Funeral Feasts Research Articles

Roman bronze amphoras from the Sarmatian burials of Eastern Europe

In the Sarmatian burials six intact or fragmented bronze amphoras and one separate handle of Tassinari types A3212 and A3220 were found. The peculiarities of shape, details and sizes discussed. The clear majority of large vessels (mainly from 40 to 44 cm high) in Thrace and Asian Sarmatia contrasts with the finds from Pompeii or Western and Central Europe. A significant number of amphoras from Sarmatia originate from the so-called ‘princely’ burials in the Lower Don region of the second half of the 1st – early 2nd century AD. There is a correlation of the finds with the remains of the funeral feasts associated with central female burials in the mounds. The penetration of amphoras to the nomads gives reason to assume that such vessels were in some demand among them and it was not by chance that large amphoras were brought to Thrace and Sarmatia. If this is so (and I cannot find another explanation), then such large vessels could have been specially made with a view to the Thracian and Sarmatian aristocracy. Of course, this was not the only way of penetration of large bronze amphoras to the Sarmatians. There are grounds to suggest that the large bronze amphoras could be acquired by the Sarmatians also during the Bosporan–Roman war in 45–49 AD.

Жайлау как центр поминальной обрядности древних тюрков и казахов XVIII–XIX веков

The article comprehensively examines and supports the notion that the Qazaq tradition of conducting funeral ceremonies (ас беру) and the installation of stone statues in the early period were a singular ritual action. It is evident that the places of installation of stone statues from the Turkic period coincide with the places of holding funeral ceremonies among the Qazaqs. These locations within the steppe can be identified as distinct toponyms. As usual, these valleys are still associated with funeral ceremonies and are named in honor of this or that deceased as “hearth of such and such” (for example, "Ormanbet's hearth"/Орманбет ошағы) The “hearth”/ошақ was the place where the “field kitchens” were located during the funeral feast. Domestic animals were slaughtered, cauldrons were placed, and meat was constantly cooked for the guests. In some places in the steppe, remnants of the hearth have been preserved in the form of a hole or a place lined with stone. The article additionally presents the outcomes of field studies conducted in the relevant locales; outlines the customs and ancient rituals associated with the funeral feast; scrutinizes the elements of stone sculptures depicting dishes and utensils, demonstrating their connection to the ancient custom of funeral feasts; and delves into their semantic significance.

Language and culture of the Greeks of North Ossetia – Alania (based on materials from the ethnolinguistic expedition to the Greeks of Vladikavkaz)

This paper presents an overview of the results of the ethnolinguistic expedition (held in winter 2024) to the Greeks of Vladikavkaz, North Ossetia-Alania. The history of the Greek community in North Ossetia begins in the 19th century, when Greek builders from Trebizond moved to the Caucasus. Subsequently, Greeks also resettled from other regions, such as Krasnodar Krai, Kazakhstan, Georgia. The majority of the Greek population of Vladikavkaz speaks the Pontic dialect of Greek language. The main goal of the expedition was to study the Pontic vocabulary related to funeral and memorial rituals. Of particular interest are the memorial rituals of the Greeks of Vladikavkaz, which are distinguished by a regulated procedure. For example, there is a special order for pronouncing three toasts at the wakes. The informants emphasize the brevity of Greek funeral feasts, a certain set of dishes and the way of decorating the traditional ritual dish kokia (the decoration varies depending on the day of the wake). There is also a custom of visiting the family of the deceased to express condolences until 40 days after death. In Pontic dialect the tradition is simply called το χατίρ, which means ‘respect’.

Расписная и чернолаковая керамика из кургана 2 курганной группы «Цементная слободка I»

during the study of the necropolis «Tsementnaya Slobodka I» on Ak-Burun Cape in the burial mound 2 the remnants of the funeral feast were found. It was seventeen attic red-figured and black-glazed vessels dated back to the 4th century BC. Fish-plate of Pierides painter and lekythos Talcott class, which were very rare for the Northern Black Sea Region, as well as red-figure pelike and ascos, were among them. In general, the complex has analogies in funeral feasts from the Hospital barrow, South-East Necropolis of Phanagoria and Necropolis of Nymphaeum.

