History Of Nationalism Research Articles

The reincarnation of the Asian Buddhist peril: White Christian nationalism and contestations of mindfulness in K-12 public schools

This article explores legal contestations to school based mindfulness programs in the context of an increasingly overt White Christian nationalist agenda in the United States. By illuminating the force and logic of White Christian nationalism in education, I demonstrate that though Christian organizations’ legal opposition to mindfulness is framed around defending First Amendment Establishment Clause protections in schools, their ultimate objective is to safeguard Christian hegemony and structurally reinforce a racial-religious belief of the US as a White Christian nation. Interrogating the discursive invocation of Buddhism as a “danger” helps to reveal this intention, and its exclusionary function. In this light, I trace how the claims of Buddhist treachery recall and reaffirm 19th century White Christian nationalist imaginations of Asian immigrants as embodying dangerously foreign religions and inassimilable behaviors in order to facilitate their legal exclusion from the nation. Understanding this historical context sheds light on the ways these Christian legal contentions of mindfulness attempt to maintain a historical racial-religious subjugation of Asians as a “Yellow Peril” and inculcate anti-Asian phobias of national invasion. Thus, I also argue that the current legal disputes over mindfulness are not new assertions of White Christian nationalism. Rather, they illuminate the ongoing legacy of White Christian nationalism, and represent attempts to maintain the structure’s hegemonic positioning in the 21st century. In highlighting these arguments, this article demonstrates that we cannot understand the debate around mindfulness in schools (and secular mindfulness programs themselves) without understanding the White Christian nationalist history of Asian racial-religious exclusion in the US.

Unmasking Southern White evangelicalism in U. S. history education: Racialized theopolitical discourses at work

White evangelical churches and organizations play a significant role in mobilizing congregants as participants in the white Christian nationalist movement. This fusion of faith and politics has made white evangelicals “ambassadors” of white Christian nationalism (Miller, 2022). This paper interrogates the history, theology, and politics of white Christian nationalism to understand its influence in the U. S. educational system, specifically its implications for K-12 history curriculum in public schools. Beginning with current legislation around critical race theory, this paper traces the intersection of evangelical and conservative discourse in the Southern United States. This historical analysis shows how the white, Southern evangelical record on race and racism accommodates the theopolitical ideology of the white Christian nationalist movement. This paper argues the current white evangelical challenges to critical race theory and demands to teach “alternative histories” about America’s racial past not only limits discussions around race and power in classrooms but distorts the curriculum with white Christian nationalist tenets disguised as truth.

COVAX and COVID‐19 Vaccine Inequity: A case study of G‐20 and African Union

AbstractAs the world has a history of vaccine nationalism, especially during the 2009 Swine flu pandemic, the COVAX alliance, a globally collaborated mechanism, was created by World Health Organization (WHO), GAVI, and UNICEF to address the inequity of COVID‐19 vaccines. One of the primary aims of this alliance was to deliver vaccines to low‐ and middle‐income countries (LMICs), which otherwise have less or no capacity to access vaccines from the open market. It is crucial to explore the contribution of COVAX in bridging the gap in equity, accessibility, and affordability of COVID‐19 vaccines between high‐ and low‐income countries (LICs). We selected Group 20 (G20) COVAX participants and the African Union (AU) as case studies to estimate these gaps. The bilateral purchase data shows that by December 2021, the G20 countries had vaccines more than double their population, whereas the AU could procure only about one fifth (19%) of their population. Out of 52 AU countries whose data was available, only 21 of them could strike a bilateral deal with vaccine manufacturers. Even after COVAX delivery, the share of the population that could be vaccinated in AU was just 36.8%, less than the target of WHO (40%) for December 2021. It was found that the COVAX alliance worked better than the open market competition for LMICs and LICs. The cost of vaccinating 20% of the population was 0.7% of the current health expenditure for G20 countries, whereas AU countries had to spend 5.5%. COVAX bears more cost (1%–3%) for AU countries than G20 countries (less than 1%). COVAX made COVID‐19 vaccines more affordable and accessible to these countries. However, LICs were disproportionately affected even with the COVAX Facility mechanism owing to their lack of vaccine deployment infrastructure.

