited fear is, in a way, the state. In other words, fear in this context can be called an institutionalized fear. This institutionalized fear has been formed - or is accepted as a model created in this study - has existed in the historical process and is still valid and applied today. The aim of this study is to examine and explain the individual-state relationship in terms of the concept of "fear" in political theory. By using the concept of "fear" in the study, the main problem addressed in the study is to explain how the greatest possible economic welfare with the best possible social protection is interpreted by the state apparatus in the historical process.

Thomas Hobbes and the dilemmas of the natural state Second chapter

The primary purpose of this paper is to reflect upon four aspects of the Hobbesian state of nature. Firstly, the question is whether we can interpret this original state as a mythical, abstract,imaginative and timless state, focusing only on the final conclusion of the Hobbesian theory, orit may contain a well-defined timspan, having its own historical development based on a clearlogical construction. Secondly, this study aims at examining the natural character of man inthe state of nature, and his harmony with his environment in respect with their „naturalness”.Thirdly, it tries to describe the assumed interpersonal relationships within the „primitve” state.Fourthly, the paper presents different states of nature reasoned out from a close reading of thetext. All four aspect may help us to get a better understanding of the ambivalent character of theHobbesian state of nature.

Pemikiran Politik Thomas Hobbes Dalam Serial Drama Squid Game

In 2021, South Korea will make the Squid Game drama series with the mystery horror genre. The research will look at the political thinking of Thomas Hobbes in this series with the aim of analyzing the form of natural consciousness, social contract in the form of the State which is broadcast through storylines, dialogues and descriptions of the situation in the Korean drama series Squid Game. This article is a literature study on the state of nature, social contract and the concept of the state from Thomas Hobbes' political thought through the drama series Squid Game produced from South Korea. His opinion of the state is scary, cruel, and obeyed like Leviathan to make the disorderly state of human nature controllable. Human nature is homo homini lupus or humans are wolves to each other. The social contract according to Thomas Hobbes is an agreement between the people and the state, but the state is not bound by the social contract. The state/king position is above the social contract, the state has absolute authority or is called the king, it cannot be wrong. This study concludes that in the Korean drama series Squad Game, there is a thought by Thomas Hobbes which states the importance of absolute state power to create perfection. Peace can be obtained by presenting fear to the individual through the State, conflict will be avoided, society will be subject to the law with fear that is continuously maintained by the State.

Integration of Theism into Hobbes’s State of Nature

Political philosophers often draw their conclusions on how political systems ought to be by first investigating human nature and then proposing recommendations extrapolating from those investigations. They attempt to do this by creating a hypothetical ‘state of nature’ where human beings would be unaffected by social, political, and cultural paradigms and can act freely in pursuit of their instincts, thereby revealing their true nature. English philosopher Thomas Hobbes followed this method of investigation and found that human beings are naturally violent, individualistic, and warlike and therefore concluded that political theory ought to be as such to prevent human beings from acting out their baser impulses through draconian authoritative measures when necessary. In this paper, I challenge Hobbes’s claim on human nature by citing contemporary research on cognitive sciences which demonstrates that human beings have a natural predisposition to believe in supernatural agency (God/s) and therefore in the state of nature must behave in such a way as contemporary psychologists discovered investigating the effect of religiosity on human beings such as increased cooperation, selfless behavior towards genetically unrelated strangers, reduced crime rate deterred by supernatural punishment, etcetera. I argue that if we take into account the human propensity to believe in the supernatural agency then the state of nature hypnotized by Hobbes would need to be modified and therefore so would his political theory. Given the integration of cognitive science of religion into the state of nature, I conclude that the ideal political system must be centered around religion. Philosophy and Progress, Vol#67-68; No#1-2; Jan-Dec 2020 P 77-118

A “Galilean Philosopher”? Thomas Hobbes between Aristotelianism and Galilean Science