"РИТУАЛЬНЫЕ" КУРГАНЫ НЕКРОПОЛЯ КАРБАН I (СЕВЕРНЫЙ АЛТАЙ)

The article presents the publication and cultural-chronological interpretation of a series of «ritual» mounds studied at the burial and memorial complex of Karban-I (Northern Altai). The possibilities of establishing the dating of objects based on the analysis of the features of their planigraphy, as well as the study of identifed structures, traces of funeral feasts and rare fnds. It has been established that most of the mounds date back to the Early Scythian period.

Погребения с изделиями из шелка эпохи Золотой Орды: проблемы интерпретации

Introduction. The Golden Horde epoch in the East European steppe was marked, among other things, by the emergence of urban culture in the region. The urban centers and, first of all, the Golden Horde capital in the Lower Volga were the seats of the ruling elite, but also the centers of trade and crafts people coming from all over the places. Around the towns, there were cemeteries with hundreds of burials that were opened and examined by specialists. In the steppe, near the bank of the river, the Golden Horde epoch is represented by a limited number of burials scattered among a variety of kurgan groups. The article aims to examine Golden Horde burials which comprise silk items; these Volga-Manych sites have previously been part of the studies of steppe elite burials. Materials and methods. The grave goods of most sites in question comprised weaponry, ceramics, and animal bones, the traces of funeral feasts, while luxury items were few. Of much interest in this respect are a Volga-Manych series of Golden Horde burials that comprised silk items. According to numerous data of the written sources, silk was equaled to gold in the medieval time. The fact that the Volga-Manych nomads had clothes made of silk was not only the evidence of their high social status and wealth but also a mark that they were the subjects of the Mongolian Empire. Results. In the burials under study, the silk finds were exclusively the clothing and headdress items of the buried. The fabric originated from the eastern (China, Egypt) and western (Byzantium) production centers. Remains of silk products were found both in the burials of men and women. These were both latitudinal-oriented graves, in which the buried were laid with their heads to the west, and meridionally-oriented graves, with the person’s head to the north. According to the present authors, the latter type may be interpreted as a feature characteristic of ethnic Mongolians’ funeral practice, while the former type graves were those of the Polovtsy and other Turkic-speaking groups.

„Nie należy do mężczyzny, by wtrącał się do jadła”. Rzecz o ucztowaniu i tabu pokarmowym w średniowiecznej Islandii

In this paper, I discuss various kinds of feasts in Old Norse-Icelandic literature, such as wedding, funeral, or sacrificial feasts. I discuss feasting, an important part of the culture of medieval Iceland, much more in terms of its functions (political, social, religious) than in terms of its culinary aspect. In addition, I consider how religious traditions impacted Old Icelandic food culture and how food taboo related to horse-meat consumption (declared just after the conversion of Iceland to Christianity in 1000 CE) affected social interaction.