Constitutional Arab Identity Referring To National Unity: The Cases of Lebanon, Syria, and Jordan

This article focuses on how Arab identity is used to indicate membership in a supra-state Arab union in the Constitutions drafted in Lebanon, Syria and Jordan When the constitutionalism movements are examined, it is seen that political identity is directly or indirectly brought to the fore to establish the bond of citizenship. In most constitutions prepared in Arab countries, Arab identity was used to emphasise belonging to a supra-state structure. This study, limited to Lebanon, Syria and Jordan, reveals how this belonging is emphasised in the constitutions and constitutional documents drafted in the region. The expressions used in the constitutions, such as the Arab States, the people are a part of the Arab nation and easy citizenship to the peoples of other Arab countries, have been examined in detail. The relevant articles in the constitutions prepared in the three countries of the Levant Region were examined in connection with the theory of citizenship in the Islamic legal literature and the history of Arab nationalism.

Dynasty Divided: A Family History of Russian and Ukrainian Nationalism by Fabian Baumann (review)

Dynasty Divided: A Family History of Russian and Ukrainian Nationalism by Fabian Baumann (review)

The Global Turn in Nationalism: The USA as a Battleground for Hinduism and Hindu Nationalism

Hindu nationalism operates on a global scale today. Evinced by the transnational networks of the Sangh Parivar and the replication of strategies such as amending textbooks and patriotic rewriting of history, politics and discourse of Hindu nationalism are not solely contained to the territorial boundary of the nation. In this globalized battle for and against Hindu nationalism, the United States of America serves as an important site. In light of this, this article puts together existing scholarship on diasporic Hindu nationalism with late nineteenth-and early twentieth-century deterritorial history of Indian nationalism to present a broader framework for historicizing Indian activism in the US. It argues that while long-distance Hindu nationalism in the US cannot be traced before the 1970s, examining the early experiences of Indian activists in the US offers useful insights with which to evaluate the ongoing battles of Hindu nationalism in the US and opens another field of enquiry: Hindutva’s counterpublic.

(Mis)Translations of the Critiques of Anti-Muslim Racism and the Repercussions for Transnational Feminist Solidarities

Abstract As critiques of anti-Muslim racism travel transnationally, they get translated in relation to complex histories of imperialism, colonialism, postcolonialism, and nationalism. These (mis)translations produce unexpected uses and abuses of anti-Muslim racism as an academic and political concept, with significant consequences for transnational feminist solidarity. This article explores, as a case in point, the emergence of a “Black Turk” identity in millennial Turkey where pious Muslim identity, once marginalized under a secularist state, has reasserted itself by deploying an analogy of Black to pious Muslim. Obscuring the nuances of local power relations, the pious Muslim/secular fault line was oversimplified and mistranslated into the resonant American idiom of the Black/white binary. This analogy and the progressive critiques of anti-Black and especially anti-Muslim racisms were then instrumentalized by an increasingly authoritarian and gender-conservative Islamist Turkish government to legitimize its repressive agendas, even succeeding to garner unexpected sympathy from some feminist politicians and academics in the United States. Naive confidence that such dichotomous racial/religious categories and familiar political vocabularies can guide feminist analyses and politics risks employing a seemingly transnationalist and anti-imperialist but in truth U.S.-centric understanding of non-U.S. struggles for social justice and thwarting potential transnational feminist solidarities.

