History Of Nationalism Research Articles

Nation-building in Exile: Teachers’ Perceptions on the Goals of Teaching History in the Tibetan Refugee Schools

ABSTRACT History teaching is often seen as essential to the project of nation-building and construction of national identity. Despite the rise of disciplinary approach, national master narratives and nationalist history teaching remain predominant in many countries. While most of the extant research were done on large nation-states, this study is focused on a refugee community. By employing qualitative thematic analysis of interviews conducted with fifteen teachers, it investigates Tibetan teachers’ perceptions on the goals of teaching social studies and history in the Tibetan refugee schools in India. It argues that, for Tibetan refugees, who are engaged in a nationalist struggle for freedom and whose identity is threatened by displacement, history is perceived as pivotal to the construction of their ethno-national identity and the nationalist struggle.

Why did it take so long? Trump-Bannonism in a global conjunctural frame

ABSTRACT This is a revised and extended version of my keynote lecture to the Vega Symposium on Resurgent Nationalisms and Populist Politics in the Neoliberal Age, held at the Swedish Academy of Sciences, Stockholm, in April 2018. It is part of a Special Issue of Geografiska Annaler, Series B that also includes my Introduction, and articles by Manu Goswami, Tova Höjdestrand and Kanishka Goonewardena, based on their contributions to the Symposium. In this essay I bring South Africa, India and the United States into the same global frame to comprehend the rise of exclusionary nationalisms and right-wing populist politics in relation to neoliberal forms of capitalism and modalities of rule. Rather than pre-given bounded national units or separate ‘cases', I regard them as related yet historically specific nodes in globally interconnected historical geographies, and focus as well on new forms of U.S. imperialism since the 1980s. This global frame enables new and different questions. Instead of asking what explains Trumpism (or Trump-Bannonism), the question rather is why did it take so long for a demagogic figure like Trump to ascend to power, given the long histories of racism and right-wing Christian nationalism in the United States; the ravages of neoliberal forms of capitalism; and abandonment of the working class by the Democratic Party? To engage this question, I combine my earlier work on relational comparison with Antonio Gramsci’s method of conjunctural analysis.

Tourist attitudes to mega-event sponsors: Where does patriotism fit?

The sponsoring of mega-events enables organizations to capitalize on the power of sport to stimulate passionate brand identifications among attendees. However, a critical issue that has not been addressed by scholars is whether the effects of sponsoring mega-events such as the Olympics by a foreign brand will resemble the equivalent sponsorship by a domestic counterpart. In particular, few scholars have investigated attendee perceptions of congruities between event sponsor and self-sponsor brand favorability emanating from an overseas country with where there are longstanding tensions and from home. This study investigated attendees at the 2014 Summer Youth Olympic Games in Nanjing, China, a city with a long history of patriotic nationalism directed against Japan. The researchers identify that self-domestic sponsor congruity mediates the impact of patriotism among domestic attendees on their favorability toward domestic brands. Self-foreign sponsor congruity moderates the impact of event liking on favorability, even in the case of sponsors from a country with hostile connotations. The study has managerial implications for targeting and localization strategies by sponsor brands both domestic and overseas. It is proposed that foreign brand sponsors of mega-events should pursue local brand adaption through the incorporation local narratives with which residents can identify.

Nationalism of History Education: A Perspective on Indonesian History Text Books

The journey of the Indonesian Nation has begun since the historical period which means that the Indonesian Nation has begun to recognize the tradition of writing as an effort to record the history of its ancestors. The development of the Indonesian nation continues to experience dynamics in each period. From these dynamics then there is an effort to strengthen and unite the Indonesian Nation through nationalism. Nationalism in Indonesia began in 1901-1920 or known as the Early Period of the Indonesian Movement with the marking of movement organizations both oriented towards education and politics. The history of Nationalism in Indonesia is not limited to the Era of Movement but continues to move today. Historical education was born and departed through the History of the Development of the Indonesian Nation. Of course, in the historiography of the Indonesian people is full of records of the struggle of how the founding fathers of the nation fought to establish the Republic of Indonesia through bloodshed. Certainly the essence of Historical Education is how efforts to increase the values of nationalism are presented in the form of historiography. This research has problem formulation which consists of (1) how is the development of historiography in Indonesia?,(2) how is nationalism related to history textbooks, (3) how is the concrete form of nationalism in historical education?.