REPEATED RESEARCH OF THE SCYTHIAN ROYAL ALEKSANDROPOLSKY KURGAN IN 2004—2009

After excavation of the Aleksandropolsky kurgan in 1852—1856 there was variety of questions on the kurgan design, lo-age structure buried in it, on possible presence in the kurgan of unknown tombs and funeral feasts. The special attention was deserved by a question on kurgan dating at modern level. According to excavation 1852—1856 and 2004—2009 the Aleksandropolsky kurgan looks as follows.
 Proceeding from volume of the remained sailings from excavation of the kurgan about 130000 m3, most probable height of Aleksandropolsky kurgan made 23—24 m, at diameter of the revetment about 80 m and diameter of a ditch of 110 m. The kurgan surface has been covered by a stone armour. At top of Aleksandropolsky kurgan there was Scythian or Polovcian a stone statue with which finds of a series of medieval products in 1852 and 2009 are connected. The kurgan surrounded an eartwork in height of 0.9—1.1 m, wich has passes from the western and east parties in width of 3.6—4.1 m. The eartwork had width from 6,5 m to 18—20 m. The eartwork has been built after carrying out of funeral feasts and blocked the layer of funeral feasts. Between eartwork and kurgan there was a ring ditch in diameter of 110 m, in the width 4.0—5.7 m and depth of 2.2—3.3 m. Stone revetment of Aleksandropolsky kurgan represented a vertical wall in height more than 4 m and diameter about 80 m, combined of huge stone plates. For building of the revetment 11 breeds of a stone have been used from the various deposits located 40—80 km from the kurgan on a straight line or from 80 to 160 km of real distances on roads. After end of funeral of royal persons, building of the embankment of Aleksandropolsky kurgan, building of the revetment around of it and the stone armour which has covered all surface of the kurgan, funeral feast near West side of the kurgan has been spent. On the area nearby 120 Ч 15 m (nearby 1800 м2) are found fragments of 457 Ancient Greek amphoras with 52 stamps, made in Gerakleja, Ikos, Chersonese, Fasos, Chios, Sinop, Menda and seven others for the present non-local Greek centers dated of 340—330 BC. Also bones of 99 animals eaten during funeral feast (bulls, horses, sheep, goats, dogs, pigs, a hare and a deer), fragments of Scythian modelled vessels, subjects of arms, a horse bridle, personal ornaments etc. are found. Some fragments of human bones that can testify to existence ritual cannibalism at Scythians. Among the funeral feast rests 11 burials of men, the woman and children of different age, which have been killed during funeral feast have been opened. Repeated excavation of Central tomb of the kurgan has allowed to specify its sizes and details of a design which had a bit different sizes and a configuration. Absence of lateral extortionate courses along longitudinal walls of the catacomb of Central tomb is reliably established. Also two more niches within the precincts of chamber, except one, opened in 1855 have been found. Modest enough sizes of the catacomb of Central tomb of Aleksandropolsky kurgan, structure of the things found here, defines possibility of funeral in the catacomb of the Central tomb of the man and the woman only. According to the newest anthropological definitions of skulls from the Central tomb belong to the woman of 20—35 years and the man at the age of more than 50 years. Proofs of full synchronism of all tombs and other objects of Aleksandropolsky kurgan (embankment, the revetment, ditch, nearkurgan funeral feast, subways) are received. Mysterious subways of Aleksandropolsky kurgan had ritual appointment. The kurgan has been plundered through a vertical well from kurgan top in an entrance hole of the Central tomb. At this robbery robbers used also subways.

Birds in burials: the role of avifauna in Eneolithic Tripolye mortuary rituals

Bird remains are rare at Tripolye sites; therefore, researchers hypothesize that they were not an important economic resource for the Tripolye. The use of ornithographic iconography, vessels, and figurines suggests avifauna were important symbolically in Tripolye ideology. Here, we investigate the role of birds in a Tripolye burial context to assess their symbolic and/or economic significance in mortuary behaviours. We analysed bird remains from the Verteba Cave cemetery, located in western Ukraine and occupied by the Tripolye during phase BII through CII. Bird remains (n = 178) comprise approximately 2% of the faunal sample excavated among human burials from the cave. In contrast to species represented symbolically in Tripolye art, water and marsh birds are majorly underrepresented. The bird assemblage is dominated by grouse (Tetrao spp.), and common quail (Cortunix cortunix), but also includes birds of prey, corvids, and many songbirds. The large number of gamebirds leads us to conclude that the avifauna from Verteba Cave are likely the remains from funeral feasts or food grave offerings. It also supports the idea that birds were a seasonal and local economic resource. The presence of birds of prey, corvids, and male black grouse also suggests that feathers may have been a desired resource.