Precarious discourses: herstory and the politics of re-articulation in Panashe Chigumadzi’s These Bones Will Rise Again

ABSTRACT Zimbabwe’s nationalist historiography is founded on an androcentric political imagination that excludes women from sites of nation-narration and knowledge production. This scenario has sparked a proliferation of women-authored and women-centred historical narratives (‘herstory’) that seek to displace male-centred history (‘(his)tory’) and reinscribe women into the nationalist narrative. Through a close reading of Panashe Chigumadzi’s autobiography, These Bones Will Rise Again (2018), the article offers a context-specific evaluation of herstory’s capacity to transcend the single-eyedness and misogynistic underpinnings of (his)story. I demonstrate that herstory and (his)story are equally monolithic discourses that seek to eliminate each other, and this antagonism undermines the possibilities of a multi-inclusive nationalist history. Overall, I argue that while herstory can be a potent tool for subverting masculinized national memory, it inherits some of the exclusionary tendencies of (his)tory in ways that undermine its overarching goal to de-gender the discursive space. The article finally proposes that herstory necessarily needs to be (re)situated within the tradition of negotiation politics if it has to transcend the faults of (his)tory. To explore these dynamics, I draw on Chimamanda Adichie’s ‘The Dangers of a Single Story’ (2009).

Rethinking nationalistic history in China: Towards a multicultural Chinese identity

In China, the central government enjoys paramount authority in (re)writing national history, and its interpretation is promoted through various channels to shape people's national identity. Over the past two decades, the Chinese government has promoted a nationalistic history to promote a Han‐dominant Chinese identity. This nationalistic approach to Chinese history stands in contrast to China's multicultural society and the government's affirmation of multicultural aims as the core values and future goals of the nation. It was expected that the government would rethink and revise nationalistic history to recognize diverse groups and accommodate their needs in the Xi Jinping era. However, this paper shows that the current government continues to emphasize a version of national history that encourages a nationalistic sentiment and discourse. This approach to Chinese history risks strengthening xenophobic sentiments and behaviour in China, and could become coercive for Chinese people who hold different interpretations or expect a more comprehensive interpretation of national history. I argue that a critical multicultural approach can help develop a more inclusive and balanced national history and identity in China.

INVENTION OF “ROMAN”, IMAGINATION OF “BARBARIAN”: THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE IMPERIAL IDENTITY OF ROME IN THE LATER TEXTS OF OVID

Purpose. The author in the presented article considers the late texts of Ovid, presented by Tristia and Epistulae ex Ponto. The purpose of the article is to analyze how the texts reflect the processes of formation of the imperial political culture and identity.
 Research novelty. The novelty of the study lies in the analysis of the late texts of Ovid not as literary, but as political narratives that inspired the transformation of Roman identity, contributing to the actualization of the concepts of Self and Otherness.
 Materials and methods. Methodologically, the article is based on the principles of interdisciplinarity proposed in the framework of studies of nationalism, intellectual and cultural history, transplanted into the contexts of the literary history of Rome in the 1st century AD.
 Results. The article analyzes 1) Ovid’s attempts to form an ideal and positive image of power, 2) Ovid’s contribution to the development of Roman ideas about barbarians, 3) peculiarities of Ovid’s geographical perception of the formation of Roman territory as an imperial heterogeneous space. The contribution of the later texts of Ovid, represented by Tristia and Epistulae ex Ponto and written in exile, to the formation of political imperial culture and identity is shown. The results of the study suggest that 1) Ovid was one of the first Roman authors who textualized the transformations of political power, contributing to the genesis of the cult of imperial power as an element of political culture; 2) in the formation and imagination of the images of the barbarians, Ovid continued the earlier tendencies of hierarchization and idealization of the inhabitants of the peripheral provinces: 3) the later texts of Ovid, written in exile, became a contribution to the development of the cultural geography of the emerging Roman Empire, based on the glorification and positive idealization of Italy through the prism of its opposition to the provinces.