Réseaux artistiques latino-américains : synchronicités, contacts et divergences.

Understanding originality and innovation to be proposals that contribute to the interpretation of change and to the formation of a transnational field of art and visual culture from Latin America, this dossier for Artelogie investigates tensions between the historical avant-gardes of the early twentieth century, both in Latin America and Europe, and the neo avant-gardes that emerged globally between 1960 and 1990, approximately. The relationship between these vanguards has been fraught by theoretical and methodological difficulties posed by scholarly literatures that have assessed these phenomena, themselves by no means homogenous or coordinated, mostly in terms of derivation and creative exhaustion. This assessment has originated from the so-called centers of the art world and early universalist theories of the avant-garde rather than from their local places of art making and its circulation. These largely Eurocentric claims have foreclosed analysis of the historical significance of key moments in postwar art and their critical and innovative potential in comparative terms. The reappearance of collage and assemblage, and of grid and monochromatic painting, to name only a few avant-garde techniques, was a self-reflexive return, offering a critique of postwar societies. Neo avant-gardes consciously forged formal and informal networks that linked colleagues and strategies beyond their local scenes or nationalist histories. With this dossier we seek to investigate temporal, spatial, formal, and thematic synchronicities that emerge from both contact and divergence among artworks, artists, critics, curators, and other cultural agents. Through their critical comparison we expect to produce conceptualizations of postwar art history that generate and invert rather than merely add to dominant narratives to date.

Origins and Characteristics of Macro‐Nationalism: A Reflection on Pan‐Latinism's Emergence at the Turn of the Nineteenth Century

AbstractAppearing across Europe in the late nineteenth century, macro‐nationalist movements or pan‐movements – pan‐Latinism among them – participated in the ‘first globalisation’. During that period, European powers’ new domination of a considerable part of the world gradually homogenised the planet politically and economically. In this context, the pan‐movements placed nationalism on a larger scale than ever before. Mining various cultural, linguistic and ‘racial’ criteria, each macro‐nationalist movement promoted projects of supra‐national integration among all German‐speaking, Slavic‐speaking or Romance‐speaking peoples. Proposing a conceptual framework for analysing this phenomenon, this article situates macro‐nationalism within nationalism's broader history, underscoring similarities and differences in relation to the dominant model of nation‐state nationalism. I show how the pan‐movements drew constitutive elements from different phases in nineteenth‐century nationalism and became crystallised in a context marked by intensified armed conflicts and imperial rivalries. Focusing on the case of pan‐Latinism, I highlight the major role played by intellectual and political elites in this ideology's development and discuss the extent of its relevance to other social classes.

Embodied Narratives of Candomblé’s Afro-Bahian Caboclos

At a ritual compound in Salvador, Bahia's capital city in Northeastern Brazil, the Caboclo Sete Flechas dances a sinuous samba, his bare feet marking time on the leaf-covered floor. With a serpentine spine and syncopated steps that turn on a polymetric beat, Sete Flechas rides out on the horse that is Mãe Oba's body. A priestess in the Afro-Brazilian religio-cultural matrix of Candomblé, Mãe Oba, cultivates Yoruban-oriented divinities, the Orixá, as well as Caboclo, hybrid Brazilian gods identified with indigenous histories and healing traditions. At ceremonial sessions like the one described above, Caboclos use locally harvested leaves to remove ailments and dispel negative energy. Rowdy, masculine entities that embody female, male and trans-identified practitioners, Caboclos also dance circular sambas that narrate and revel in living histories of emancipation, nationalism, eroticization and racial contact. This paper places critical ethnographic fieldwork and choreographic analysis in dialogue with Timothy Morton's dark ecologies to develop what I call dark horse kinetics: a counter-hegemonic praxis activated through Caboclo performance. I suggest that Caboclos use dark horse kinetics to unfix, critique and revise dominant constructions of race, nation, gender and sex. Thinking about dark ecologies through performance, I ask if dark horse kinetics can move dark ecology towards a performance praxis, or a praxis that performs, in an efficacious and theatrical manner.