Situación de tumbas con ajuares de objetos cotidianos en algunas necrópolis celtibéricas de los SS. IV a II a. c.

In some Hispanic Celtic cemeteries there are grave good with elements of daily life. Pieces related with home and productive and / or economic activities. They are objects in the tombs associated with weapons and / or items of clothing together into packages that accompanied the deceased to the afterlife. Among those related to home we include trivets, grills or barbecues, whose presence in funerary objects is interpreted in relation with the celebration of funeral feasts. They are elements still sporadic appearance in the Celtiberian territory. They are also documented tools to agricultural, livestock and craft economic activities, in Celtiberian areas. Their presence is also poor, but offers a varied repertoire, including sickles, pruning knives, axes, scissors and awls or punches. In this paper, its presence and spatial distribution within some Celtiberian necropolis is analyzed to see if it is possible to determine whether these objects in the graves provide information on the life and spirituality of the deceased. To do this, and as a test, is part of the known data from a selection of Celtiberian cementerian published floorplans of graves: Las Madrigueras, Riba de Saelices, La Yunta, El Altillo de Cerropozo of Atienza, La Mercadera and Numancia.

ALCOHOL CONSUMPTION IN SWITZERLAND: FROM THE "POTATO PLAGUE" TO THE DILUTED VODKA

It has long been known that social alcoholism is an indicator of public moral and wellbeing of the state. Alcoholism is no longer the problem of one particular family but a global issue. How can it be otherwise if a drunkard lying on the ground in broad daylight has become a familiar sight, as well as a violent drinker? Not a single day passes without a number of alcohol related crimes. There is no consensus on when and where alcohol first appeared, but alcoholic drinks are known to have already been quite common during pagan festive and funeral feasts or public merrymakings. As a rule, the main raw material for alcoholic beverages (brags, mead, or beer) in those days was honey, so their influence was more invigorating than intoxicating. In ancient times, this phenomenon was, similarly, a source of much trouble, resulting in Pythagoras (about 540–500 BC) and Aristotle (384–322 BC) being the first methodologists of sober upbringing, and both were described by their contemporaries as displaying teetotalling views, which they passed on to their disciples and followers. Taking into consideration all mentioned above, the history of making and drinking alcohol goes back to ancient times. Living conditions has always had an impact on these processes. The article does not aim at a deep and thorough description of the phenomenon of drinking, production and consumption of liquor; it covers some aspects that remain matters of concern even in such a seemingly prosperous country as modern-day Switzerland. Considering various living conditions of those ancient days, modern historians do not see alcoholics of the past as depraved, weak-willed individuals any more. They believe that it is life conditions (no means of subsistence, poverty, ailing economy, crisis in the country) leading people into hopeless predicament that make people want to look for a way to forget about their troubles for a while. In such a situation one needs support in defining the causes that lead some social strata to unfavorable and malignant conditions. Some social groups are more likely to become vulnerable and even tend to turn anti-social if deprived of support. The long history of fight against alcoholism has often proved that alcoholism cannot be destroyed by frontal, permanent and absolute bans of alcoholic beverages. Therefore, it requires an unconditional fulfillment of alcohol products, existing norms and rules, including those that are prohibitive, by all entities of legal relations in the sphere of production and turnover, as well as a change in the structure of alcohol consumption and the cultivation of a drinking culture and other urgent measures in this. Modern society is getting more and more focused on the four principles that make up the basis of alcohol policy in Switzerland: prevention, treatment, harm reduction and repression. The fact that prevention and repression take the first and the last place correspondingly conforms to the alcohol policy in Switzerland: first they try to avoid the problem, then they treat those for whom preventive measures did not work, then they minimize the harm that habitual drinkers can cause, and repressive measures are considered the last resort, prevention being the main principle. Also, one of the ways of preventive struggle against alcoholism, along with public awareness activities and providing decent living conditions, is to raise alcohol taxes. History shows that liberal policy is based on self-responsibility of people and can be effective only where there is a perspective of a decent life, which presupposes a more or less stable economic situation that allows one to believe in social security.