The conventional portrait of Thomas Hobbes that emerged in twentieth century histories of philosophy is that of the quintessential mechanical philosopher, who openly broke with philosophical tradition (together with René Descartes). Hobbes’s scholars depicted a more correct and detailed panorama, by analyzing Hobbes’s debt towards Aristotelian and Renaissance traditions, as well as the problematic nature of the epistemological status that Hobbes attributes to natural philosophy. However, Hobbes’s connection to modern Galilean science remains problematic. How and in what way did Hobbes take inspiration from Galileo? In this article, I analyze Hobbes’s natural philosophy by addressing three topics: (1) his connection with some aspects of seventeenth-century Aristotelianism; (2) differences and analogies between Hobbes’s and Galileo’s epistemological approaches; and (3) the Galilean foundation of Hobbes’s philosophy. Through this analysis I want to show in which sense Hobbes can be properly defined a “Galilean philosopher”.

Young Women and Disgust in Contemporary Norwegian Comics: A Close Reading of Ane Barstad Solvang's Frykt & medlidenhet

Young Women and Disgust in Contemporary Norwegian Comics: A Close Reading of Ane Barstad Solvang's <i>Frykt</i> &amp; <i>medlidenhet</i>

Hobbes Against the Fool

In Leviathan, Thomas Hobbes voices concern over the squandering of the‎ prospects of human prosperity. This paper argues that the remedy he proposes ‎is the political replication of scripture’s idea of creation; the acknowledgment ‎of an originator, a first cause of indisputable order. Hobbes’s nemesis, the ‎Fool, is an agent of scripture’s antithetical tohu and bohu (the disarray that‎ preceded creation), who misguidedly believes he can work disarray to his advantage. ‎For Hobbes this is folly, because the volatility of disarray is beyond human mastery. Nevertheless, steadfastness and prosperity remain at hand,‎ by replicating the order of a ‘higher power’ that is fortunately echoed in all‎ creation. This paper is made in the image of Hobbes’s ‘replication methodology’,‎ that in turn is modelled after scripture’s original depiction of the act of ‎creation “in his own image” (Genesis 1:27). The paper identifies the biblical‎ Nabal as the ‘original Fool’, and reflects on how the original resonates in ‎Hobbes’s iteration.‎

Thomas Hobbes’s State of Nature: A View From Thucydides’ Peloponnesus

ABSTRACT Long before Thomas Hobbes wrote systematic works on political philosophy, he produced the first English translation of Thucydides’ History of the Peloponnesian War directly from Greek. Published in 1629, it was a result of several of his formative years spent in Thucydides’ close company. Starting from the premise that such an experience could have informed Hobbes’s own ideas to a certain extent, this article tries to establish points of connection between Thucydides’ text and Hobbes’s conception of the state of nature. The aim is to identify ideas that might be at work behind different aspects of one of the focal points of Hobbes’s political thought. The analysis begins with Thucydides’ Archaeology depicting the manner of life of the ancient Hellenes; moves to ‘the three greatest things’ that, working on both individual and collective levels, impelled Athens to build an Empire and consequently trigger the war with Sparta; subsequently turns to the disintegration of Corcyraean polis during stasis; and in the end engages with the same problem that in Athens was caused by the plague.

Why are political discussions with fascists impossible? Reflections on the far-right politics of silence

This paper argues that twentieth-century fascist political theory is characterised by the systematic attempt to abolish communication from the public realm. By offering a novel reading of one the most systematic fascist thinkers, Carl Schmitt, who is compared with Søren Kierkegaard, Aristotle, Hannah Arendt, and Walter Benjamin as well as with the Italian dictator Benito Mussolini, it is argued that Schmitt's Weimar era thought offers a many-sided challenge to the Western tradition of political thought. Against the Aristotelian notion of politics as rhetorical persuasion and speech, Schmitt mobilises the anti-Aristotelian political theorist, Thomas Hobbes, and an array of other thinkers for his own purposes in order to redefine “the political” as a realm of silence. For Schmitt, and for fascists more generally, the realm of the political appears as an arena in which absolute and non-negotiable existential truths collide—truths, which every political community must necessarily embody in both its constitution and spirit. Reinterpreting Schmitt's central works by relying on a broad array of rare materials, I maintain that Schmitt's famous criterion of the “the political” discloses the crucial moment in which communicative speech becomes impossible. It is argued that understanding the internal mechanics of twentieth century fascist political thought can be highly useful for grasping the momentum that especially far-right movements are experiencing today.

