Historiographical Myth Research Articles

Quanto era schiavista l'antica Roma? Note storiografiche

This article discusses historiographical myths on the role and the size of slavery in the Roman empire (200 BC-AD 200). The text focuses on the misleading comparison between classical slavery in Rome and Atlantic slave trade in modern ages (18th and 19th centuries). Ancient and modern slavery share some common features; however, modern historiography has often over-interpreted this apparent similarity, ignoring many social, economic and juridical differences between these two models. Such a misunderstanding affects two particular topics, above all: the attempts to calculate the rank of salve population in Roman empire and the model-explanation of classical villa, which is often conceived as a colonial plantation.

Representations of Power Shifts Between Great Britain and India in The Jewel in the Crown (ITV, 1984)

Focusing on the last years of the British presence in India, this 14-episode TV serial is itself the embodiment of a first form of transfer since it is the adaptation of Paul Scott’s Raj Quartet, i.e. four English novels published between 1966 and 1975 telling the stories of British and Indian characters living through the last days of the Raj. Yet this paper chooses to study how this shift of power between Great Britain and emerging India is staged in a serial which is now regarded as one of the best examples of the 1980s “heritage films”, in which the necessary departure of the British from India is constantly backgrounded by a nostalgic view of the British colonial enterprise. However, since The Jewel in the Crown is also described as one of the most critical representations of the presence of Great Britain in India in the 1940s, I will also focus on the ways the serial refers to Great Britain as a privileged vantage point but also as a locus of ambivalent attitudes, particularly so as it is seen by characters living in India but appearing on television screens at a moment when British television was trying to represent the British colonial past through various kinds of programs (documentaries, fiction, serials). Several key examples are discussed along those lines: the role of the opening and end credits, the use of excerpts from British newsreels in a work of fiction, the predominance of the British gaze and the way it is visually staged in the shots, some disturbing visual intrusions and conflagrations of unexpected shots. It thus leads me to show that if the year 1947 was generally constructed as a moment of reasonable “transfer of power” from Great Britain to India, such a TV serial unsettles some of the assumptions underlying the historiographical myth which depicted India’s independence as “a gentleman’s agreement”.

Putting Kurbskii in His Rightful Place

Konstantin Erusalimskii, Sbornik Kurbskogo (Kurbskii's Miscellany), 2 vols. Moscow: Znak, 2009. 1: Issledovanie knizhnoi kul'tury (A Study of Book Culture). 888 pp. ISBN-13 978-5955103051. 2: Issledovanie knizhnoi kul'tury (Intended title Publikatsiia tekstov [Publication of the Texts]). 536 pp. ISBN-13 978-5955102894. Historical knowledge is a paradoxical thing. (1) For more than 200 years, the work of the fugitive prince Andrei Kurbskii and his polemical exchange with Ivan the Terrible have been a major source for the history of Russia's first tsar. The importance of these works is a function not just of the completeness and veracity of the information they contain--indeed, there are major issues here--but of the insights they offer scholars. Without too much distortion, one could say that even now scholars and ordinary readers look at the Russian 16th century through the lens given us by Andrei Kurbskii, political emigre. Likewise, there are adherents of the diametrically opposite view, who take their perspective from Ivan the Terrible. Soviet historians' intense reaction to the work of the American Slavicist Edward Keenan--in which he rejects the authenticity of Ivan the Terrible's correspondence with Kurbskii as well as Kurbskii's other texts--may well have been elicited by precisely these circumstances. (2) Keenan's hypothesis destroyed basic perceptions of the Russian 16th century, eroded its foundations, and, instead of an orderly sketch of Ivan's reign, left behind only ruins. It was entirely unacceptable, because it eliminated the whole of the Russian historical tradition, beginning with Nikolai Mikhailovich Karamzin. Why do we bring together Karamzin and the Soviet historiographical tradition? Kurbskii laid out, in his works, the concept of two Ivans: the good ruler assisted by the virtuous advisers Aleksei Adashev and the priest Sil'vestr, the Council; and the terrifying tyrant who appeared after their exile from the court under the influence of evil counselors--the Basmanovs, heading the Historians' views varied considerably. Some considered the Chosen Council a government; others regarded its members as traitors to the state. Some unmasked the oprichniki, whereas others, following Stalin, wrote about the progressive army of oprichniki. But without question, a single thread connected Nikolai Karamzin to the Soviet historians Aleksandr Zimin and Ruslan Skrynnikov: the history of Ivan the Terrible was a history of the two Ivans. We might argue that Kurbskii defeated Ivan in their famous debate, because for 200 years historians have viewed the second half of the 16th century through Kurbskii's glasses. In this context, we must revisit Keenan's deconstruction of the myths about the Correspondence of Ivan the Terrible and Kurbskii. Soviet historians harshly criticized his work, because it questioned the authenticity of the main source available for studying the government of Ivan the Terrible and, in doing so, destroyed existing historical models. Had Keenan concentrated on critiquing the Correspondence as a historical source and proved the mythical nature of many of its constructions, founded solely on the testimony of Ivan the Terrible or Andrei Kurbskii, it would have been much more difficult to criticize his work. But he hypothesized the complete falsity of the Correspondence, which he attributed to 17th-century authors. This hypothesis had many weak spots that attracted the attention of Keenan's critics in reviews and debates. In the struggle with Keenan, Soviet historians missed the rational core of his argument: a critical reassessment of the historiographical myths generated by the Correspondence. In this sense, Russian historians have undervalued Keenan's work. As a result, despite criticisms of the Correspondence as a historical source, most historians and philologists still consult these texts--which are known to be far from flawless. …