«Википедия» как пространство мемориальной конфронтации каталонской и испанской исторической памяти

The purpose of this study is to analyze the perception of Catalan nationalism in the Catalan and Spanish ver-sions of Wikipedia as modern space for the development and actualization of collective historical memory and national identities. The author analyzes how agents of historical politics in Catalonia and Castile, using the vir-tual space of Wikipedia, construct various images of the history of Catalan nationalism and its political deriva-tives. The novelty of the research consists in the analysis of the virtual space of Wikipedia as a sphere of actual-ization of different versions of collective historical memory for Catalonia and Spain. The author analyzes: the perception of Catalan nationalism experience in the Catalan and Spanish sections of Wikipedia; various points of view on the history of Catalan nationalism presented in the virtual space; the perception of the history of Cat-alan nationalism as space of memory wars and memorial confrontations. The study also shows that the virtual-ization of collective memory has become a factor stimulating various and mutually exclusive ways of perceiv-ing the historical past, as presented in articles in the Catalan and Spanish sections of Wikipedia focused on the history of Catalan nationalism. It is assumed that the virtual space of the Catalan and Spanish versions of Wik-ipedia are just as susceptible to politicization as the academic environment of the regional historiographies of Spain. The results of the study suggest that the trends of memory virtualization will contribute to the Catalan-Spanish memorial confrontation.

“A Majority with a Minority Complex”: Reorientation of Myths and the Making of Hindu Cadres

The study of myths, I claim, must consider ways in which discursive formations inscribe subjects in the material contexts of their experiences. Situated within this larger objective, this essay examines the process by which being a member of any one of the diasporic Hindutva organizations in the US now measures as a subscription to a transnational communication network that identifies itself with a conservative religious revivalist movement. In my reading of the pedagogic materials produced by the Hindu Swayamsevak Sangha—a Hindu religious organization based in North America—I analyze the critical communicative role that lessons in history and myth play in inciting diasporic Hindus to embrace religious nationalism. Essentially, I argue how persuasive methodologies are emplaced to conflate historical and mythical events, dislodging them from their secular domains and recasting them as sacred bodies and narratives. Cloaked in moderate to extreme incendiary rhetoric, these newly minted subjects of transcendental faith stand as representatives and vanguards for all Hindu religious values, censoring slightest indications of disagreement. This project observes how a transnational and homogenous Hindu Indian identity is invoked through a striking linguistic reconstruction in which cultural myths are indexed as historical facts and nationalist histories are calibrated to mythical scales.

Dimitris Stamatopoulos, ed. Imagined Empires: Tracing Imperial Nationalism in Eastern and Southeastern Europe

Dimitris Stamatopoulos, ed. <i>Imagined Empires: Tracing Imperial Nationalism in Eastern and Southeastern Europe</i>

Victor Taki. Russia on the Danube: Empire, Elites, and Reform in Moldavia and Wallachia, 1812–1834

Victor Taki. <i>Russia on the Danube: Empire, Elites, and Reform in Moldavia and Wallachia, 1812–1834</i>

Three-stage periodization of the history of nationalism of Miroslav Hroch as an "ideal model" and the prospects for its application to Iranian historical studies

Three-stage periodization of the history of nationalism of Miroslav Hroch as an "ideal model" and the prospects for its application to Iranian historical studies

Can an archive be revolutionary?: how to document radical aspirations in a time of dissensus

ABSTRACT Can an archive be revolutionary? To answer this question, I turn to a set of archives and histories of social movements that were driven by women, radicals, and those seeking revolutionary historical changes. Through an argument that moves between scholarly conversations in the history of feminism in the United States and the histories of militant nationalism in India, I consider how archives have influenced histories of social movements. Archives, in their widest forms, should generate historical narratives that are open to revision. These sites for generating dissensus are an urgent necessity in a time of declining democratic and liberatory norms.