Politics of Materialism in Thomas Hobbes

Hobbes cria uma interpretação da política com bases completamente materialistas. Sua ontologia materialista nega a existência das essências separadas da metafísica tradicional, implicando também na negação da ideia aristotélica da política enquanto natureza essencial do ser humano. Ao contrário, o filósofo inglês mostra que a política é criada pelos indivíduos a partir das disputas pelo poder, o qual é um meio de sintetizar objetos e relações a fim de satisfazer os desejos humanos. Neste aspecto, a política visa satisfazer as necessidades concretas do ser humano e o próprio poder é uma expressão da atividade humana, antes de ser político, existindo apenas enquanto consegue manter a proteção efetiva aos cidadãos, pois sua existência depende da sua efetividade material.

The natural right to slack

ABSTRACT The most influential justification of individual property rights is the Propertarian Argument. It is the idea that the institution of private property renders everyone better off, and crucially, even the worst-off members of society. A recent critique of the Argument is that it relies on an anthropologically false hypothesis – the idea, following Thomas Hobbes, that life in the state of nature is one of widespread scarcity and violence to which property rights are a solution. The present article seeks to reformulate this Anthropological Objection in a way that more directly addresses Hobbes’ original argument. It then shows that private property is justified to the extent that it allows anyone to reclaim their free time.

THE LANDS WERE NOT EMPTY

THE LANDS WERE NOT EMPTY

Debat Pemikiran dan Pergulatan Filsafat Moderen

The configuration of the development of modern philanthropy has a long and tumultuous history, emerging as a symbol of the thesis and antithesis, resistance and struggle, rebellion and counter-aggression and rejection of what is past and traditional. In modern times a philosophy emerged from various schools emerged. Basically the overall pattern of modern philosophy takes on the color of Greek philosophical Sufism. The development of human thought in the Middle Ages gave rise to thoughts oriented to the advancement of technology (modern philosophy), this was marked by the emergence of the Renaissance. In this century, science experienced rapid progress which led to the industrial revolution in England with the results of fame by modern philosophers. The Renaissance is a time of rebirth of classical Greek and Roman civilization. The concept of history at this time refers to periods of indivualism, the rise of antique culture, discoveries of the world and humans, as a period opposed to the medieval period. This era is also a refinement of art, expertise, and knowledge that is manifested in a versatile genius. Figures from this school are Nicholas Copernicus, Francis Bacon, Tycho Brahe. Johannes Keppler, Gallileo Galilei, Isaac Newton, and Joseph Black. Rationalism is the flow that has the view that knowledge is obtained by rational processes, namely through reasoning, knowledge can be achieved naturally can be used by humans, namely reason (ratio) and experience (empiri) also legitimately and correctly. The philosophers of this genre are Rene Decartes, Barunch Spinoza, and Gottfried Wilhelm von Leibniz. In addition to the two schools above, there is a school of empiricism which has an opinion contrary to Rationalism. They were of the view that knowledge was obtained from empirical experience, the leaders of this sect were Thomas Hobbes and John Locke.

El Apocalipsis del Leviatán: Escatología en el proyecto político de Thomas Hobbes

The main objective of this presentation is to determine the role played by eschatology within the political thought of Thomas Hobbes. In order to determine this role, it is fundamental to give an account of the bibliographic framework used for this presentation. Moreover, there will be an analysis on the relationship of the concepts of "death of State," "history," and "contract," and Hobbes’s main consequences in the post-apocalyptic political landscape. Finally, there will be an interpretation of Hobbes's use of eschatology responding the following question: Is eschatology just a rhetorical device, or is it essential for the entire structure of its political system?