“Concern and sympathy in a pyrex bowl”: Cookbooks and Funeral Foods

“Concern and sympathy in a pyrex bowl”: Cookbooks and Funeral Foods

Intermarriage and reciprocal household exchange practices in a mixed community in Roti, Indonesia

For several generations, intermarriage has been common between indigenous Rotinese Christians and migrant Muslims and their descendants in the Indonesian village of Oelua on Roti Island. Muslims have engaged with the customary institutions upheld by indigenous Rotinese Christians—namely, those associated with marriage proposals and bridewealth. They have also engaged in reciprocal inter‐household exchanges to raise the cash to pay for weddings and bridewealth, as well as for other life cycle events such as funeral feasts and gatherings in the post‐funeral mourning period. This article argues that intermarriage and inter‐household monetary exchanges are important, among other factors, in promoting low conflict relations between the two groups, primarily because of the regular opportunities generated to interact in both public and private spheres. Marriage preferences in Oelua are changing, however, with young Muslim men preferring to marry women who subscribe to the same religion and similar customs. Muslim attitudes are also changing with respect to their involvement in inter‐household reciprocal exchanges, with many wanting to engage in different ways, or not at all. The article discusses what these changing attitudes and practices may mean for maintaining congenial inter‐group relations between Christians and Muslims in the future.

Ceramics in the burial rites of the Neolithic-Early Bronze Age in the Ukrainian steppe

Numerous Neolithic/Bronze Age burials have provided important information about the appearance and development of the tradition of using pottery in burial rites among the Pontic steppe population. The first pottery has been dated to the first period of the Azov-Dnieper culture (5950– 5300 calBC). The small sherds found in graves were the remains of broken vessels used during funeral feasts on the surfaces of cemeteries. During the Early Eneolithic the sacrificial sites of the Azov-Dnieper culture became larger and included numerous broken pots, which were made especially for funeral feasts. Under the influence of the Balkans, the population of Sredniy Stog Eneolithic began to place vessels in graves, and continued to use pottery during funeral feasts near graves. The Middle and Late Eneolithic populations retained these traditions.

Grave 22 of the Belgrade necropolis in Karaburma: Retrospective and perspective

Keltska nekropola nađena na beogradskoj Karaburmi i dalje je jedno od znacajnijih nalazista za interpretaciju povijesnih, ekonomskih i kulturnih procesa koji su se zbivali na podrucju srednjega Balkana u vremenu od pocetka 4. do konca 1. stoljeca. Ispred svega, predstavlja najobimniji izvor za pojasnjenje kronologije najstarije keltske prisutnosti na tom prostoru, te pruža mogucnost ilustracije kulturnih i ekonomskih razmjera u mreži u koju su sami bili ukljuceni. Naime, prostor je spoja Save i Dunave bio prostorom gdje su se koncentrirale i razvijale tehnoloske inovacije i ujedno prostorom gdje su se filtrirali politicki, vojni i gospodarski kontakti. Na nekropoli, nedvojbeno pripadajucoj regionalnoj vojnoj eliti, istupa nekoliko grobova u kojima su, pored standardnih priloga iz okvira regionalne materijalne kulture, svoje mjesto nasli i predmeti podrijetlom iz sireg prostora, kako latenskog tako i južnog balkanskog svijeta. Među njima, narocito istupa grob broj 22 kod kojega je bilo moguce prepoznati i pojasniti ispreplitanje tradicija i inovacija, te kulturnih ispreplitanja i međusobnih prožimanja.

Funerals As Feasts: Why Are They So Important?

Extremely lavish funeral feasts are common and expensive in many village and chiefdom societies. Anthropologists and politicians often explain such apparently economically irrational expenditures in terms of culture values or traditions. However, viewed from the broader perspective of other types of promotional feasts in transegalitarian or more complex societies (including marriages and house feasts), overtly competitive funeral feasts are used to advertise the success of the surviving family and kin groups. This socioeconomic promotion is important for attracting powerful/successful/wealthy families as affines and allies. Such allies are critical for defending family and individual self-interests in village political and economic struggles that are endemic. Funerals are especially apt contexts for these displays and political manoeuvres.