Cultivating Community: Women and Agricultural Fairs in Ontario

Cultivating Community is a fascinating exploration of an understudied area of Canadian history. Nurse masterfully utilizes a plethora of archival and private materials in order to tell the century-long story of women's participation in local agricultural fairs in southern Ontario. This book offers an engaging interplay of macro and micro history, telling a broader history of women's movements and nationalism in Canada, while also offering colorful snapshots of many individual women's stories. The example of a woman cheating in the honey jarring competition by dyeing kerosene to look like the purest honey represents the type of colorful anecdote that brings this history to life. Nurse's work inspires the reader to look into their own local and familial past, for the ways in which women have made their mark through baking, handicrafts, and other pursuits.On the surface the idea of studying baked goods and produce might seem daunting. But Nurse creatively uses sources such as newspaper clippings and competition records to reconstruct women's participation in Ontario's agricultural fairs. Nurse writes lush descriptions of the fairs' events—from judging criteria to contestant presentation to the packaging and staging of organic materials—so that the reader can imagine themselves as participants, judges, and audience members. These narratives also provide detailed information about the social context within which this history takes place. For example, women were initially prohibited from participating in riding shows, but it became increasingly more common for women to demonstrate their horsemanship as they pushed more and more into the “public sphere.” The importance of rural reform, and women as the centers of rural family life, are repeated themes throughout the book. Nurse demonstrates how reformers utilized fairs to teach women about new homemaking technologies and encourage these women to compete for prizes and prestige for their prowess in fields that were seen as “women's expertise.” Winning competitions in these areas demonstrated how much of a “good” woman, wife, mother, and community member you were.In Cultivating Community Nurse goes beyond the typical written archival sources on which historians tend to rely. Many beautiful photographs of fairgoers, competitors, and handicrafts alike grace the pages of this book and enrich the reader's understanding of the fairs' material culture. These images display, for instance, the intricacies of a hand-darned sock and handmade lace and quilts, demonstrating evidence of skills with which the modern reader likely is unfamiliar. A quilt made with poorly cut fabric and messy stitching compared to one that was meticulously sewn with even stitching is very obvious when looking at comparison photos. In her analysis, Nurse brings a real appreciation of these skills and the work that these women produced, reminding the reader of the many ways that women's cooking, gardening, and handicraft skills benefited their families and households. Before fabric was easily commercially available, homespun fabric was valued in these fairs, but only a few short years later, with the availability of cheap fabric in stores, this skill ceased to be exhibited. These stories exemplify how women adapted their household skills to the changing technology and economic needs of the time.In the book's introduction, Nurse acknowledges the limitations of her analysis, and she reminds the reader throughout that this is just the start of a conversation on women and agricultural fairs. She has little space to devote to deep racial analysis or the intersections of gender, class, and ethnicity in this book. These rural people were all individuals with unique and nuanced life experiences, some of which are unexplored in this study. Nurse encourages others to take up this mantle and further explore agricultural fairs as microcosms of Canadian society that can teach us about changing values and mores of rural communities.

“Ruritania” and “Megalomania” as "ideal models" in Ernest Gellner’s concept of nationalism and the prospects for its application to analysis of Iranian history

The purpose of this study is to analyze the implentation possibilities of classical theories of nationalism to analysis of the Iranian nationalism history. The author analyzes the ideal models of Ruritania and Magalomania as imagining nationalizing and modernizing societies proposed by Ernest Gellner. The novelty of the study lies in the analysis of the features and contradictions of the development of the historical forms of Iranian nationalism in contexts of the ideal models proposed in modernist historiography. It is assumed that the nationalist modernization of the Qajars and Pahlavi in Iranian historiography is perceived through the prism of a constructivist approach. The article analyzes 1) the problems of the inability of nationalism to become the dominant and determining political force that constructs the main features of the development of society and the state in Iran, 2) the features of the development and transformation of the traditions of political and ethnic nationalism, 3) the role of the ruling Qajar and Pahlavi dynasties in implentation of various strategies of nationalist modernization. The article also shows the potential of a comparative analysis of various historical forms of Iranian nationalisms in contexts of a constructivist approach. The results of the study suggest that 1) the causes and forms of the crisis of the nationalist project in Iran can be described and analyzed adequately with use of Ruritania and Megalomania concepts as ideal types of nationalism development, formulated by Ernest Gellner in contexts of social and cultural histories as confrontations between the political principles of the nation and religious principles and ideals of the Ummah; 2) Iranian modern system emerged as an attempt to institutionalize a compromise between a civilized modernized Megalomania and traditional Shia Ruritania, which led to a combination of political nationalism with an internationally declared recognition of the primacy of Shiism.