Literacy, Language and Reading in Nineteenth-Century Ireland ed. by Rebecca Anne Barr, Sarah-Anne Buckley, and Muireann O'Cinneide

Reviewed by: Literacy, Language and Reading in Nineteenth-Century Ireland ed. by Rebecca Anne Barr, Sarah-Anne Buckley, and Muireann O'Cinneide Karen Steele (bio) Rebecca Anne Barr, Sarah-Anne Buckley, and Muireann O'Cinneide, eds., Literacy, Language and Reading in Nineteenth-Century Ireland (Liver-pool: Liverpool University Press, 2019), pp. xiii + 213, $92/£80 cloth. For countries that were formerly part of the British Empire, the cultural politics of language remain a persistent topic of debate, especially in contemporary English-language writing. Brian Friel notes in his dramatic masterpiece Translations (1980), which could serve as a companion to this valuable scholarly collection, that language and literacy do not merely describe the world but in fact help to create it, establishing both a set of possibilities and limits. Just as Friel's play complicates our sense of Irish literacy practices in the decades before the Irish famine, this collection up-ends [End Page 172] many assumptions about nineteenth-century Ireland as it grappled with literacies in both English and Irish during a century that witnessed tremendous change. Importantly, the authors examine languages and literacy practices within global frameworks wider than empire, such as European politics and classical and Continental language learning. Published under the auspices of the Society for the Study of Nineteenth-Century Ireland, Literacy, Language and Reading in Nineteenth-Century Ireland is a cause for celebration and a strong indicator of the maturation of the field. The authors examine a diverse array of reading and writing practices, exploring "discourses surrounding literacy" including "new literacies" engendered via new technologies, print culture, orality, visuals, and trends such as palmistry (3). Organized sensibly into sections on literacy and bilingualism, periodicals and their readers, translation and transnational literacies, and visual literacies, this collection showcases some of the best theoretical and methodological approaches to Irish studies today. The lead chapter by print historian Niall Ó Ciosáin complicates the once dominant narrative of Irish language loss over the course of the nineteenth century. Ó Ciosáin examines Irish census data, which provides far more nuanced analysis of literacy and its distribution than British census data, demonstrating that literacy in English in fact stimulated rather than suppressed Irish literacy and ushered in an era of considerable bilingualism. Máire Nic an Bhaird and Liam Mac Mathúna's chapter on the linguistic development of Douglas Hyde, founding president of the Gaelic League and the first professor of Modern Irish at University College Dublin, reveals additional dimensions of his multilingualism. The authors analyze Hyde's teenage diary, where he records his growing mastery of Irish using anglicized transcriptions and diacritical marks from French, to uncover how his coming-of-age narrative conveys important insight into his experiments in learning and writing Irish. For periodicals scholars, this volume offers a rich array of new work that examines both well-known and understudied publications that delineated and facilitated national and religious identity. James Quinn's careful study of the Nation, founded by radical Young Irelanders in 1842, highlights the transformative power of a nationalist newspaper to enact cultural and social changes for the populace. Quinn traces the paper's nationalist educational crusade (which included encouraging Irish readers to gain literacy in English) and notes how this early effort to promote nationalist history influenced nation-wide educational programming—from a marked growth in nationalist reading rooms to the launch of an influential book series "Library of Ireland," which sold inexpensive books of nationalist history, fiction, and poetry. Whereas Quinn sheds new light on a well-known paper, Elizabeth Tilley expertly illuminates the under-examined Dublin [End Page 173] Penny Journal, which reshaped antiquarian history along nationalist lines in the 1830s. Tilley's chapter reminds scholars of the surprising riches in miscellany publications like the penny magazine, especially when edited by a prominent member of the Royal Irish Academy like George Petri. Petri was an artist and activist who systematically worked to translate the ancient chronicles of Ireland to a general audience. Nicola Morris explores the Irish Methodist press, which charts the theological and political shifts in Irish Methodism (distinct from that being promoted in England) during the nineteenth century. Chapters in the section on translation and transnationalism explore how readers...