Plant offerings from the classical necropolis of Limenas, Thasos, northern Greece

Funeral pyres identified at a fourth-century BC cemetery on Thasos have produced a range of plants. The authors show that strongly represented among them are pomegranate, garlic and grape, as well as bread – foodstuffs for funeral feasts and with significance for religious practice.

The incubation period of kuru.

Kuru is a transmissible spongiform encephalopathy that was identified in Papua New Guinea in the late 1950s. Several thousand cases of the disease occurred during a period of several decades. Epidemiologic investigations implicated ritual endocannibalistic funeral feasts as the likely route through which the infectious agent was spread. We estimated the incubation period distribution of kuru using a back-calculation model and explored the relation among sex, age at infection, and incubation period. Key assumptions in the model were that the number of new kuru infections in a year was proportional to the number of kuru cases dying that year, and that the epidemic arose from a single case of sporadic Creutzfeldt-Jakob Disease occurring around 1900. The mean incubation period of kuru was estimated at between 10.3 and 13.2 years. Point estimates of the 90th percentile ranged from 21.1 to 27.0 years. The incubation period in females was estimated to be shorter than that in males. The shortest incubation periods were estimated in adult women, who may have been exposed to the largest doses of infectious material. Our findings suggest that the relatively young age of cases of variant Creutzfeldt-Jakob disease probably reflects increased levels of exposure in young people, rather than age-dependency in the incubation period.

Transmission of epidemic Vibrio cholerae O1 in rural western Kenya associated with drinking water from Lake Victoria: an environmental reservoir for cholera?

Sub-Saharan Africa has the highest reported cholera incidence and mortality rates in the world. In 1997, a cholera epidemic occurred in western Kenya. Between June 1997 and March 1998, 14,275 cholera admissions to hospitals in Nyanza Province in western Kenya were reported. There were 547 deaths (case fatality rate = 4%). Of 31 Vibrio cholerae O1 isolates tested, all but one were sensitive to tetracycline. We performed a case-control study among 61 cholera patients and age-, sex-, and clinic-matched controls. Multivariate analysis showed that risk factors for cholera were drinking water from Lake Victoria or from a stream, sharing food with a person with watery diarrhea, and attending funeral feasts. Compared with other diarrheal pathogens, cholera was more common among persons living in a village bordering Lake Victoria. Cholera has become an important public health concern in western Kenya, and may become an endemic pathogen in the region.

Corpses and the spread of cholera

Cholera is readily treated through rehydration with oral or parenteral fluids. When properly treated, the disease has a mortality rate of less than 1%, but a rate of mortality of greater than 50% when untreated. Proper treatment for cholera, although simple and inexpensive, is not available in many parts of the developing world. In some Western African countries, such as Guinea-Bissau, not only is proper treatment unavailable, cultural rituals related to the death of cholera victims help to perpetuate the disease. For example, people who are dying of or who have died from cholera may be washed by family members who then prepare funeral feasts for family and friends held very soon after the death. Outbreaks of cholera commonly follow these feasts. Cholera vibrios are spread through fecal-oral contamination. A large inoculum, however, is needed to produce disease. Outbreaks of cholera occur following such funeral feasts because the handlers of the corpse fail to properly clean their hands before preparing the meal. Cholera vibrios are therefore transferred from the corpse through the handler to the food and/or water used in and with the meal, in which they can replicate enough to cause disease. Such outbreaks could be prevented were handlers to properly wash their hands before preparing food, and drinking water and other water used in preparing food were decontaminated. Other prevention measures could be to discourage the holding of funeral feasts for people who have died of cholera and to have health workers disinfect corpses before they are handled by families.