역사학자 박시형의 민족과 과학

Park Si-hyeong, who studied historiography at Keijō Imperial University, participated in the Chintan Society to develop scientific modern positivist historiography and at the same time published a number of enlightening articles about the culture and traditions of Korea in popular magazines. Si-hyeong’s historical studies during the colonial period can be evaluated as pursuing the science and the nation. Immediately after liberation, Park Si-hyeong was active as a Marxist historian in the atmosphere of left-right collaboration.BR After going to North Korea in August 1946, he led the establishment of North Korean historiography by serving as a teacher at Kim Il-sung University and as director of the Institute of History at the Academy of Sciences. History of Joseon Land Institutions, published in 1960 and 1961, was the result of scientific Marxist historiography that compiled his research since his graduation thesis at Keijō Imperial University, based on the theory of feudal state ownership.BR Park Si-hyeong turned to ancient history research in the 1960s. “For the Study of Balhae History”, published in 1962, is a monumental thesis that placed Balhae in Korean history, and is evaluated as laying the groundwork for future research on Balhae history in the academia of North and South Korea. In addition, Si-hyeong’s interpretation of the tombstone of King Gwanggaeto succeeded to Jeong In-bo’s interpretation. It can be seen that the focus of historiography has shifted from science to nation. Since the 1980s, as the Cold War order has been shaken, East Asian historical exchanges have been in full swing. Si-hyeong visited Japan and China and took on the role of advocating nationalist history common to two Koreas. Even in the South Korean media in the 1980s and 1990s, Park Si-hyeong was introduced as a nationalist historian.

IMAGES OF POLITICAL ISLAM IN THE DUNE NOVELS: IMAGINATION AND INVENTION OF JIHAD AS A POLITICAL PROTEST

Background. The author analyzes the texts of the Dune cycle in contexts of contemporary historiography, which proposed universal methods that allow analyzing “oriental” images in literature through the prism of constructing and deconstructing the narratives that form the image of Islam.&#x0D; Purpose. The purpose of the article is an “orientalist” reinterpretation of Islamic images in the novels belonging to the Dune cycle, including the texts of the original cycle and prequels presented by Dune, Dune Messiah, Dune. Butlerian Jihad and Dune. Paul.&#x0D; Materials and methods. The author uses the methodological tools offered in intellectual history and studies of nationalism, including the concept of the invention of traditions, which allows us to analyze the images of Islam in science fiction as one of the invented traditions of American mass literature using the texts of the Dune cycle as sources corpus. Orientalism as a method is used to analyze Muslim motifs in the prose of F. Herbert, B. Herbert and K. Anderson, which, as the author believes, were inspired by political, ideological and religious stimuli. The author believes that the orientalist approach is an effective interpretative model for an interdisciplinary analysis of American science fiction as a space for the development of Islamic images.&#x0D; Results. It is shown that the novels through the prism of images of Islam actualize and promote a unique ideological discourse and political message. The features and forms of political protest under religious Muslim slogans are analyzed. It is studied how the mobilization potential of political Islam is perceived as a form of legitimization of social and economic protest. An expanded understanding of jihad as both a religious war and a social class conflict is analyzed. It is shown that 1) the actualization of Muslim images in American science fiction was the result of the political activation of the East, 2) the authors of the texts actualized the anti-authoritarian and emancipatory potential of Islam.