La Sophonisbe de Lohenstein. Discours tragique et/ou panégyrique impérial ? Des structures dramatiques au telos

German Barock tragedy is not only a literary production – as the historiographical myth of the Kunstdrama implies – that has nothing to do with the other dramatic forms and the scenic institutions of the time. This appears most clearly in the Hapsburg’s cultural arena (Silesia included) in the last third of the 17th century, especially in places where theatre performances are linked with the major events that accompany the life of the state and dynasty. In Vienna the ludi caesarei of the Jesuits and the Italian opera seria of Venetian origin played at court were built on a fictional pattern that operated with known mythologems so that the tragic conflict transformed by the epidictic discourse dissolved into the festa teatrale.In Lohenstein’s Sophonisbe the historic tragedy and the different ways of expressing praise subsist together. It is thus necessary to ask if Lohenstein’s text can be considered as a coherent one. The paper examines the dramatic structures (here the prolog, the Reyen (choirs) and the prophetic episodes) as well as the handling of historic time which the mantic vision confers a transcendent bearing.

La mort jalouse. Notes sur les mythes érotiques dans les vies de Raphaël

Jealous Death. Notes on the Mythologizing of Raphael’s Erotic Life. Raphael’s genius knew no bounds but those of love. While working on the loggia of the Villa Farnesina, the painter was so distracted by thoughts of his mistress that his patron, Agostino Chigi, had to call her to his side. According to Vasari, the artist’s premature death was caused by amorous excess. These anecdotes, which have helped fashion the vision we have of the painter, are truly stereotypical motifs in the sense of E. Kris and O. Kurz. Incorporating traits from Pliny’s story of Appelles, these motifs have taken on the force of historiographical myths. In the 19th century the erotic content of these myths proved to have a great appeal for many writers and artists. A few art historians, on the other hand, such as J.-D. Passavant, tried, on the contrary, to impose a sublimated vision of the Raphaelian Eros.

Yenisei Kyrgyz “forts” in the 17th century: Historiographical myth or historical reality?

According to the view that is widely held by historians, each ulus (principality) of the Yenisei Kyrgyz had its own fort, the main function of which was to provide shelter during warfare (Abdykalykov, 1968: 8). For instance, S.V. Bakhrushin (1955: 183) stated that the Kyrgyz, “who were nomads and had no permanent place of residence, constructed fortifi ed shelters where they hid their wives, children, and livestock during raids against enemies. One of these was a fort near the mouth of the Abakan [hereafter the italics are mine – V.D.], where, in case of military threat, ‘the Kyrgyz and other tribes sent their wives, children, horses, cattle, and other animals.’ They even had a ‘stone fort’ on the Iyus.” According to A. Abdykalykov, “Russian officials often mentioned Kyrgyz ‘forts.’ In one of their reports, they wrote, ‘We have captured three of their forts’” (Abdykalykov, 1968: 8). In the book by L.R. Kyzlasov and K.G. Kopkoev, the list of Kyrgyz “forts” is extended: “In the Khakassian land, at that time, princes had special stationary residences – stone forts or even wooden stockaded towns, where people took shelter when military danger was imminent. In historical sources, not only the ‘White Stone Town’ – the 17th-century capital of the Great Kyrgyz located upon the confl uence of the Bely Iyus and Cherny Iyus rivers is mentioned, but also a ‘stone fort’ on the Bely Iyus, a ‘stone fort below the Syda-river,’ a fort on the Yenik River in the Kizyl land, and a ‘small Kyrgyz fortalice’ near the Krasnoyarsk fortress. During the raid of 1616, Tomsk Cossacks took three fortifi ed towns by storm (‘they cut down three towns of the Kyrgyz, the Kyzyl, and the Bugasar people’). There was also a fort on Tagyr Island on the Yenisei, near the DOI: 10.1134/S156301100704007X V.N. Dobzhansky Kemerovo State University, Krasnaya 6, Kemerovo, 650043, Russia E-mail: kafoi@history.kemsu.ru

Regularidade e ordem das povoações mineiras no século XVIII

This paper explains the colonial settlements of Minas Gerais, in the 18th century, the crucial period of their development, by using the notions of "Regularity" and "Order". These notions, as opposed to the majority of the concepts found on studies about Portuguese-American colonial cities, allow us to criticize some old historiographical myths, such as the spontaneity, irregularity and disorder of these settlements.

The Icknield Way: Some Queries

This paper addresses various problems with the concept of the Icknield Way as a long-distance prehistoric routeway. It argues that the assumptions usually made about the Way's date, origins and whereabouts are in essence erroneous, since they are based upon a complex, if unintended, historiographical myth coupled with a failure to keep up with changing ideas about prehistoric societies. In order to accomplish this, a detailed examination of the origins and development of writing concerning the Icknield Way is followed by an investigation of the evidence for the route, including documentary, archaeological and theoretical approaches.