Intricate Link Between War and Human Nature

The paper explores crucial but often neglected aspects that contribute to the causes of war. While just war requires just causes and just practices in warfare and for that reason asserts the importance of right intention, the paper observes not only the neglect of this criterion but also the predomination of wrong intention like hatred, fear, greed, and lust in the ethics of warfare. The paper's engagement with the subversive side of human nature affirms an intricate link between human nature and war. It does so by examining the infiltration of the internal orientation in the writings of Thomas Hobbes, Aron Ralby, Sigmund Freud, St. Augustine, and Edmund Husserl. Crises in internal orientation thus inadvertently contribute to the causes of war.

On Equity and Inequity in Thomas Hobbes's Dialogue

ABSTRACTThe concept of equity is clearly important in Thomas Hobbes's philosophy. In his writings he repeatedly employs it in significant load bearing ways, particularly in the areas of civil law and governance. Equity is, however, not directly addressed in a sustained way in his core works and—perhaps even more frustratingly—it is often applied in ways which ask more questions about the concept than they answer. This presents an impediment to accurately understanding what equity really means to Hobbes. His late Dialogue Between a Philosopher and a Student of the Common Laws of England (1681) seems to offer a solution to this challenge. This work contains extensive discussion on equity, including on the application of equity in relationship to absolute rule. However, equity in the Dialogue is not always the same as what we see in Hobbes's core works. The question is, did Hobbes change his mind on equity? This article argues no. Hobbes did not change his mind on equity; rather, within the Dialogue he is engaging with a common understanding of the term as it existed in English law. Consequently, Hobbes's discussions here should not inform us about how equity fits into his philosophy.

A Hobbesian Argument for World Government

The legitimacy of government is often linked to its ability to maintain order and secure peace. Thomas Hobbes’ political philosophy provides a clear description of why government is necessary, as human nature and the structures emerging out of human social interaction are such that order and peace will not naturally emerge to a sufficient degree. Hobbes’ general argument is often accepted at the national level, but in this article, I explore why a Hobbesian argument for the international level—an argument for world government—is deducible from his philosophy. Hobbes builds his philosophy on his conception of human nature and argues that individuals’ interests and preferences should be the determinant for evaluating the value of a political entity. By emphasising these aspects of Hobbes’ theory, I argue that several contemporary phenomena suggest that a world government could be preferable to the states system. The cases used are the outbreak of war in Europe in 2022 and the continuing and accelerating environmental crisis. Through this examination, the continued relevance of Hobbes’ political philosophy is demonstrated, and according to Hobbes’ own logic, those who accept the argument should also seek to implement such a solution.

Politics in Muslim Countries Today Between the Political Philosophies of Imam al-Mawardi, Thomas Hobbes, and John Locke

Politics in Muslim Countries Today Between the Political Philosophies of Imam al-Mawardi, Thomas Hobbes, and John Locke

Taylor and Hobbes on toleration

ABSTRACT The English Revolution saw fierce controversy over religious toleration. While this controversy was usually associated with parliamentarians and Puritans, major contributions to the debate were also made by a few thinkers from the royalist side: Jeremy Taylor and Thomas Hobbes. Despite their prominence in the toleration debate, however, the intellectual context of the English Revolution in which their distinctive views of toleration were formed remains unclear apart from Hobbes’s association with the Independents. Here, I suggest the potential importance of Taylor and Hobbes for understanding each other. While studies of Hobbes and Taylor have developed in relative isolation from each other, I show that their views of toleration have various features in common, and that these features are rarely found in their celebrated predecessor William Chillingworth or in major Puritan tolerationists. In several key respects, moreover, Hobbes and Taylor were more similar than Hobbes and the Independents. This research also helps to clarify the contribution to the toleration controversy at that time by the two leading thinkers. Furthermore, the similarities between Taylor and Hobbes, as shown in this paper, may contribute to better understanding the reception of Hobbes in the Restoration toleration debate.