Colonial al-Andalus: Spain and the Making of Modern Moroccan Culture Culture by Eric Calderwood

Reviewed by: Colonial al-Andalus: Spain and the Making of Modern Moroccan Culture Culture by Eric Calderwood Adolfo Campoy Calderwood, Eric. Colonial al-Andalus: Spain and the Making of Modern Moroccan Culture Culture. Belknap Press of Harvard UP, 2018. 400 pp. Colonial al-Andalus offers a well-documented and fascinating account of the interaction between Spanish colonialism and Moroccan nationalism. Calder-wood traces some of the key tropes of Moroccan nationalism to the Spanish Africanista discourse developed during the second half of the nineteenth century. The book focuses on the different political iterations of Al-Andalus and andalusí cultural identity by the Moroccan nationalists and the Spanish colonial authorities before, during, and after the Spanish Protectorate of Morocco. Calderwood's central thesis in this book, that Moroccan nationalism appropriated the central tenets of Spanish colonial discourse to articulate its own narrative of the cultural origins of the Moroccan nation, is both provocative and insightful. As he explains, Francoism emphasized the importance of the Andalusi past shared by both nations to justify Spain's suitability as the colonizer of Morocco. Moroccan nationalists, on the other hand, embraced the myth of the Andalusi origins of the Moroccan nation and proceeded to present themselves as the true representatives of this cultural tradition. The origin of Moroccan nationalism has been a point of contention for quite some time. Early post-independence historical accounts like Alal AlFassi's The Independence Movements in Arab North Africa (1970) and Abdullah Laroui's Origines culturelles et politiques du nationalism marocain (1977) privileged an idealized pre-colonial past as the origin of Moroccan nationalism and emphasized the contribution of the urban Arab elites to the movement. Edmund Burke highlighted the importance of the political role played by [End Page 575] rural Berber populations in his Prelude to Protectorate in Morocco: Precolonial Protest and Resistance, 1860–1912 (1976). Other accounts like John P. Halstead's Rebirth of a Nation (1967) and more recently Jonathan Wyrtzen's Making of Morocco (2015) have emphasized that Moroccan nationalism originated as a backlash against the Berber Dahir instituted in 1930 by the French colonial administration. According to this account, the effort to drive a wedge between the Arab and Berber populations that characterized this legislation backfired uniting all Moroccans in a shared nationalist movement. Finally, new accounts like Daniel Zisenwine's The Emergence of Nationalist Politics in Morocco (2010) argues that Moroccan nationalism is really a much later development that appears after World War II. As Edmund Burke acknowledges, "colonial and nationalist histories are deeply imbricated in one another" in that "both derive from post-Enlightenment thought" (11). I would hasten to add that postcolonial histories have equally been indebted to Post-Enlightenment thought in that they have, for the most part, ignored any elements that contributed to the articulation of Moroccan nationalist discourse other than definitions of the modern nation/state informed by the French Revolution. This teleological account of Moroccan nationalism has been criticized by, among others by Moroccan historian Muhammad El Mansour in his article "Moroccan Historiography since Independence" (1997) for its deliberate attempt to ignore the role played by nationalist leaders of the Spanish zone like Abdessalam Bennuna, Abd al-Khaliq al-Turris, or Muhammad Dawud. Calderwood's contribution provides a much-needed account of the extent to which Spanish narratives of shared cultural affinity with the Andalusi civilization, particularly as developed during the Francoist regime, influenced and became a corner stone of Moroccan nationalist discourse. As Calderwood explains, the crosspollination between Spanish colonialist ideologues and Moroccan nationalist was, of course, deeply informed by strategic calculations on both sides. Many of the early leaders of the nationalist movement initially presented themselves as reformers rather than advocates for independence trusting that with the arrival of the Spanish II Republic they would be able to increase their role the government of the Protectorate. The Spanish Civil War and the consolidation in power of General Francisco Franco marked the beginning of the radicalization of Moroccan nationalist discourse. The Francoist regime had chosen to undertake pro-Arab policies in order to counter French colonial policy of divide and conquer based on emphasizing ethnic differences between the Berber and the Arab population. Franco sought to...