De Guldensporenslag van fait-divers tot ankerpunt van de Vlaamse identiteit (1302-1838): de natievormende functionaliteit van historiografische mythen

The Battle of the Spurs — from fait divers to linchpin of Flemish identity (1302-1838): the nation forming function of historiographic mythsOn 11 July 1302, the Battle of the Spurs was fought on the Groeningekouter near Courtrai. This was only one of many military confrontations in the war between the Count of Flanders and his liege lord, the King of France. The victory of the Flemish army was totally unexpected, though very soon all Flemish people were proud of it. The Battle of the Spurs was not a battle between two 'nations', nor were the 'Flemish' fighting for their country, their fatherland. In fact, the confrontation at Courtrai was between two groups that were socially, culturally, economically and nationally heterogeneous. Nevertheless, in 1973 the 'Cultuurraad van de Nederlandse Cultuurgemeenschap' chose 11 July as the feastday of the Flemish Community, thereby officially promoting the Battle of the Spurs as a symbol of Flemish identity. This article traces how mediaeval, humanist and romantic historians have endowed the battle with a specific Flemish national quality and have moulded it into part of the Flemish collective memory. It shows why and how historiographers have been able to elevate fiction to the status of historical fact and illustrates the function of historiographical myths in the nation forming process. It also tries to explain why the 'cult' of the Battle of the Spurs started very soon after the event had taken place and is still being celebrated today.

La ristampa di un gran libro sull'economia tardoantica : L. Ruggini, Economia et società nell' "Italia annonaria"

After thirty years, the reissue of Economia e società nell' "ltalia annonaria" (ESIA) shows even more clearly the innovative character of Lellia [Gracco] Ruggini's masterly book, only partly recognised by reviewers at the time. By making plain that IVth- Vlth century Northern Italy did not experience agricultural or commercial collapse, L. C. R. broke with the « dark ages » historiographical myth; by redefining the transition from Antiquity to Middle Ages as a "pseudomorphosis" she required a revision of traditional periodisation. A pioneering book also in its interest in late antique landscape, ESIA provided a poweiful stimulus for the land surveys which have since developed. It still represents a model of balance between socio-economic description and cultural, ideological and religious history; between analysis and synthesis, erudition and interpretation.

Did urbanization secularize Britain?

There are few issues in British history about which so much unsubstantiated assertion has been written as the adverse impact of industrial urbanization upon popular religiosity. Urban history undergraduates are plied each year with the well-worn secularizing interpretation of urban growth which emanated with the Victorians (mostly churchmen) and which has since been reassembled by modern investigators in forms suitable for digestion in ecclesiastical history, social history (Marxist and non-Marxist), historical sociology, and historical geography. This ‘pessimist’ school of thought has reigned virtually unchallenged since the nineteenth century, giving rise in its endless repetition to simplistic historiographical myths. Arguably, systematic inquiry has suffered because modern urban society has been regarded as inimical to religion.An important start to disentangling the web of confusion has already been made by Jeff Cox in his admirable but underrated The English Churches in a Secular Society, a study of Lambeth between 1870 and 1930. 'In the first and final chapters of that book, Cox commenced the assault on the ‘pessimist’ school, pointing out in necessarily blunt language the illogicality and empirical weakness in the arguments of many historians and sociologists of religion. That book should have a reserved space on every reading list dealing with this issue. The present article attempts to expand on what might be called the ‘optimist’ school of thought concerning the impact of urbanization upon religion: that the churches survived urbanization in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. While Cox adduced from his research on the 1870–930 period that the great decline of the churches had not occurred before then, the following pages shift the focus to a reassessment of of the evidence on the preceding 100 years.

Working for the Junker: The Standard of Living of Manorial Laborers in Brandenburg, 1584-1810

historical literature holds that, between age of Fugger and that of Robert Owen, cupboard of European common people grew ever barer. The standard of living in Europe, Braudel and Spooner lamented, progressively declined. To Wilhelm Abel, the growing impoverishment of those who lived by their labor was truly moving drama, culminating in pauperism attending early industrial revolution. In a survey of literature on preindustrial incomes, Abel's colleague, Diedrich Saalfeld, has recently upheld these views, concluding that especially in period of transition to industrial era-from end of 18th century until beyond middle of 19th-the living standards for overwhelming majority of population in every European country were grim.1 We will return in this essay to question of impoverishment and material misery under Old Regime. But first let us consider historiographical myth, as William H. McNeill would call it, of which

The Baltic parallel: Reality or historiographical myth? The influence of the Tsarist Government's experience in the Baltic Provinces on its Finnish policy

The Baltic parallel: Reality or historiographical myth? The influence of the Tsarist Government's experience in the Baltic Provinces on its Finnish policy

The death of political theory: The importance of historiographical myth

(1974). The death of political theory: The importance of historiographical myth. Politics: Vol. 9, No. 2, pp. 146-149.