A Review of Nick Megoran, Nationalism in Central Asia: A Biography of the Uzbekistan-Kyrgyzstan Boundary.Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2017, 348 pp.

The review considers Nick Megoran’s new interpretations of the history of nationalism in the former Soviet countries of Central Asia. Megoran, who examines modern nation-building, claims that nationalisms as political projects in different countries encounter the local residents’ moral maps, in which ethnicity does not have a leading role. However, the reviewer believes that Megoran’s narrative is guided by the logic of unavoidable nationalism, materialization of national borders, and ethnicization of local identities.

Corvus Corax: medieval rock, the minstrel, and cosmopolitanism as anti-nationalism

AbstractThis article explores the German band Corvus Corax and their reinterpretion of the Middle Ages as a creative answer to Germany's problematic history of nationalism. Invoking the community ideals and ideological values of the 1960s and 1970s, which, in the context of the GDR took on even more significance, Corvus Corax borrowed ‘authentic’ medieval texts and melodies, rendering them in acoustic arrangements inspired by medieval performance practices. In short, German ‘folk’ bands invented ‘medieval’ rock to sidestep Nazi connotations with the word ‘folk’. Besides invoking the semantic shift from ‘folk’ to ‘medieval’, I argue that the band adopts the figure of the medieval minstrel and asserts that his multilingual texts, ‘foreign’ instruments and colourful performance practices speak to an inclusive, diverse and cosmopolitan community. Paradoxically, they do so by first positioning the medieval minstrel as a punked-up, marginalised ‘outcast’. The cultural capital of this outcast status helps medieval rock bands like Corvus Corax carve out a space for marginalised voices who, in their new privileged positions, offer a form of retribution for politics of exclusion, racism and authoritarianism.

Interracial Intimacies and the Gendered Optics of African Nationalism in the Colonial Metropole

Abstract Far from being a salacious footnote in the history of anticolonial nationalist struggles, the roles that white women played in the push towards African independence—as political comrades, friends, and sometimes as lovers or wives to many of the black men who had come to the imperial center to agitate and prepare for independence—were often sustained and meaningful. This article revisits this history—as told in the pages of my book, Crossing the Color Line: Race, Sex, and the Contested Politics of Colonialism in Ghana—in order to offer a critique of the skewed gendered optics of African nationalism produced by the book’s focus on interracial relationships. Although novel in its analysis of the affective interracial bonds that helped nourish the work of African nationalism in the colonial metropole, the lens of interracial intimacy deployed in Crossing the Color Line keeps African women at the margins of the nationalist narrative, where they have long been relegated despite decades of stellar research on their key roles in mass nationalist movements. In seeking a way out of this conundrum, this article concludes with a call for an affective history of African nationalism that centers intimacies and other forms of solidarity between African men and women as a means of advancing an integrative approach to nationalism that explores it as a shared project between African men and women rather than a history to which African women must be restored. In so doing this article offers a new model of the review essay for the Journal of West African History, one that invites authors to engage in critical reappraisals of their own published work. What do we learn after the fact of publication about both the contributions and consequences of our research? How can we engage those issues in ways that move beyond purely backwards looking reflection to hale new research agendas?

Eric Hobsbawm: a life in history

By the time he died in 2012, Eric Hobsbawm was one of the best-known historians in the world. He had made signature contributions to a range of overlapping historical fields, from labour history to the history of nationalism. Hundreds of thousands of people across the world had read his books. And he had developed an unrivalled network of contacts in the Americas, western Europe and south Asia. Yet for all his fame, there is an astonishing paucity of critical work on his life and his ideas. In his range, ambition and his longtime engagement with Marxism, he conformed almost perfectly to the ideal-type of the twentieth-century European intellectual, but there has been nowhere near the same degree of scholarly engagement with him as there has been with figures like Pierre Bourdieu, Hannah Arendt or E. P. Thompson. The publication of Richard Evans's authorized biography of Hobsbawm therefore represents a major milestone. For the first time, a recognized scholar has used newly available archival material to give us an insight into Hobsbawm's inner world and the intricacies of his long career. With the help of a team of research assistants, Evans has delved deep into his subject's papers and unearthed a treasure trove of anecdotes and documents, many of which have been supplemented by interviews with friends and colleagues. It is a testimony to the richness of the material that the book runs to over 800 pages.

The Persianate Cosmology of Historical Inquiry in the Caucasus:ʿAbbās Qulī Āghā Bākīkhānūf’s Cosmological Cosmopolitanism

AbstractThis article engages with cosmopolitan conceptions of culture that flourished in the nineteenth century Caucasus with a view to clarifying the relevance of these legacies today. I focus in particular on the polymath writer ʿAbbās Qulī Āghā Bākīkhānūf (1794–1847). Bākīkhānūf’s historical work conceptualizes community outside the framework of the nation, while conjoining distinctive strands of epistemic and cultural cosmopolitanism. As I explore Bākīkhānūf’s historical writing, I consider how the Persianate literary tradition of which he partakes advance a cosmopolitan conception of community that contrasts with and occasionally contests the nationalist histories promulgated by modern European nations. As a scientific and literary project, Bākīkhānūf’s cosmological cosmopolitanism shows how epistemic openness advances cultural inclusivity, in part by recognizing the relationship between the literary imagination and scientific inquiry.

Упадок и перспективы восстановления галисийского национализма

The paper observes the history and present situa-tion of Galician nationalism. The study analyzes the development of the nationalist political movement in the region and shows the results of the 2015–2019 local elections for nationalist parties. Their presence in the local parliaments of Galicia, Catalo-nia, and the Basque Country is compared. Four reasons for the decline of Galician na-tionalism are formulated and explained: economic, migration, historical, and national ones. The author considers the 2018 non-partisan nationalist associa-tions such as the Galician Way and the National Ga-lician Assembly, their goals and projects to unite Galician nationalists. These organiza-tions’ activities are positively assessed as they can contribute to the development of culture, lan-guage, and national identity of the region’s resi-dents, which will fail to lead to outbreaks of separa-tism but will vent existing and future nationalist sentiments in case of low economic develop-ment.

Between being ‘Irticaci’ and ‘Kafir’: the Kurdish Ulama, Shayhks and Kurdish historiography

This article engages with Kurdish ulamas’ and shaykhs’ relatively unknown narratives on manipulative shaykhs as a legitimate part of the story of Kurdish national history. The criticism against yalancı, fake, shaykhs from within the religious class is not encountered very often in Kurdish nationalist history writing. The stereotypical and generalizing approach to shaykhs in nationalist historiography hindered the diverse nature of religious class and silenced reformist discourses against the manipulation of religion. This article brings in the examples of ‘a-typical’ Kurdish ulama and shaykhs with national dreams, who delegitimized deceptive shaykhs by uncovering their deceits. As their narratives unfold, the diverse nature of the Kurdish religious class appears and the story of Kurdish nationalism becomes more complete. My findings also challenge the nationalist dichotomy that national and religious identities are exclusive of one another.

‘A Secret, Melodramatic Sort of Conspiracy’: The Disreputable Legacies of Fenian Violence in Nineteenth-Century London

‘A secret, melodramatic sort of conspiracy’: The disreputable legacies of Fenian violence in nineteenth-century London. This essay assesses the cultural and historical legacy of the ‘Dynamite war’, a campaign waged predominantly in London by Irish-American Republicans organised under the banners of Clan-na-Gael and Jeremiah O’Donovan Rossa’s Skirmishers from 1881 to 1885. The war was, and, to a degree, remains, a contentious event in Irish history principally because its instigators were willing to use extreme violence against civilian targets, and so demonstrated a disposition to transgress codes of martial honour which had previously been regarded as largely sacrosanct. While the history of the campaign, the degree to which it was innovative in its methods as a precursor for urban terrorism, and the manner in which the war has been represented in popular culture and literature have been the subjects of compelling recent research, the extent to which the campaign has been understood within the context of Irish London and its problematic status within narratives of nineteenth-century Irish political insurgency more broadly have been less fully considered. This paper considers these aspects in greater detail, highlighting the disreputable status of the campaign and, subsequently, the manner in which allusions to it are often deeply embedded in Irish literary and cultural texts. The essay concludes with a discussion of James Joyce’s Ulysses (1922), a work which uses fictionalised autobiography to locate the war in the wider history of nineteenth-century Irish nationalism. In so doing Joyce acknowledges the ethical complexity of the campaign in a manner which becomes both an intervention in historiography and an experiment in literary aesthetics.

Reactionary Internationalism: the philosophy of the New Right

AbstractWhat does the New Right want from international relations? In this article, we argue that the philosophy of the New Right is not reducible to a negation of internationalism. The New Right coalesce around a conceptualisation of the international driven by analytics and critiques of specific subjects, norms and practices, that should be treated as a distinct international theoretical offering. We refer to this vision as Reactionary Internationalism. This article examines and locates this vision within the intellectual history of nationalism and internationalism by drawing on poststructuralist approaches to intellectual history and drawing evidence from a discourse analysis of recent Lega, Front National, Brexit, and Trump campaigns. We find that, rather than advocating for the end of internationalism, the New Right seeks to reconstitute its normative architecture on the basis of inequality among identities. This entails dismantling liberal economic and rights-based norms and reframing them around transactionalism and power grounded on identity. Reactionary Internationalism emerges as a distinct philosophy that identifies a hegemonic normative bind and advocates its unravelling so as to liberate subjects understood as defined by their birth-cultural identity.

Genetic ancestry testing among white nationalists: From identity repair to citizen science.

White nationalists have a genetic essentialist understanding of racial identity, so what happens when using genetic ancestry tests (GATs) to explore personal identities, they receive upsetting results they consider evidence of non-white or non-European ancestry? Our answer draws on qualitative analysis of posts on the white nationalist website Stormfront, interpreted by synthesizing the literatures on white nationalism and GATs and identity. We show that Stormfront posters exert much more energy repairing individuals' bad news than using it to exclude or attack them. Their repair strategies combine anti-scientific, counter-knowledge attacks on the legitimacy of GATs and quasi-scientific reinterpretations of GATs in terms of white nationalist histories. However, beyond individual identity repair they also reinterpret the racial boundaries and hierarchies of white nationalism in terms of the relationships GATs make visible. White nationalism is not simply an identity community or political movement but should be understood as bricoleurs with genetic knowledge displaying aspects of citizen science.

Wrong for womankind and the nation: Anti-abortion discourses in 20th-century Ireland

This article asks how anti-abortion discourses and dialogues engaged with ideas about motherhood, national identity, and women’s reproductive decision-making in 20th-century Ireland, particularly from 1967, when abortion was decriminalized in Britain, to 1983, when Ireland’s Eighth Amendment became the law of the land. It assesses the ways in which ‘pro-life’ advocates rejected the notion that women were independent adults capable of reproductive decision-making. Indeed, throughout the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s, anti-choice activists defined all Irish women as innately innocent, moral, and naturally desirous of domesticity and motherhood. Abortion, they argued, was encouraged, coerced, and even forced by outsiders or ‘others’. The arguments of some anti-abortion activists utilized meaningful themes in Ireland’s colonial and nationalist history, including the historical notion of Irish sacrificial motherhood, the depiction of Irish women as young and vulnerable, and the explanation of abortion as foreign, anti-Irish, and reminiscent of British colonial repression.